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LIBRARY  OF  THE  THEOLOGICAL  SEMINARY 


PRINCETON,  N.  J. 

Presented  by 


Esta-Ve  of  "Rev.  Ckeongc.  U-Sfriifh 


TEXT-BOOK  V?l^Sy*/K 


OF 


ECCLESIASTICAL    HISTORY. 


BY 


J.    C.    I.    GIESELER, 

DOCTOR   OF    PHILOSOPHY    AND    THEOLOGY,    AND    PROFESSOR 
OF    THEOLOGY    IN    GOTTINGEN. 


TRANSLATED    FROM    THE    THIRD    GERMAN    EDITION 

By   FRANCIS   CUNNINGHAM. 


IN    THREE    VOLUMES, 
VOLUME    III. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

CAREY,    LEA,    AND    BLANCHARD. 

1836. 


Entered  according  to  act  of  Congress  in  the  year  one  thousand  eight  hundred  and  thirty-six, 

By  Carey,  Lea,  and  Blanchard, 

in  the  Clerk's  office  of  the  District  Court  of  the  Eastern  District  of  Pennsylvania 


CAMBRIDGE    PRESS: 
METCAI,  F,    TORRY,    AND    BALLOU. 


CONTENTS. 


FOURTH     DIVISION. 

FROM    THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    PAPAL    RESIDENCE  TO  AVIGNON,  TO   THE 
COUNCIL  OF  PISA.    A.  D.  1305  — 1409. 


CHAPTER    FIRST. 
HISTORY     OF     PAPACY. 

I.  Political  History  of  the  Popes  during  their  Resi- 

dence in  Avignon,  to  the  Schism.    1305 — 1378. 

Page. 

^  95.  Clement  V.  (1305  to  1314)  ...  2 

§  96.  John  XXII.  (1316  to  1334)    .  .  .  .10 

§  97.  Benedict  XII.,  Clement  VI.,  (1334  to  1352)  .  27 

§  98.  Innocent  VI.,  Urban  V.,  Gregory  XI.  (1352  to  1378)         39 

II.  Ecclesiastical  History  of  the  Popes  during  their 

Residence  at  Avignon. 

§     99.     Completion  of  the  code  of  papal  law  .  .  44 

^  100.     Ecclesiastical  usurpations  of  the  Popes  during  their  resi- 
dence in  Avignon      .  .  .  .  .45 

III.    History  of  the  Papal  Schism. 

§  101.     Origin  and  progress  of  the  schism        .  .  .58 

<^  102.     Of  the  oppressions  in  the  church     ...  61 

"^  103.     Attempts  to  reconcile  the  schism  .  .  .66 

§  104.     Effects  of  the  schism  on  the  state  of  public  sentiment 

in  ecclesiastical  matters         .  .  .  .71 


iv  CONTENTS. 

CHAPTER    SECOND. 

HISTORY   OF   THE    NATIONAL   CHURCHES. 

§  105.     Their  relation  to  the  state        .  .  .  .75 

§  106.     Internal  relations  of  the  national  churches  .  80 

<5>  107.     Moral  condition  of  the  clergy  .  .  .  .81 

CHAPTER    THIRD. 
HISTORY   OF   MONACHISM. 

§  108.  Condition  of  the  older  orders  .             .             .  .85 

§  109.  Influence  of  the  Mendicant  orders              .             .  87 

§  110.  Internal  history  of  the  Franciscans      .             .  .91 

^  111.  New  orders             .....  97 

§  112.  Of  the  freer  spiritual  associations        .             .  .98 

CHAPTER    FOURTH. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCES. 

§  113.     Third  period  of  the  scholastic  theology  .  .104 

§  114.     Mystic  theology    .  .  .  .  .  109 

^  115.     History  of  the  other  theological  sciences         .  .       110 

CHAPTER    FIFTH. 

HISTORY    OF    RITES    AND    CEREMONIES. 

§  116.     Festivals  in  honor  of  the  Virgin  Mary  .  .115 

CHAPTER    SIXTH. 
HISTORY    OF    CHURCH    DISCIPLINE. 

<§  117.     Of  indulgences  and  punishments        .  .  .       119 

<§,  118.     Episcopal  inquisitorial  synods        .  .  .  126 

CHAPTER    SEVENTH. 

HISTORY     OF    THE    HERETICAL    PARTIES. 

<^  119.     History  of  the  older  parties    ....       127 


CONTENTS  V 

§  120.     Flagellants  .....  131 

I  121.     Dancers         .  .  .  .  .  .134 

CHAPTER    EIGHTH. 

ATTEMPTS   AT   REFORM. 
§  122.     In  Bohemia  .....       135 

§  123.     John  Wicliffe       .....  141 

CHAPTER    NINTH. 

SPREAD    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 

§  124.     Christianity   .  .  .  .  .  .150 

§  125.     Persecution  and  conversion  of  the  Jews    .  .  151 

APPENDIX    I. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    GREEK    CHURCH. 

§  126.     Attempted  union  with  the  Latin  church  .       152 

"^  127.     Controversy  with  Barlaam  .  .  .  155 

APPENDIX    II. 

HISTORY    OF    THE   OTHER   ORIENTAL    CHURCHES. 

§  128.    Oriental  churches      .....       157 


FIFTH     DIVISION. 

FROM  THE  COUNCIL  OF  PISA   TO   THE  REFORMATION.     A.  D.  1409— 1517. 

CHAPTER    FIRST. 

HISTORY    OF    PAPACY. 

§  129.    Council  of  Pisa,  Alexander  V.,  John  XXIII.  (1409  to 

1415) 161 

'^130.     Council  of  Constance,  Martin  V.  (1414  to  1431)  167 


vi  CONTENTS. 

§  131.     Council  of  Basil,  Eugene  IV.  (1431  to  1447)            .  184 
§  132,     Nicolas  V.,  Calixtus  III.,  Pius  II.,  Paul  II.  (1447  to 

1471) 206 

§  133.     Sixtus  IV.,  Innocent  VIIL,  Alexander  VI.  (1471  to 

1503) 229 

§  134.     Pius  III.,  Julius  II.,  Leo  X.  (1503  to  1521)           .  244 

§  135.     General  view  of  the  state  of  Papacy               .             .  256 

CHAPTER    SECOND. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  HIERARCHY  IN  THE  NATIONAL  CHURCHES. 

§  136.     Relation  to  the  state              ....  274 

§  137.     Internal  relations  of  the  dioceces               .             .  276 

§  138.     Moral  condition  of  the  clergy              .             .         ^ .  277 

CHAPTER    THIRD. 

HISTORY    OF   MONACHISM. 

§  139.     Attempts  to  reform  the  older  orders    .             .             .  286 

§  140.     Influence  of  the  Mendicants         .             .             .  294 

§  141.     Of  the  freer  spiritual  societies            .             .             .  300 

§  142.     New  orders           .....  306 

CHAPTER    FOURTH. 
INTERNAL    HISTORY   OF   THE   CHURCH. 

§  143.     History  of  scholastic  philosophy          .             .             .  307 

§   144.     History  of  worship             .              .             .              .  311 

^   145.     State  of  religion  amongst  the  people  at  large               .  318 

§  146.     Of  ecclesiastical  punishments  and  indulgences     .  322 

§  147.     Inquisition     ......  334 

CHAPTER    FIFTH. 

OPPONENTS   OF   THE   CHURCH   OF   ROME. 

§  148.     Older  fanatical  sects               ....  340 

§  149.     Attempts  at  reform            .             .             .             ,  341 


CONTENTS,  vii 

§  150.     History  of  the  Hussites  to  the  confirmation  of  the  com- 
pacts in  Iglau  (A.  D.  1436)  .  .  .  .355 
§  151.     History  of  the  Hussites  to  the  end  of  this  Period  367 
§  152.     Individual  attempts  at  reform               .             .             .      375 
§  1 53.     Effects  of  the  revival  of  letters      .             .             .             393 

CHAPTER  SIXTH. 

SPREAD  OF  CHRISTIANITY. 

§  154.     Christianity     .  .  .  .  .  .410 

APPENDIX. 

ATTEMPTS  TO  UNITE  THE  GREEK  CHURCH  WITH  THE  LATIN. 

§  155.    Greek  and  Latin  Churches      .  .  .  .411 

Index    ........      415 


FOURTH    DIVISION. 


FROM     THE    REMOVAL    OF    THE    PAPAL    RESIDENCE    TO    AVIG 
NON,    TILL    THE    COUNCIL     OF    PISA. 

A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 


CHIEF     SOURCES. 


Albertinus  Mussatus,  Poet  Laureat  and  Statesman  at  Padua  (*f  A.  D.  1330. 
Historia  Augusta  s.  de  gestis  Henrici  VII.  libb.  XVI.  De  gestis  Italicorum 
post  mortem  Henrici  VII.  libb.  VIII.  to  A.  D.  1317.  Ludovicus  Cavarus,  im- 
perfect, all  contained  in  Muratori  Rerum  Ital.  Scriptt.  T.  X.  and  in  GrEEvii  et 
Bunnanni  Thes.  Italia;,  T.  VI.  P.  II.). —  Giovanni  Villani,  Statesman  in 
Florence,  Historic  Florentine,  libb.  XII.  to  A.  D.  1.348,  in  Muratori,  T.  XIII. 
continued  in  XI.  libb.  by  his  brother  Matteo  Villani,  to  A.  D.  1363,  and  from 
lib.  XI.  c.  6] ,  by  his  son  i^/Z(>;70  Villani,  io  1364,  see  Muratori,  T.  XIV. — 
Joannes  de  Winterthur  or  Vitoduranus,  a  Franciscan  (Chronicon  from  Inno- 
cent III.  to  A.  D.  1348,  in  Eccardi  corp.  Scriptorum  med.  a;vi,  T.  I. ;  better  in 
the  Thesaurus  historice  Helvetica,  Tiguri.  1735.  fol.  p.  1  seq.).  —  Jif.  Albertus 
Argentinensis  (Chronicon  from  1273  -  1378,  in  Urstisii  German.  Historicorum, 
T.  II.  p.  95  seq.).  —  Jacob  Zwinger  v.  Konigshoven,  a  priest  of 
Strasburg  ("f  1420.  Elsassische  Chronik,  in  German,  to  1386  (1415)  with  re- 
marks by  Joh.  Schilter.  Strasburg.  1698.  4to.  Comp.  the  Diss.  Jac.  Twinge- 
rum  Regiovillanum  solemni  eruditorum  examini  subjicit  S.  F.  Hollander. 
Argent.  1789). —  Gobelinus  Persona,  Decan  in  Bielefeld  (Cosmodromium  to 
A.  D.  1418,  divided  into  six  aetates,  from  aet.  vi.  c.  69,  or  from  A.  D.  1347  par- 
ticularly valuable,  in  H.  Meibomii  Rerum  Germanicarum,  T.  I.  p.  53  seq.). 


CHAPTER      FIRST 

HISTORY     OF     PAPACY. 


Sources  :  The  old  lives  of  the  Popes  :  Vitas  Paparum  Aveniosium  ed.  St.  Balu- 
zius,  Tomi  II.  Paris.  1693.  4to.  The  lives  of  all  the  Popes  of  this  period  scat- 
tered in  Muratori  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  T.  III.  P.  I.  and  II.  Also:  Theodorici  de 
JViem  (literarum  Apostolicarum  Abbreviatoris)  vitae  Pontiff.  Rom.  (from  A.  D. 
1288  -  1418)  additis  Imperatorum  gestis  (in  Eccardi  Corpus  hist,  medii  sevi,  T. 
I.  p.  1461  seq.). 

VOL.    III.  1 


Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 


I.     POLITICAL    HISTORY    OF    THE    POPES    DURLNG     THEIR     RESIDENCE     IN 
AVIGNON,    TO    THE    SCHISM     A.    D.    1378. 

<§>  95. 
CLEMENT  V.  (June  5,  1305-  April  20,  1314). 

Clement  V.  remained  in  France,  and  taking  up  his  residence  in 
Avignon  (A.  D.  1309),  brought  the  political  power  of  the  popes  into 
an  ambiguous  position,  exceedingly  detrimental  to  its  true  dignity. 
For,  whilst  towards  other  powers  they  were  more  assuming  than  ever, 
insisting,  with  a  presumption  increased  by  their  security,  on  their 
right  of  universal  monarchy,  in  France  not  only  was  this  principle 
rejected,  but  in  all  their  acts  the  popes  were  so  dependent  on  the 
influence  of  the  court  that  they  dared  resist  it  only  by  stealth. 

Clement  1  was  forced  formally  to  retract  the  presumptuous  asser- 
tions of  his  predecessor,  Boniface  VIII.,  in  his  contest  with  France 
(A.  D.  1306),'-  and  even  to  institute  an  inquiry  into  the  conduct  of 

>  Giov.  f^illani  hist.  Fiorent.  VIII.  c.  80  (in  Muratori  XIII.  p.  418),  makes 
king  Philip  impo.-;e  on  Clement,  at  his  accession  to  the  papal  chair,  the  following 
conditions  :  Le  sei  spetiali  gratie,  ch'io  voglio  da  te,  sono  queste.  La  prima,  che 
tu  mi  riconcilii  perfettanienta  colla  Chiesa,  e  facciami  (jerdonare  il  misfatto,  ch'io 
commissi  per  la  presura  di  Papa  Jjonifatio.  La  seconJa  di  ricommunicare  me,  e 
miei  seguaci.  La  tcrza,  che  mi  concedi  tvitte  le  dccima  per  5  anni  del  mio  Keame, 
per  ajuto  alle  spese  fatte  alia  guerra  di  Fiandra.  La  quarta,  che  tu  mi  prometti  di 
disfare  e  anullare  la  memoria  di  Papa  Bonifatio.  La  qiiinta,  che  tu  renda  I'honore 
del  Cardinalato  a  Messier  Jacopo,  e.  Messer  Piero  della  Colonna  (see  §  59,  note 
15)  e  rimetteralli  in  stato,  e  facci  con  lore  insieme  certi  miei  amici  Cardinali.  La 
scsta  gratia  e  proinessa  mi  riserbo  a  luogo  e  a  tempo,  ch'e  secreta  e  gi-ande.  He 
states  that  Clement  promised  all  this,  per  sacramento  in  sul  Corpus  Domini. 

'  Clementin.  lib.  111.  Tit.  17:  Quoniam  ex  constitutione  Bonifacii  P.  VIII. 
pra;decessoris  nostri,  qua;  incipit  Clericis  laicos,  et  ex  declaratione,  seu  declaratio- 
nibus  (see  Div.  III.  §  59,  notes  6  and  9)  ex  ilia  postmodum  subsequutis  nonnulla 
.scandala,  magna  pericula,  et  incommoda  gravia  sunt  sequuta,  et  ampliora  sequi, 
nisi  celei-i  remedio  succurratur,  praesumitur  verisimiliter  in  futurum  ;  nos  de  con- 
silio  fratrum  nostrorum  constitutionein,  et  declaralionein,  seu  declarationes  prcedic- 
tas,  et  quidquid  ex  eis  sequutum  est  vel  ob  eas,  penitus  revocamus,  et  eas  haberi 
volumus  pro  infectis,  volentes  et  firmiter  sfatuentes,  illud  contra  quoscumque  lai- 
cos, exigontes  seu  extorquentcs  ab  ecclesiis  ecclesiasticisque  personis  tallias  seu 
coUectas,  —  inviolabiliter  observari,  quod  super  his  a  praedccessoribus  nostris  in 
Lateranensi,  et  genci-ali  conciliis  (see  §  63,  notes  11  and  12)  — salubriter  est  pro- 
visum.  Extravagant.  Commun.  lib.  V.  Tit.  7,  c.  2  :  Meruit  carissimi  filii  nostri 
Philippi,  regis  Fj-ancorum  illustris,  sincerae  adfectionis  ad  nos  et  ecclesiam  Roma- 
nam  iutegritas,  et  progenitorum  suorum  pra;clara  merita  meruerunt,  meruit  insuper 
regnicolarum  puritas  ac  devotionis  sinceritas,  ut  tarn  regem  quam  regnum  favore 
benevolo  prosequamur.  Hinc  est,  quod  nos  regi  ct  regno  per  detinitionem  et 
declarationem  bonse  menioriEe  Bonifacii  P.  VIII.  praedecessoris  nostri,  qua?  incipit 
Unain  sanctam  (see  §  59,  note  26),  nullum  volumus  vel  intendimus  prajudicium 
generari.  Ncc  quod  per  illam  rex,  regnum,  et  i-egnicolaj  pr;t]ibati  amplius  eccle- 
sia5  sint  subjccti  Romans',  quam  antea  existebant ;  sed  omnia  intelligantur  in 
eodem  esse  statu,  quo  erant  ante  d6finitionem  prajfatain,  tam  quantum  ad  ecclesiam, 
quam  etiam  ad  jcgem,  regnum  et  regnicolas  superius  nominates.  According  to 
the  contemporary  Bernardus  Gtildo  (Quarta  vita  Clementis  V.  in  Baluzii  Vitse  PP. 
Aven.  I.  p.  64)  both  Bulls  are  dated  February  11,  1306.  The  Bull  Unam  sanctam 
was  not,  however,  made  void  ;  on  (he  contrary,  it  was  just  at  this  time  that  Johan- 
nes Monachus  wrote  his  Gloss  upon  if,  in  which  he  defends  all  its  assertions,  and 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.  /.  Political  History.  §  95.      3 

that  pontiff,  that  must  deeply  have  wounded  tl>e  papal  pride, ^  After 
this,  Piiiiip  the  Fair  began  the  persecution  of  the  Temphirs,  with  an 
utter  disregard  of  all  ecclesiastical  laws  (October  13,  1307)  ;  whilst 
Clement  not  only  forgave  the  trespass,  but  joined  in  the  persecution.^ 

comments  upon  them.  See  also  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  eccl.  1,  c.  60, 
below,  §  96,  note  15. 

3  Comp.  §  59,  note  37.  Accordino;  to  Villani  VIII.  c.  91,  Philip  was  very 
urgent  with  the  Pope  at  their  meeting  in  Poitiers,  1307,  to  fulfil  his  promise, 
ch'elli  condannasse  la  memoria  di  Papa  Bonifatio,  e  fvicesse  ardere  le  sue  ossa  e 
corpo ;  the  Pope  could  only  extricate  himself  from  the  difficulty  by  promising  to 
call  a  general  coinicil  in  Vienna  for  the  purpose.  In  1309  he  was  forced,  however, 
to  institute  a  formal  investigation  on  the  subject,  at  which  Nogaret  and  Du  Plessis 
appeared  as  accusers  (Raynald,  1309,  no.  4). 

^  Comp.  P.  Du  Puy  hist,  de  la  condemnation  des  Templiers.  Paris.  1650.  4to., 
with  many  additions.  Bruxelles.  1751.  4lo.  Raynouard  monumcns  histor-  relatifs 
k  la  condamnation  des  chevaliers  du  temple  et  a  I'abolilion  de  leur  ordre.  Paris. 
1813.  8vo.  Wilcke  Gescb.  des  Tempelberroordens,  Bd.  1  (Leipz.  1826),  S. 
234  tr.  —  In  the  year  1306  the  Grand-master,  James  de  Molay,  came  from  Cyprus 
to  France  by  invitation  of  the  Pope,  to  consult  concerning  a  new  crusade  (Rayn- 
ald, ann.  1306,  no.  12)  :  but  notwithstanding  the  honors  with  which  he  was  received 
in  Paris  (Raynouard,  p.  17),  Phibp  had  no  doubt  already  secretly  resolved  on  the 
downfall  of  the  Order.  Comp.  Clementis  Ep.  ad  Philippum  dd.  24  Aug.  1306  (in 
Baluzii  Vitoe  PP.  Aven.  T.  II.  p.  75)  :  Sane  a  memoria  tua  non  credimus  exci- 
disse,  quod  Lugdini  et  Pictavis  de  facto  Templariorum  zelo  fidei  devotionis  accen- 
sus  nobis  tam  per  te  quam  per  tuos  pluries  locutus  fuisti,et  per  Priorem  monasterii 
novi  de  Pictavo  aliqua  intimari  curasti.  Et  licet  ad  credendum  quae  tunc  diceban- 
tur,  cum  quasi  incredibilia  et  impossibilia  viderentur,  nostrum  animum  vix  potue- 
rimus  applicare  ;  quia  tamen  plura  incredibilia  et  inaudita  extunc  audivimus  de 
praedictis,  cogimur  hajsitare.  —  Quia  vero  magister  militiae  Templi  ac  multi  prs- 
ceptores  —  a  nobis,  nedum  semel,  sed  pluries  cum  magna  instantia  petierunt  quod 
nos  super  illis  eis  false  impositis,  ut  dicebant,  vellemus  inquirere  veritatem  ;  nos  — 
diligentis  inquisitionis  indaginem  infra  paucos  dies — propter  hoc  instanli  die  Vene- 
ris civitatem  Pictaviensem  intraturi  proponimus  inchoare,  etc.  The  result  of  this 
investigation  was  doubtless  favorable  to  the  Templars  :  Philip  then  proceeded  to 
more  arbritrary  measures.  Bernardiis  Guido  in  vita  Clementis  (in  Baluz. 
1,  p.  65)  :  In  festo  sancti  Eduardi  confessoris,  III.  Idus  Octobris,  feria  sexta 
(13  October,  1307)  fuerunt  capti  primo  Templarii  ubique  in  regno  Franciae 
ex  ordinatione  Regis  et  consilii  inopinate  sane,  mirantibus  cunctis  audientibus 
antiquam  Templi  militiam  ab  Ecclesia  Romana  nimis  privilegiatam  una  die 
subito  captivari,  causamque  ignorantibus  captionis  tam  repentina;,  exceptis 
paucis  secretariis  et  juratis.  Qua;  causa  tandem  detecta  fuit  et  publice  in  fama, 
profana,  videlicet  professio  eorundem  cum  abnegatione  Christi  et  exspuitione 
super  crucem  in  opprobrium  crucifixi.  —  Demum  sedes  Romana,  cui  prius  factum, 
incredibile  videbatur,  et  captionem  prcudictam  agre  ferehat,  effecta  est  certior, 
etc.  On  the  following  day  (Oct.  14)  Philip  assembled  the  doctors  of  the  Sorbonne, 
to  make  them  justify  his  conduct,  who  pronounced  (Baluz.  vitne  PP.  Aven.  I.  p. 
591),  principem  saicularein  non  posse  cognoscere  de  hajresi,  nisi  cum  Episcopus  ei 
causas  istiusmodi  commitlit  judicandas, /josse  tamen  eiim  in  casu  necessitatis,  ubi 
imminet  periculum,  prehendere  accusatos  cum  propo^ito  reddendi  Ecclesise  ; 
which  plainly  shows  that  Philip  bad  acted  arbitrarily.  Still  nothing  is  said  of  this 
in  Clement's  letter  of  November  22,  1307,  in  which  he  calls  on  king  Edward  of 
England  to  follow  Philip's  example  (Rymeri  foedera  et  acta  publ.  inter  Reges 
Angliae  et  alios  Principes  ed.  Clarke  et  Holbrooke,  vol.  II.  P.  I.  p.  16)  :  Sane 
dudum,  circa  promotionis  nostras  principium  ad  apicem  Apostolicae  dignitatis,  ad 
nostrum  quadam  levi  suggestione  pervenit  auditum,  —  quod  Templarii  sub  religio- 
nis  pallio  militantes  exterius,  in  apostasiaj  perfidia  intus  vixerunt  hactenus  in  detes- 
tabili  ha?retica  pravitate.  Caterum  — suggestioni  prrrdicta'  noluimus  aures  credu- 
las  exhibere.  Verum  postea  auribus  carissimi  in  Christo  filii  nostri  Philippi  regis 
Franciae  illustris  insonuit,  quod  singuli  fratres  dicti  Oi-dinis  in  sui  professione,  cum 
ordinem  ipsum  ingrediuntur,  expressis  verbis  abnegant  Dominum  Jesum  Christum, 
nee  non  idolum  adorant  in  suis  capitulis,  et  alia  nefanda  committunt,  quse  ob  rubo- 


4  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305—1409. 

And  when  the   ambitious   king  proceeded   further,  on  the  death  of 
Albrecht  I.  (A.  D.  1308),  to  solicit  the  imperial  crown  for  his  brother 

rem  exprimendi  subficemus  ad  prKsens.    Propter  quod  idem  Rex  ad  requisitionem 
Inquisitoiis  haerelicas  pravitatis,  in  Regno  suo  gencraliter  a  sede  Apostolica  depu- 
tati,  —  Magistrum  Majoiem  et  alias   singulares  personas  died  ordinis,  quas  tunc 
erant  in  regno  suo,  una  die  cum  magna  excogitata  diligentia  capi  fecit,  Ecclesiae 
judicio  prKsentandas.  —  Deinde  prfcfatus  Magister  dicti"  Ordinis  spontanee  confes- 
sus  est  palam,  prssentihus  inajorihus  Personis  ecclesiasticis  Parisiis,  corruptionem 
erroris  abnegationis  Christi  in  fratrum  professionibus  —  introductam.    Quainplurimi 
etiam  fratres  dicti  Ordinis  —  dicta  scelera  sunt  confess!,  etc.     In  France  the  inves- 
tigation began  October  19,  1307,  under  tbe  royal  confessor  and  inquisitor,   William 
of  Paris  ;  the  prisoners  were  forced  by  the  most  cruel  tortures  to  confess  (M  it  n  - 
ter  in  Henkes  Neuem  Magazin  f.  Religionsphilosophie,  &c.   Bd.  .5,  S.  354  tf. — 
Raynouard,  p.  31  seq.).     Finally,  quia  inveniebantur  circa  regales  examinatores 
extorsiones  indebitEE   ( Ptolemceus  Lucensis  in  vita  ClementisV.  in  Baluz.  1.  p. 
30)   Clement  appointed  in   the   Bull   Faciens  misericordiam  dd.   12  Aug.    1308 
(Mansi  XXV.  p.  424,  cf.  p.  369  Ei/mer-  Clarke,  vol.  II.  P.  I.  p.  .55.     M  o  1  d  e  n  - 
hawers  Prozess  gegen  den  Orden  der  Tenipelherren,   S.   2  fi"),  ecclesiastical 
tribunals  of  investigation  for  each  kingdom.     In   this   Bull   he   says  that,  not  only 
had  it  been  confessed  in  his  presence  by  seventy-two  templars,  but  that  the  Grand- 
master and  five  Preceptors  had  acknowledged  liefore  three   cardinals  deputed  tor 
the  investigation  in  Chinon,  inter  cetera  Chrisii  abnegationem,  et  spuitionem  super 
crucem,  cum  in  ordine  Templi  recepti  fuerunt ;  et  quidam   ex   eis,  se  sub  eadem 
forma,  scilicet  cum  abnegalione  Chiisti  et  spuitione  super  crucem,  fratres  multos^ 
recepisse.     The  Bull  was  accompanied  by  one  hundred  and  twenty-seven  articles 
of  inquisition  (see  Moldenbawer,  S.  73),  which  form  the  fullest  list  of  the  accusa- 
tions against  the  Templars  :  1.   Videlicet  quod  quilibet  in  receptione  sua  et  quan- 
doque  post — abnegabat  Christum  —  et  quandoque  Deum,  et  quandoque  b.   Virgi- 
nem,  et  quandoque  omnes  Sanctos  et  Sanctas  Dei,  inductus  seu  monitus  per  illos 
qui  eum  recipiebant.  —  5.  Item,  quod  dicebant  et  dogmatizabant  recejjtores  illis, 
quos  recipiebant,  Christum  non  esse  verum  Deum.  —  6.   Ipsum  fuisse  falsum  pro- 
phetam.  —  7.  Item  quod  faciebant  illos  quos  recipiebant  spuere  super  crucem, — 
licet  interdum  qui  recipiebantur  spuerent  juxta.  — 14.  Item  quod  adorabant  quen- 
dam   catum  sibi  in   ipsa   congregatione  apparentem  quandoque.  —  16.  Item  quod 
non  credebant  sacramentum  altaris.     20.   Item  quod  Sacerdotes  Ordinis  verba,  per 
quas  consecratur  corpus  Chiisti,  non  dicebant  in  canonc  Missre.     23.  Item  quod 
haec  receptores  eorum  sibi  injungebant.     24.  Item  quod  credebant,  et  sic  diceba- 
tur  eis,  quod  niagnus  Magister  a  peccatis  poterat  eos  absolvere.     25.  Item,  quod 
Visitator.     26.  Item  quod  Pi-Eceptores.    30.  Item  quod  in  receptione  fratrum  dicti 
Ordinis  vel  circa  interdum  recipiens  et  receptus  aliquando  se  deosculabantur  in  ore, 
in  umbilico,  seu  in  ventre  nudo,  et  in  ano  seu  spina  dorsi.     36,  Item  quod  recepti- 
ones  ipsas  clandestine  faciebant.     38.  Item  quod  propter  hoc  contra  dictum  Ordi- 
nem  vehemens  suspicio  a  longis  temporibus  laboravit.     40.  Item  quod  fratribus, 
quos  recipiebant,  dicebant,  quod  ad  invicem  poterant  unus  cum  alio  commisceri 
carnaliter.     46.  Item   quod   ipsi  per  singulas  provincias  habebant  idola,  videlicet 
capitii,  quorum  aliqua  habebant  tres  facies,  et  alia  unam,  et  aliqua  cranium  huma- 
num  habebant.     47  Item  quod  ilia  idola  vel  illud  idolura  adorabant,  et  specialiter 
in   corum   magnis  capituhs  et  congrcgationibus.     53.  Item   quod  dicebant,  quod 
illud   caput  poterat  cos  salvare.     54.  Item  quod  divites  facere.     55.  Item   quod 
omnes  divitias  Ordinis  dabat  eis.     56.   Item   quod   facit  arbores   floiere.     57.  Item 
quod  teiram  germinare.     5S.  Item  quod  aliquod  caput  idolorum  pra?dictorum  cin- 
gebant  sen   tangebant  chordulis,   quibus   se   ipsos   cingebant    citra  camisiam    seu 
carnem.     65.   Item  quod  qui  nolebant  prsdicta  in  sui  receptione  fixcere  vel  post, 
interticiebantur,  vel  carceri  mancipabantur.     97.  Item  (juod  eleemosyna>   in  dicto 
Ordine  non  Ijebani  ut  debebant,  nee  hospitalitas  servabatur.     99.  Item  quod  jura- 
mentum  praestabatur  ab  eis,  augmentum  et  qu;estum  dicti  Ordinis,  quibuscumque 
modis  posscnt,   per  fas   et  nefas  procurare.     101.  Item   quod  clam  consueverunt 
tenere  sua  capitula.     The  ])apal  tribunal  appointed  for  France  conducted  the  inves- 
tigation in  Paris  from  tbe  7th  of  August,  1309,  to  the  26th  of  May,   1311,  with 
great  decorum  (the  important  Acts  of  this  tribunal,  which  Raynouard,  p.  55  seq., 
gives  in  extracts,  are  translated  in  full  in  Moldenhawers  Piozess  gegen  den 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.  /.  Political  History.  §  95.      5 

Charles  of  Valois,  the  Pope  ventured  to  oppose  him  only  by  an  un- 
worthy cunning.-^  And  though  at  the  council  at  Vienne  (October 
16,  1311  -  May  6,  1312)  he  was  delivered  from  the  disgrace  of  con- 
demning Boniface,*^  he  was  forced,  on  the  other  hand,  to  sacrifice  the 

Orden  der  Tempelherrn.  HambuPEf.  1792.  8vo.).  At  the  reading  of  the  papal 
Bull  to  the  Grand-master,  when  the  passage  was  read  in  which  mention  is  made  of 
his  confession  before  the  cardinals,  "  he  twice  crossed  himself,  and  showed  other 
marks  of  his  great  astonishment  at  this  assertion  of  what  he  had  himself  confessed, 
as  well  as  at  other  things  in  the  Pope's  letters ;  he  broke  out,  '  if  the  Pope's  com- 
missioners were  people  to  be  defied,  I  should  have  something  else  to  say.  Would 
God,  that  it  was  with  us  as  amongst  the  Turks  and  Saracens,  who  reward  such 
plotters  of  mischief  by  cutting  off  their  heads  !  '  "  (Protokoll  b.  Moldenhawer,  S. 
31.)  Philip  interfered  even  with  this  investigation,  for  fifty-four  knights  having 
offered  themselves  for  the  defence  of  the  Order  before  the  papal  commissioners,  he 
had  them  condemned  by  the  provincial  council  in  Sens,  and  burned  in  Paris,  May 
12,  1.310  (Moldenhawer,  S.  236  ff.     Raynouard,  p.  98  seq.). 

'  Whilst  he  pretended  to  recommend  Charles  to  the  electors  (see  Olenschla- 
gers  erlauterte  Staatsgeschichte  des  rom.  Kaiserthums  in  der  ersten  Halfte  des 
14ten  Jahrh.  Frankf.  a.  M.  175.5.  4to.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  12  ff.),  he  secretly  urged 
on  the  choice  of  Henry,  count  of  Luxemburg  (Villani,  lib.  VIII.  c.  101). 

s  See  the  Bull  of  April  27, 1311  (in  Raynald  ad  h.  a.  no.  26  seq.).  After  rela- 
ting the  process  of  accusation  and  defence  thus  far,  the  Bull  proceeds :  Nos  — 
apud  eundem  Regem  —  salutaribus  monitis  —  institimus,  —  ut  rejectis  anfractibus 
denuntiafionum  et  objectionum  hujusmodi  —  ipsius  negotii  prosecutionem  nostra; 
at  Ecclesia;  ordinationi  relinqueret,  —  ita  quod  nos  et  eadem  Ecclesia — ex  officii 
nostri  debito  ad  ipsius  negotii  cognitionem,  —  et  totalem  decisionem  procedere  — 
ac  finem  congruum  eidem  imponere  deberemus.  —  Competent!  super  his  inquisiti- 
one  pi'a?habita  comperimus,  quod,  etsi  etiam  —  denuntiatores  —  ad  denuntiationes, 

—  ac  dictum  Regem  ad  requisitionem  praedictani  —  faciendas  objectorum  Veritas, 
de  quibus  certi  non  suraus,  forsitan  non  movisset ;  ipsos  tamen  ad  hoc  pra;concepta 
malignitas,  aut  mala  causa  non  impulit,  sed  bonus,  sincerus  et  Justus  zelus  induxit; 
unde — denuntiatores  —  ct  dictum  Regem — extra  omnem  calumniam  fuisse  et 
esse,  ac  bono,  sincero  etjusto  zelo,  ex  fervore  catholicse  fidei  processisse,  —  pro- 
nuntiamus  —  et  tenore  prajsentium  declaramus.  Quibus  pronuntiationibus  —  fac- 
tis  —  cum  in  negotio  memorato  vellemus  ulterius  —  procedere,  —  illi  qui  defensioni 

—  dicti  Bonifacii  se  —  offerebant,  negotiura  hujusmodi  in  officii  nostri  mera  et 
libera  potestate  sponte  ac  libere  dimiserunt ;  ac  demum  praefatus  Rex,  —  tanquam 
benedictionis  et  gratia;  filius,  progenitorum  suorum,  qui  se  semper  ipsius  Ecclesiae 
heneplacitis  coaptarunt,  vestigia  clara  sequens,  pro  se  ac  universis  regnicolis  regni 
sui  —  nostris  in  hac  parte  requisitionibus  de  abundantia  regalis  clementire  per 
effectum  operis  acquievit.  ]\Iotum  et  zelura  dicti  Regis  in  hac  parte  ex  fervore 
fidei  —  prodeuntem  non  immerito  approbantes,  et  sonoris  laudum  efferentes  prfeco- 
niis,  ac  volentes  prsefato  Regi  et  suis  adversus  futura  pericula  sic  plene,  prospicere, 
quod  inclytfe  domus  et  regni  Franciae  fama  Celebris  —  nullis  obloquentium  morsi- 
hus  —  in  posterum  pateat ;  —  omnes  sententias  latas  ab  homine  vel  a  jure,  consti- 
tutiones,  declarationes  non  inclusas  in  sexto  libro  Decretalium,  in  quantum  praeju- 
dicant,  vel  possent  pra^judicare  honori,  statui,  juribus  et  libertatibus  dictorum  Regis 
et  regni,  regnicolis  assertoribus,  denuntiatoribus,  delatoribus,  —  relaxamus,  revo- 
camus,  irritamus,  annuJlamus,  cassamus.     Et  si  qua  calumnia,   macula,  sive  nota 

ex  prsmissis  denuntiationibus,  —  aut   quibuscunque   contumeliis,  blasphemiis 

eidem  Bonifacio  —  illatis  —  prasfato  Regi,  posteritati  sus,  —  et  denuntiatoribus, 

nee  non  et  adjutoribus  —  ex  captione,  insultu  et  aggressione  praedictis  —  impingi, 
imponi,  vel  imputari  possent  in  posterum  quoquo  modo ;  hujusmodi  cahimnias, 
notas,  maculas  —  totaliter  abolemus  et  tollimus.  —  Thus  it  was  to  be  foreseen  that 
the  council  would  acquit  Boniface  of  the  charges  against  him  (  VilJani  IX.  c.  22. 
Raynald  ann.  1312,  no.  15).  On  the  other  hand,  all  the  passages  were  effaced 
from  the  Registrum  Bonifacii  which  could  be  offensive  to  Philip  (Raynouard 
monumens  hist,  relatifs  a.  la  condemn,  des  Chevaliers  du  Temple,  p.  190  ;  a  cata- 
logue of  them  in  Raynald,  ann.  1311,  no.  32  seq.). 


6  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

Templars  to  the  ambition  of  the  king^  without  any  sufficient  proof  of 
their  guilt.^ 

7  Bernardus  Guido  in  vita  Clemenlis  {Baluz.  I.  p.  58)  relates  that  the  suppres- 
sion of  the  Order  was  pronounced  by  the  Pope  March  22,  1312,  in  private  consis- 
torio,  and  the  sentence  made  pviblic  at  the  second  sitting  of  the  council  of  April  3, 
prsesente  Rege  Francia;  Philippo  cum  tribus  tiliis  suis,  cui  negotiuin  erat  cordi 
(Compare  Contin.  Cliron.  Guil.  de  Nangis  in  d'Achery  Spicil.  T.  HI.  p.  65).  The 
bull  containing  it  Ad  providam  (in  Mansi  XXV.  p.  389.  Rymer- Clarke,  Vol.  II. 
P.  I.  p.  167)  is  dated  2  May,  1312.  It  provides:  Dudum  siquidem  ordincui  domus 
militia;  tempH  Hierosolymitani  propter  magistrum  et  fratres  —  variis  —  infandis  — 
obsccenitatibus,  pravitatibus,  maculis  et  labe  respersos,  —  ejusque  ordinis  statum, 
habitum  atque  nomcn,  —  non  per  modum  diffinitivcK,  sententicB,  cum  earn  super 
hoc  secundum  inquisitiones  et  processus  super  his  habitos  non  possemus  ferre  de 
jure  (namely,  as  is  explained  in  the  Contin.  Guil.  de  Nangis,  1.  c.  cum  Ordo  ut  Ordo 
non  esset  adhuc  convictus ;  the  crimes  in  individual  cases  were  considered  to  have 
been  proved),  sed  per  viam  provisionis,  seu  ordinationis  aposlolicEe,  irrefragabili  et 
pe.-petuo  valitura  sustulimus  sanctione.  As  to  the  estates  of  the  Order  it  was  pro- 
vided ut  Ordini  hospitahs  S.  Joannis  Hierosolymitani  —  in  perpetuum  unirentur  : 
• — exceptis  bonis  — Ordinis  —  consistentibus  in  regnis  —  Castellae,  Aragoniae,  Por- 
tugallia;  et  Majoricarum  regum  iUustrium  (in  Arragon  these  estates  were  bestowed 
on  the  order  of  Montesa,  founded  1307 ;  in  Portugal  on  the  order  of  Christ, 
founded  1309.  The  Order  of  St.  John,  notwithstanding  great  outlay,  never  came 
into  possession  of  all  these  estates,  see  Raynouard,  p.  197.  Wilcke,  Bd.  2.  S.  63). 
—  It  is  remarkable  that  after  the  bull  of  suppression,  the  Cone.  Tarraconense 
(10  Aug.  1312)  after  an  investigation,  acquitted  the  Templars  of  that  region,  and 
provided  for  their  support  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  516).  It  is  to  be  lamented  that  the  ed. 
of  the  Acts  of  this  council  promised  by  Petrus  de  Marcar,  never  appeared.  — The 
Grand-master,  James  of  Molay,  was  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment,  but 
having  recalled  his  confession,  he  was  burned  at  the  stake,  19  March,  1314,  toge- 
ther with  another  of  the  heads  of  the  Order  (Cont.  Chron.  de  Nangis,  d'Achery, 
III.  p.  67.      Villani  VIII.  c.  92.     Raynouard,  p.  205  seq.). 

»  It  was  thought  even  by  his  contemporaries,  that  the  order  was  unjustly  put 
down  by  Philip  from  avaricious  motives,  see  Villani  VIII.,  c.  92.  Jo.  Boccacius 
(^  1375)  de  casibus  virorum  illustrium  (see  Bulai  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p. 
110).  In  particular  Albericus  de  Resale,  Jurist,  about  1350,  in  his  Dictionarium 
juris  ed.  Venet.  1601,  s.  v.  Templo  :  Templarii  erant  magnus  ordo  in  Ecclesia,  et 
erant  milites  strenui  b.  Maria;.  Et  destructus  fuit  ipso  tempore  dementis  Paps 
ad  procurationem  Regis  Francia;.  Et,  sicut  audivi  ab  uno  qui  fuit  examinator 
causEe  et  teslium,  destructus  fuit  contra  justitiam.  Et  mihi  retulit,  quod  ipse 
Clemens  protulit  hoc  :  Et  si  non  per  viam  justitia;  possit  destrui,  destruatur  tamen 
per  viam  expedienlia;,  ne  scandalizetur  carus  iilius  noster  Rex  Francis.  Thus 
too  the  historians  Antoninus  Floientinus  (f  1459,  in  Raynald.  ann.  1307,  no. 
12)  and  Joannes  Trithemlus  (-f  1517)  maintain  the  injustice  of  the  condemnation 
of  the  order.  On  the  other  hand,  the  French  writers  of  the  14th  and  15th  centuries, 
and  since  the  15th  century  almost  all  historians  for  a  long  time  have  taken  for 
granted  the  guilt  of  the  order.  Later  writers  acknowledge  the  irregularity  of  the 
proceedings;  but  are  divided  in  their  opinions  of  the  guilt  of  the  order.  Nicolai 
(Versuchilber  die  Beschuldigungen,  welche  dem  Tempelherrnorden  gemacht 
worden.  Berlin  1782)  supposed  the  idolatry  of  which  the  Templars  were  accused, 
to  have  been  a  secret  gnosticism,  to  which  the  knights  were  introduced  in  three 
degrees,  and  explains  the  supposed  idol  BafTometus  as  /S^ip^  Xfirovi,  a  gnostic  sym- 
bol (this  BafTometus  is  mentioned  in  the  Acts  of  the  commission  in  Carcassone, 
see  Dupuy,  p.  216.  Raynouard,  p.  291 :  Gauzerand  de  Montpezat  —  dit  que  le 
chef,  qui  le  recevait,  lui  montra  une  idole  doree,  ayant  la  forme  d'homme  avec  de 
la  barbe  :  ce  chef  lui  declara,  qu'elle  etait  faite  in  figuram  BafTometi.  —  Raymond 
Rubei  depose,  que  ceUii  qui  le  recevait  lui  montra  un  bois  oii  etait  peinte  iigura 
BafTometi,  et  illam  adoravit  osculundo  sibi  pedes,  dicens  yalla  vcrbum  Saraceni- 
cum.  BafTomet  is  the  Provencal  for  Mahomet,  see  Wilcke,  Bd.  1.  S.  366,  as  bao- 
mairia  is  the  mosque,  see  above,  §  56,  note  23.  At  a  trial  in  Florence  a 
witness  testifies,  Raynouard,  p.  295,  that  the  brethren  animated  each  other  to  the 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.   I.  Political  History.  §  95.     7 

For  all  these  humiliations  the  Pope  seemed  resolved  to  indemnify 
himself  by   his   conduct  toward  other   nations.     Having  quarrelled 


wor-hip  of  the  head  by  saying :  istud  caput  vester  Deus  est,  et  vaster  Mahumet). 
V.  Hammer  (Mysterium  Baphometis  revelatum  in  d.  Fundgruben  des  Orients,  Bd. 
6.  St.  1.  Wien  1818)  attempted  to  show  from  remains  which  he  supposed  to  have 
come  from  the  Templars,  that  they  were  Ophites,  and  their  idolatry  the  worship  of 
the  powers  of  nature,  especially  that  of  generation.  W  il  c  ke  Gesch.  des  Tem- 
pelherrnorden'5,  Bd.  1.  S.  342  ff.  supposes  their  secret  doctrine  to  have  been  a 
Mohammedan  gnosticism.  Defenders  of  the  Order:  Herder  hist 
flber  Nicolai's  Buch  &c.  (im  deutchen  Mercur  1782  Marz  &c.  with  additions  in 
H  e  rde  rs  Werken  zur  Philos.  und  Gesch.  Cai-lsruher  Augs.  Th.  13.  S.  266), 
M  0  n t  e  r  Uber  die  hauptfllchlichsten,  gegen dem  Tempeloiden  erhobenen  Beschul- 
digungen  (in  Henke's  Neuem  Magazin  f.  Religionsphilosophie,  Cregese  u. 
Kirchengesch.  Bd.  5.  S.  351),  Raynouard  monumens  historiques  relatifs  a.  la  con- 
demnation des  Chevaliers  du  Temple,  Paris.  1813.  and  his  later  essays  in  answer 
to  Hammer  in  the  Journal  des  Savans  Mars  et  Avril,  1819,  Biblioth.  universelle, 
T.  X.  p.  327  ;  XI.  p.  3.  especially  the  Note  in  Michaud  hist,  des  croisades,  ed.  4. 
T.  5.  p.  572.  The  question  would  be  easily  settled  by  the  confessions  of  the  Tem- 
plars themselves,  if  they  could  be  depended  upon.  Out  of  France  there  were  but 
few  confessions  made  by  the  knights,  and  these  under  the  torture,  see  Munter 
in  Henkes  N.  Magazin,  Bd.  5.  S.  365.  Raynouard,^.  123,  259.  Wilcke,  Bd.  1. 
S.  325.  The  results  of  the  investigation  instituted  by  Philip  in  France  deserved 
little  credit  on  account  of  the  fearful  means  employed  to  extort  confessions  •  the 
prisoners,  as  w^as  afterwards  testified  before  the  papal  commission  in  France,  had 
even  agreed  with  each  other  what  they  should  confess  in  order  to  save  themselves 
from  the  torture  (Moldenhawer,  S.  33).  But  even  those  examined  before  this 
papal  commission  were  not  left  to  themselves.  They  were  warned  by  the  crea- 
tures of  the  king  in  writing  to  adhere  to  their  confession  as  they  wished  to  escape 
the  stake  (Moldenhawer,  S.  62.  Raynouard,  p.  74).  This  was  still  more  forci- 
bly impressed  on  them  on  the  12th  of  May,  1310,  by  the  burning  of  54  Templars. 
On  the  following  day  a  knight  appeared  before  the  connuission,  maintaining  the 
innocence  of  the  order,  but  professing  himself  ready  after  yesterday's  events  to 
confess  to  any  charge  whatever,  yea,  even  if  it  should"  be  demanded  of  him  to  con- 
fess that  he  had  nuu-dered  thq  Lord  himself.  He  besought  the  commission  to  con- 
ceal all  this  iiom  the  king  that  he  might  not  be  burned  to  death  (Moldenhawer, 
S.  238.  In  like  manner  the  37  witness,  see  Moldenhawer,  S.  297  f.  Raynouard, 
p.  142).  This  account  seems  very  probable,  as  well  as  the  information'given  by 
the  papal  commission  to  the  provincial  synod  of  Sens  (Moldenh.  S.  236.  Ray- 
nouard, p.  99),  quia  dictus  propositus  et  multi  alii  asserebant,  quod  fratres  dicti 
ordinis,  qui  obierant,  in  extremo  vitaj  sua  asseruerunt  in  periculum  animarum 
suarum,  se  et  dictum  ordinem  falso  delates  fuisse  de  criminibus  eis  impositis.  On 
the  other  hand  the  testimony  against  the  order  is  not  to  be  overlooked.  Thus  that 
of  the  40th  witness  Gerhard  de  Cans,  according  to  which  such  irregularities  as  the 
Templars  were   accused   of,  had  sometimes  taken  place  at  the   initiation  of  the 

brethren   (Moldenhawer,   p.   304),  and  namely,   at  his  own  (Ibid.  p.  315). It 

seems  therefore  that  there  was  some  guilt ;  not  so  much,  however,  in  the  order,  as 
in  individuals ;  though  no  doubt  raucli  exaggeiated  by  attributing  to  the  Templars 
all  the  current  heresies  of  the  time.  How  little  ground  there  is  for  the  notion  of 
gnostic  mysteries  and  degrees  amongst  them  is  well  shown  by  Herder,  1.  c.  That 
such  here-ies  should  have  been  introduced  by  the  clerical  brethren  of  the  order, 
as  is  suggested  by  AVilcke,  Bd.  1.  S.  344,  is  hardly  reconcilable  with  the  strict 
subordination  to  the  other  brethren,  in  which  they  always  were  held.  Some  lio-ht 
may,  perhaps,  be  thrown  on  the  subject  by  the  follovi/ing  considerations.  The''ill 
success  of  the  crusades  was  often  ascribed  to  the  magic  arts  of  the  Saracens. 
Even  Roger  Bacon  says,  Opus  majus  ed.  Jebb.  p.  253  :  Et  ideo  Tarlari  procedunt 
in  omnibus  per  viam  astronomic,  et  in  prasvisione  futurorum  et  in  operibus  sapien- 
tiae.  Cujus  signum  est  evidens,  quod  cum  sit  gens  habens  parvos  et  debiles 
homines, — jam  totam  latitudinem  mundi  prostraverunt.  —  Similiter  Saraceni  mul- 
tum  utuntur  astronomia,  et  sciunt  sapientes  inter  eos  facere  ha;c  opera.  —  Et  nisi 
ecclesia  occurrat  per  sancta  consilia  ad  impediendum  et  destruendum  opera  hujus- 


8  Tliird  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

with  Venice  concerning  the  possession  of  Ferrara  (A.  D.  1308),^  hi 
poured  out  upon  the  devoted  republic  the  most  terrible  maledictions, 
joining  spiritual  excommunication  to  temporal  ban  in  a  manner  hith- 
erto unprecedented  (1309).^'^  The  Venetians  found  no  resource  but 
in  submission  (A.  D.  1313). ^i  Nor  was  his  conduct  less  presumptu- 
ous towards  king  Henry  VIII.  of  Germany.^-  This  spirited  young 
prince  having  undertaken  an  expedition  to  Rome  (1310),  attempted 
to  revive  the  old  imperial  rights  in  Italy,  and  proceeded  to  treat  Rob- 
modi,  aggravabitur  intolerabiliter  flagellis  Christianorum.  —  Si  igitur  Christiaa' 
scirent  hajc  opera  auctoritate  papali  facienda  ad  impedienda  mala  Christianorum, 
satis  esset  laudabile,  et  non  solum  propter  mala  rupellenda,  sed  ad  proinotionem 
quorumcunque  utiliuin  (see  more  on  the  prevalent  belief  in  magic  in  this  age  in 
Meiners  hist.  Vergleichung  der  Sitten  &c.  des  Mittelalters  mit  denen  unsers 
Jahrh.  Bd.  3.  S.  182  ff.).  These  notions  would  of  course  assume  a  still  ruder  form 
with  the  illiterate  knights.  We  see  how  enraged  the  Templars  were  at  the  ill 
success  of  all  their  efforts  in  Palestine,  in  the  Sirvente  of  the  Troubadour  le  Che- 
valier du  Temple,  above,  §  56,  note  23.  Christ  seemed  to  sleep,  the  great  magician 
Mohammed  alone  to  have  rule ;  and  from  him  therefore  must  success  be  sought. 
The  secret  sciences  of  the  Saracens,  the  rough  knights  were  incompetent  to  ac- 
quire ;  but  they  found  particular  charms  and  Talismans,  to  give  success  in  battle, 
secure  liches,  honor,  power,  &c.,  the  use  of  which  was  easily  learned  :  the  crime 
was  readily  excused  by  its  advancing  the  interest  of  the  order,  which  they  always 
set  above  that  of  the  church  (see  Div.  III.  §  72).  Now  in  as  far  as  these  charms 
depend  on  the  power  of  evil  spirits,  it  is  natural  enough  to  suppose  that  the  knights 
might  have  thought  it  necessary  to  abjure  their  Lord  whilst  they  made  use  of 
them,  thinking  that  there  would  afterwards  be  time  enough  to  reconcile  themselves 
to  the  church  and  save  their  souls.  Similar,  perhaps,  was  the  origin  of  the  heresies 
of  which  the  Hospitallers  are  accused  as  early  as  Gregory  IX.  (see  §  72,  note  12). 

9  cf.  Raynald.  ann  1308,  no  14  fT.  Le  Bret  Staatsgesch.  der  Republik  Vene- 
dig,  Bd.  l.'S.  672  ff. 

^°  Raynaldus,  ann.  1309,  no.  6,  is  unwilling  to  give  the  judiciarium  edictum  die 
coenae  Doni.  consignatum  in  full,  and  only  extracts  parts  of  it :  Ni  parerent,  sacro- 
rum  usu  et  commercio  publico  Venetorum  omnem  ditionem  privavit:  inussit  in- 
famise notam  magistratibus,  legum  et  judiciorum  beneficio  privatos  pronuntiavit, 
viros  ecclesiasticos  abire  ditione  Veneta  jussit,  exceptis  iis,  qui  baptismalia  infanti- 
bus,  et  morituris  confessionis  sacra  conferrent.  Demum  si  in  coeptis  perstarent, 
praefixo  ad  veniam  poscendain  tempore,  ducem  insignibus  ducalibus  exuendum,  et 
omnes  Venetorum  fortunas  tisco  addicendas,  Regumque  in  eos  imploranda  arma 
pronuntiavit,  donee  Ferrariam  ecclesias  restituissent.  Moreover  (ibid.  no.  7) 
Venetos  in  servitutem  addictos,  occupantibus  bona  direptioni  sive  in  Italia  sive  in 
Graecia  exposita,  and  calls  on  all  princes  and  bishops  to  take  possession  of  all  Vene- 
tians who  may  be  in  their  dominions  as  slaves. 

"  Raynald.  ann.  1313,  no.  31  seq.     Le  Bret,  Bd.  1.  S.  707  ff'. 

'^  In  the  year  1309  Henry  had  sent  ambassadors  to  the  Pope  with  the  com- 
mission (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  10),  devotionem  et  lilialem  reverentiam,  quam  erga 
vos  et  sacrosanctam  Romanam  ecclesiam  —  gerimus,  exponendi,  —  nee  non  — 
pracstandi  in  animam  —  nostram  debit^e  vobis  et  s.  Romance  ecclesice  fidelitatis,  et 
cujuslibet  alterius  generis  juramentum,  et  specialiter  ad  pelendum  a  vobis  unc- 
tionem,  consecrationem  et  coronam  imperii  de  sacratissimis  manibus  vestris  nobis 
impendendum,  etc.  The  beginning  of  the  oath  taken  by  them  in  Henry's  name 
reminds  us  strikingly  (Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  12)  of  the  usual  vague  oath  (compare 
Div.  II.  §  23,  note  11):  Nos — vobis  sanctissimo  Patri  —  vice  et  nomine  —  nostri 
Regis,  et  in  animam  ipsius  promittimus,  et  juramus,  —  quod  nunquam  vitam  aut 
membra,  neque  ipsum  honorem  quern  habetis,  sua  voluntate,  aut  suo  consensu,  aut 
suo  consilio,  aut  sua  cxhortatione  perdetis ;  et  in  Roma  nullum  placitum  aut  ordi- 
nationem  faciet  de  omnibus,  quas  ad  vos  pertinent  aut  Romanes,  sine  vestro  con- 
silio et  consensu,  etc. 


Chap.  L  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.  /.  Political  History.  §  95.     9 

ert,  king  of  Naples,  who  had  from  the  first  manifested  a  hostile  spirit 
towards  him,  as  a  vassal. ^"^  But  the  Pope,  not  content  with  claiming 
the  seignory  of  Sicily,  pretended  lo  make  peace  between  the  two, 
as  if  they  were  both  his  vassals. i"*  Nothing  but  the  death  of  Henry, i^ 
who  was  suddenly  taken  away  by  poison  (August  24,  1313), i^  now 
prevented  a  final  struggle  between  the  papal  and  the  imperial  power. 
This  event  left  Clement  at  liberty  to  proclaim  the  supremacy  of  the 
former, ^^  without  fear  of  immediate  contradiction. 


"  Olenschlageis  Staatsgeschichte  des  Rom.  Kaiserthums  in  der  ersten 
Halfte  des  14ten  Jahrh.  S.  59  ff". 

•*  Clement  wrote  to  Henry  and  Robert  (Raynald.  ann.  1312,  no.  44),  quod 
cum  ipsi  Reges,  ejusdem  ecclesise  specialissinii  filii,  sibi  juramento  fidelitatis  et 
alias  multipliciter  essent  adstricti  ipsius  ecclesia;  debeant  esse  promptissinii  defen- 
sores.  Henry  on  this  declared  publicly,  se  non  fore  cuiquam  ad  juramentum  fide- 
litatis adstrictum. 

**  When  the  papal  legate  Nicolaus  Ep.  Botronrinensis,  who  had  till  then  accom- 
panied the  emperor,  took  occasion  at  parting  to  warn  him  (cf.  Ejusd.  Henrici  iter 
itahcum  in  Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  T.  II.  p.  1228;  and  in  Muratori,  T.  IX.  p.  933), 
quod  caveret  sumnie  de  occasione  quacumque,  per  quam  Ecclesia  Romana  haberet 
causam  ipsum  offendendi  directe  vel  indirecte,  the  emperor  answ^ered  ridendo  et 
quasi  me  confortans  :  Sitis  consolatus.  Nos  aadiviinus  consilium  nostrorum  Cleri- 
corum  juratorum,  utrum  defendendo  nos  Deum  otfendamus,  et  utrum  teneamur 
facere  justitiam  et  deliuquentes  punire :  ex  quo  Deum  non  offendimus  prsdicta 
faciendo,  sed  magis  otfenderemus  ipsum  contrarium  facientes.  On  being  informed 
by  the  legate,  that  in  case  of  his  advance  on  Naples  Papa  excommunicatum  vos 
denuntiabit,  et  postea  procedet  ad  vestram  depositionem,  sicut  factum  fuit  de 
Frederico,  qui  fuit  ditior,  nobilior,  et  potentior,  et  minores  rebelles  habuit,  et  plures 
amicos,  tamen  finaliter  Ecclesia  ipsum  destruxit :  he  answered :  Si  Deus  pro 
nobis,  nee  Dominus  Papa,  nee  Ecclesia  destruet  nos,  ex  quo  Deum  non  offendi- 
raus.  He  was  not  excommunicated  till  6  Aug.  1313  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  22), 
a  few  days  before  his  death. 

'8  Administered,  according  to  common  report,  by  the  Dominican  Bernardus  at 
the  communion.  The  Gesta  Balduini,  Lib.  II.  c.  17  (in  Justi  Ruberi  Scriptt. 
Germ.  Francof.  ad  Moen.  1726.  fol.  p.  831),  the  author  of  which  was  not  only  a 
contemporary,  but  may  be  supposed  to  have  been  accurately  informed  on  the  sub- 
ject by  Baldwin,  the  emperor's  brother,  say :  Henricus  ad  vesaniam  Roberti 
Sicilia;  Regis  perdomandam  versus  Neapolim  —  iter  capiendo,  et  veniens  Boncon- 
vent  —  a  quodam  Ordinis  Pra;dicatorum  religioso  Diminici  corporis  Christi  sacra- 
mentum  devote  recipiebat,  cujus  sodalis  ejusdem  professionis  ablutionem  sumendam 
in  calicem  fundebat,  quern  ipse  Imperator  fidelissime  sumebat,  et  statim  postea 
totius  corporis  molestiam  sentiebat.  Postea  sui  prudentissimi  intelligentes  Medici 
ipsum  nulla  infirmitate  alia,  quam  intoxicationis  materia  graviter  laborare,  sibi 
indicarunt,  devotissime  supplicarunt,  quod  banc  intoxicationis  materiam  sineret  eos 
per  inferendum  sibi  vomitum  radicitus  revocare.  Quibus  fertur  rcspondisse  :  malo 
migrando  ad  Dominum  diem  claudere  extremum,  quam  generare  scandalum  in 
sacrum  Dominicum  et  detrimentum  Christianorum.  A  number  of  testimonies  on 
the  subject  have  been  collected  by  Martin  Dieffenbach  de  vero  mortis  genere,  ex 
quo  i?enriftis  VII.  Imp.  obiit.  Francof.  1685.  4to.  The  Dominicans  have  endea- 
voured to  save  themselves  from  the  disgrace  of  such  a  crime,  by  the  certificate 
on  the  subject  which  they  obtained  from  Henry's  son,  John,  king  of  Bohemia, 
1346  (in  Baluzii  miscellan.  Lib.  I.  p.  102).  They  are  defended  at  large  in  Mar- 
tene  et  Durand  Ampliss.  Collectio,  T.  VI.  p.  376  seq. 

'^  He  began  by  repealing  the  ban  which  Henry  had  pronounced  on  Robert,  in 
the  bull  Pastoralis  ( Clementin.  Lib.  II.  Tit.  II.  c.  2)  not  only  on  the  ground  that 
the  king  as  noster  et  Ecclesia  Romans  —  notorie  subditus  homoque  ligius  et 
vasallus  was  not  subject  to  the  emperor,  but  also  tam  ex  superioritate,  quam  ad 
Imperium  non  est  dubium  nos  habere,  quam  ex  potestate,  in  qua,  vacante  Imperio, 

VOL.    III.  2 


10  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

<^    96. 

JOHN  XXII.  (August  7,  1316- December  4,  1334). 

After  a  long,  interrupted,  and  stormy  election,  John  XXII.^  was 
chosen  to  the  papal  see,  and,  notwithstanding  his  promise,  remained 
also  in  Avignon.-  Like  his  predecessors,  dependent  on  France  and 
presumptuous  towards  all  other  powers,  the  contest  between  Lewis  of 
Bavaria   and   Frederick   of   Austria   for   the    imperial    crown,-'    soon 

Impeiatori  succedimus,  et  nihilominus  ex  illius  plenitudine  potestatis,  quam  Chris- 
tus  —  nobis  —  in  persona  b.  Petri  concessit.  These  two  bold  assertions  were  soon 
maintained  more  at  large  in  two  special  bulls.  The  first,  Clementin.  Lib.  II.  Tit. 
9:  Komani  Principes  —  Romano  Pontifici,  a  quo  approbationem  persons,  ad  Im- 
perialis  celsitudinis  apicem  assumendse,  nee  non  unclionem,  consecrationem,  et 
Imperii  coronam  accipiunt,  sua  subniittere  capita  non  rcpularunt  indignum,  seque 
illi,  et  eidcm  EcclesiK,  qua  a  Gra=cis  Imperium  transtulit  in  Germanos,  et  a  qua 
ad  certos  eoruin  Principes  jus  et  potestas  eligendi  Regem,  in  Imperatorem  post- 
modum  promovendum,  pervenit  (this  view  had  been  maintained  since  Innocent 
III.,  see  §  54,  note  12),  adstringere  vinculo  juramenti.  Henry  having  denied  that 
this  juramentum  was  a  jur.  fidelitatis  :  nos,  —  ne  quis  in  Romanum  assumptus 
Principem,  vel  in  posterum  assumendus,  an  jurauicnta  hujusmodi — fidelitatis 
existant,  in  dubitationem  deducere  audeat,  vel  super  his  contrarium  adstruere 
veritati :  auctoritate  Apostolica  de  fi-atrum  nostroruin  consilio  declaramus,  ilia 
juramenta  praedicta  fidelitatis  existere.  The  other  dd.  II.  Id.  Mart.  1314  (in  Bay- 
nald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  2)  ad  Robertum  Regem  Sicil.  Nos,  ad  quos  Romani  vacantia 
Imperii  Regnum  pertinere  dignoscitur,  attendentes,  quam  avide  Italic  partes, 
pra;sertim  quas  ad  Imperium  ipsum  pertinent,  rectorem  exigant,  —  Te  de  fratrum 
nostrorum  consilio  in  partibus  ipsis  —  vicarium  in  temporalibus  usque  ad  Sedis 
Apostolicae  beneplacitum  constituimus  generalem,  etc. 

'  Compare  the  contemporary  Joannes  C'anonicus  s.  Victoris  in  vita  Joannis 
XXII.  ( Bahizii  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  113)  :  Cardinales  apud  Caipentras,  ut  de  pastore 
providerent  Ecclesiae,  convenerunt.  Sed  effusa  est  contentio  super  principes,  nee 
poterant  concordare.  Italici  talem  eligere  intendebant,  qui  ad  Romanam  sedem 
curiam  revocaret.  Quod  Cardinales  Gascones  facere  forniidabant :  quia  cum  sui 
de  Gasconia  Italicis  multas  injuiias  irrogassent,  cerli  erant,  quod  si  in  manibus 
Romanorum  inciderent,  ajquipoUentiam  sustinerent.  Fuerunt  ergo  diu  in  tali  dis- 
cordia,  licet  inclusi  multa  incommoda  sustinerent,  quia  cibaria  eorum  subtraheban- 
tur,  et  domus  eorum  desuper  dissipate.  Tandem  haec  Gascones  non  ferentcs 
ignem  in  palatio  posuerunt,  per  quern  combusta  est  pars  maxima  civitatis.  Et  sic 
dispersi  Cardinales.  According  to  the  Epist.  encyclica  of  the  ItaHan  Cardinals  (in 
Baluz.  II.  p.  28fi)  many  of  their  people  were  killed,  and  they  themselves  only 
saved  their  lives  by  flight.  The  election  was  at  length  resumed  at  Lyons  through 
the  mediation  of  the  French. 

2  Quinta  vita  Jo.  XXII  (Baluz.  I.  p.  178):  in  sua  electione — juravit  se  nun- 
quam  ascensurum  equum  vel  mulum,  nisi  iiet  Roniam.  Quod  et  servavit,  quia 
navigio  ivit  usque  ad  Avinionem  et  pedes  ascendit  palatium,  de  quo  postea  nisi 
intrando  Ecclesiam  majorem,  qua;  contigua  pnlafio  est,  non  exivit. 

3  Concerning  the  controversy  that  now  ensued  between  Lewis  and  the  papal 
power,  see  Jo.  Georg  Herwart  ab  Hohcnburg  (a  Bavarian  Counsellor),  Ludovicus 
IV.  Imp.  defensus,  Bzovius  injuriarum  postulatus.  Monachii.  III.  Partes.  1618-19. 
4to.  C'hr.  Gtwold  defensio  Ludov.  IV.  Imp.  ratione  electionis  contra  Bzovium. 
Ingolst.  1618.  4to.  J  oh.  U  an.  v.  O  I  e  n  s  c  h  1  a  ge  r's  eriiluterte  Staatsgesch.  des 
Rom.  Kayserthums  in  der  ersten  Halite  des  14ten  Jahrh.  samt  einem  Urkunden- 
buche.  Frankf.  a.  M.  17.55.  4to.  S.  86  ff.  H.  Zschokke's  baierische  Geschich- 
ten,  Bd.  2.  (Aarau  181.5)  S.  108  ff.  Conr.  Mannert  Kaiser  Ludwig  IV.  a 
prize  essay,  Landshut,  1812.  Jos.  Schlett  Biographie  von  Kaiser  Ludwig 
dem  Baier.  Sulzbach,  1822. 


Chap.  11.    Papacy  till  \^7S.    I.  Political  History.  %9Q.       11 

afforded  him  an  opportunity  of  asserting  the  newly  devised  supremacy 
of  the  Pope  over  the  empire.  As  long  as  the  contest  lasted  he  did 
not  interfere,  content  with  the  self-assumed  regency,  which  he  admin- 
istered plainly  to  the  interest  of  the  French.^  But  Lewis  having 
taken  his  opponent  prisoner  at  the  battle  of  Muhldorf,  September  28, 
1322,5  John  reproached  him  for  having  assumed  the  rights  of  king  of 
Rome  before  he  had  received  the  papal  confirmation.^    Lewis  defend- 


<  See  the  bull  of  31  March,  1317  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  27.  and  in  d.  Ex- 
travag.  Jo.  XXII.  Tit.  5.)  In  nostram  —  deductum  est—  notitiam,  quod,  licet  de 
jure  tit  liquidum,  et  ab  olimfuerit  inconcusse  sermtum,  quod  vacante  Iinperio,— 
cum  in  illo  ad  ssculaiem  judicera  nequeat  haberi  recursus,  ad  Summum  Pontiti- 
ceiri,  cui  in  persona  b.  Petri  terreni  .simul  et  calestis  Imperii  jura  Deus  ipse  com- 
misit,  Imperii  prffidicti  jurisdictio,  regimen  et  dispositio  devolvantur,  et  ea,  tempore 
durante  ipsius  vacationis  Imperii  per  se  vel  alium  seu  alios  exercuisse  noscitur  in 
Imperio  memorato;  nonnulli  tamen  in  Italia;  partibus — vicariatus  seu  alterius 
cujuscumque  nomen  officii,  quod  Imperatore  vivente  ex  ipsius  commissione  gere- 
bant,  — post  decessum  ipsius  absque  nostra— licentia  retinere  sibi  —  prssumpse- 
runt.  —  Quia  igitur  error,  cui  non  resistitur,  approbari  videtur;  —  nos  yolentes 
nostris  et  ecclesisR  sponss  nostra;  juribus  et  honoribus  in  hac  parte  prospicere,— 
nee  non  periculis  animarum  hujusmodi  retinentium  —  nomina  — salubriler  occur- 
rere  cupientes;  prssentium  auctoritate  monemus  sub  excommunicalionis  poena 
omnes  et  singulos, —  quatenus  de  csetero  a  denominatione  hujusmodi,  —  necnon 
usu,  potestate  et  exercitio  supradictis  prorsus  abstineant.  —  Alioquin  in  omnes  et 
singulos  —  excommunicalionis  in  singulares  personas,  et  in  terras  et  loca  ipsorum 

—  fnterdicti  sententias  — publice  promulgamus,  etc.  Concerning  the  dispute  with 
Matthew  Visconte,  the  imperial  Vicar  in  Milan,  who  resigned  this  title,  it  is  true, 
but  as  captain  retained  the  same  power,  see  Villani  IX.  c.  85  seq.  Robert,  king 
of  Sicily,  being  unable  to  cope  with  him,  Philip  of  Valois  was  appointed  assistant 
Vicar  (Raynald.  1320,  no.  10),  and  Matthew  declared  a  heretic,  cum  illi  ecclesiae 
auctoritas  sacrorumque  religio  ludibrio  esset  (ib.  no.  13).  During  these  disturb- 
ances the  great  Dante  Alighieri  (f  1321)  in  his  Monarchia  (ed.  in  Schardn  de 
jurisdict.  imperiali  variorum  auctorum  scripta  Basil.  1566.  fol.),  defended  the  im- 
perial  rio-hts  against  the  encroachments  of  the  Pope  (see  Bartolus  note  9,  below). 

—  The  jTttempts  of  the  Pope  to  assume  the  same  office  in  Germany,  noticed  by 
Olenschlager,  S.  102. 

*  Compare  Zschokke,  1.  c.  S.  148. 

6  Bull  of  8th  Oct.  1323  (Processus  primus  contra  Lud.)  in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no. 
30;  more  complete  in  Henvart,  P.  I.  p.  194;  and  in  Martene  et  Bur  and  ihes. 
nov.  anecdot.  T.  II.  p.  644:  Ludovicus  a  nobis,  ad  quem  sua  electionis  —  ac  per- 
sona; ipsius  examinatio,  approbatio,  ac  admissio,  repulsio  quoque  et  reprobatio  no- 
scitur pertinere,  electione  pra;dicta  nequaquam  admissa,  nee  ejus  approbata  persona, 

—  Romanorum  Regni  nomen  sibi  et  titulum  Regium  usurpavit ;  quamvis  piius- 
quam  alterutrius  eorura  per  sedem  Apostolicam  fuisset  approbata  vel  reprobata 
persona,  neutri  electoruin  ipsorum  assumere  licuit  nomen  et  titulum  prffilibatum: 
cum  nee  interim  Romanorum  Reges  existant,  sed  in  Reges  electi.  —  Idem  etiam 
Ludovicus  —  ad  administrationem  jurium  Regni  et  Imperii  pra'dictorum,  in  gravem 
Dei  offensam  et  contemptum,  ac  manifestam  injuriam  Romanae  Ecclesiae  matris 
sua;,  ad  quam  ejusdem  vacationis  tempore  Imperii  regimen,  sicut  et  inpraesentia- 
rum'vacat,  pertinere  dignoscitur,  necnon  et  plurimorum  scandalum  et  rei  turbatio- 
nem  ac  lEesionem  publicae,ac  suoe  anima-  detrimentum  prosilire,  seque  illi  immiscere 
irreverenter  ac  indebite  pra;sumpsit  hactenus  et  pra;sumit.  —  Ejusdem  insuper 
EcclesiEe  Romana;  hostibus,  sicut  Galeacio  de  Vicecomitibus  (Galeazzo  Viscount, 
the  son  and  successor  of  Matthew)  et  ejus  fratribus,  quamvis  sint  de  criinine 
hffiresis— condemnati,  —  se  exhibere  fautorem  et  defensorem  —  non  est  Veritas 
nee  veretur.  Nos  itaque  —  prasfatum  Ludovicum  —  prasentium  tenore  monemus, 
eidem  sub  virtute  sanctEe  obedientiae,  ac  excommunicationis  poena,  quam  ipsum, 
nisi  cum  effectu  hujusmodi  monitioni  nostra-  paruerit,  incurrere  volumus  ipso  facto, 
auctoritate  Apostolica  nihilominus  injungentes,  ut  infra  trium  mensium  spatium,  4 


12  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

ed  himself  on  the  ground  that  he  derived  his  dignity  from  the  choice 
of  the  electors,'''  upon  which  the  exasperated  Pope  excommunicated 
him  forthwith  (March  21,  1324).8 

data  prffisentium  computandum,  —  ab  administratione,  faiitoria  et  defensjoiie  prse- 
dictis  prorsus  abstineat  ac  desistat ; —  quodque  gesta  per  eum  post  prEesuniptum  ab 
eo  tituluin  memoratuiii  circa  pra^missa,  quatenus  processere  de  facto  (cum  de  jure 
non  teneant,  velut  ab  ipso,  cui  jus  f'aciendi  non  coinpetebat  nee  competit),  attentata, 
curet  infra  pra;dictum  terminura,  quantum  patietur  possibilitas,  realiter  revocare. 
Then  follows  a  command  to  all  the  subjects  of  the  empire  sub  poenis  excommuni- 
cationis  in  personas,  et  interdicti  in  terras  eorum,  necnon  privationis  privilegiorum 
quorumcunque  Apostolicorum  et  Imperialium,  ac  feudorum,  quae  ab  Ecclesia  vel 
Imperio  obtinent,  to  render  to  Lewis  neither  obedience  nor  support.  Finally  :  Ut 
autem  hujusmodi  processus  noster  ad  ipsius  Ludovici  —  notitiam  deducatur,  chartas 
sive  membranas  processum  continentes  eundem  in  Ecclesia  Avenionensi  appendi 
vel  affii^i  ostiis  seu  superliminaribus  ejusdem  Ecclesias  faciemus,  quae  processum 
ipsum  suo  quasi  sonoro  pra^conio  et  patulo  indicio  publicabunt ;  ut  idem  Ludovicus 
et  alii,  quos  processus  ipse  contingit,  nullam  possint  exciisationem  praetendere, 
quod  ad  eos  non  pervenerit :  — cum  non  sit  verisimile,  quoad  ipsos  remanere  incog- 
nitum,  —  quod  tam  patenter  omnibus  publicatur.  This  new  mode  of  publication  i3 
worthy  of  remark. 

'  Lewis'  protest,  taken  before  a  notary  and  witnesses  in  Niirnberg,  16  Dec. 
1323  (in  Herwart  I.  p.  248;  inOlenschlagers  Urkundenb.  S.  84),  —  Nos 
circumcincti  stola  justitia;,  et  amicti  pallio  veritatis,  in  hac  parte  facti  et  juris  conscii, 
clare  respondemus,  —  quod  hactenus  a  tempore,  cujus  non  est  memoria,  circa  electos 
Romanorum  Reges  et  Principes  sic  est  de  jure  et  consuetudine  observatum, — 
quod  Romanus  Rex  eo  solum,  quod  electus  est  a  Principibus  Electoribus  —  omnibus 
vel  majori  numero  eorundem,  et  coionatus  corona  Regia  in  solitis  locis  et  consuctis, 
Rex  est,  —  acjura  Regni  libere  administrat.  —  Nee  concedimus,  ita  simpliciter,  ut 
proponitur,  ad  Sedem  Apostolicam  examinationem,  adraissionem  et  approbationem 
electionis  et  personae  nostra,  [aut]  repulsionem  et  reprobationem  pertinere,  sicut 
asserit.  Sed  si,  quod  non  crediums,  pertineret,  hoc  unum  denium  sibi  locum  liendi- 
care  forte  posset,  si  per  querelam,  vel  per  viam  supplicationis,  appellationis  vel 
provocationis,  vel  alio  modo  ad  ipsam  Sedem  fuisset  devolutum  ipsum  negotium  vel 
deductum  ;  quae  locum  non  obtinent  in  prasenti :  vel  si  forte,  petitis  per  nos  infulis 
Imperialibus  vel  denominatione  nostra,  ex  causis  legitimis  jure  scriptis,  quas  ad 
nos  locum  non  credinms  habuisse,  personam  nostram  contigisset  exigente  justitia 
refutari.  Denoniinatio  quippe  personae  vel  electionis  admissio  hahitas  subsequenter 
nobis  non  jus,  nomen  vel  titulum  tribuissent,  qu£e  jam  ex  ipsa  electione  sortiti 
sumus,  sed  ea  potius  detexissent,  approbassent  et  latius  comniendassent.  —  Quod 
vero  adjunxit,  nos  Galeazio  de  Vicecomitibus  et  ejus  frati-ibus  de  hrtresi  condem- 
natis  —  defensionem  exhibuisse,  penitus  nihil  scimus.  Nam  si  dicti  Galeazius  et 
fratres  sui  sunt  de  hreresi  condemnati,  nobis  non  innotuit.  —  Imo  quern  favorem  aut 
defensionem  eis  —  exhibuimus,  et  quomodo  sint  vel  fuerint  rebelles  Ecclesia?,  non 
videmus  ;  aperte  conjicimus,  et  pereffectum  operis  cognoscimus,  nonnullos  rebelles 
nominari  Ecclesias,  qui  per  fidem  devotionis  suae  molientibus  contra  statum  et  jura 
Imperii  renituntur.  —  Sed  nos  astringimus  et  offerimus  —  legitime  probaturos, 
quod  ipse  est  dissimulator,  defensor  et  fautor  ha^reticoe  pravitalis  ejus,  quae  totam  s. 
Ecclesiam  inficit  et  conturbat,  et  a  confessione  retrahit  poenitentes.  —  Nam  cum 
ad  ipsius  summi  Pontificis  audientiam  gravibus  et  frequentibus  Archiepiscoporum, 
Episcoporum  —  querinioniis  sit  deductum  —  conti-a  —  Fratres  Minores  —  ,  quod 
ipsi  sint  secretae  confessionis  proditores,  et  peteretur  ab  eo,  ut  hoc  —  emendaret ; 
ipse  tanquam  tergiversando,  dissimulando  et  celando  morbum  hujusmodi  —  curare 

non  curavit,  dictis  fratribus  in  hac  parte  s.  Romanas  Ecclesiae  et  fidci  catholicae 

inimicis  constituens  se  fautorem.  Ceterum  —  ipse  contra  divinfe  dispositionis  ordi- 
nationem,  per  quam  in  tirmaniento  Ecclesiae  militantis  duo  magna  luminaria  Deus 
fecit,  Pontificalem  videlicet  auctoritatem  et  Imperatoriam  Majcstatem,  illud  ut 
prseesset  diei,  spiritualia  disponendo,  alterum  ut  prasesset  nocti,  temporalia  judican- 
do,  manifeste  nititur  luminaris  alterius,  potestatis  scilicet  radios  sacularis  suffocare : 
unde  in  confusionem  et  errorem  sancta  reponetur  Ecclesia,  causabuntur  hifireses, 
jno-erentur  lite«.  s\isritabuntur  scandala,    et    Ecclesia  Romana.  rarons    pra?posito 


e/tap.  //.    Papacy  till  1378.    /.  Political  History.    §  96.     13 

Thus,  then,  the  contest  was  once  more  renewed  between  the  papal 
and  the  imperial  power,  the  insatiable  popes  not  being  content  till 
they  had  robbed  the  empire  of  the  last  ray  of  its  glory,  and  sacrificed 
another  of  the  best  of  the  emperors  to  their  ambition.  Public  opinion, 
however,  hitherto  the  strongest  ally  of  the  popes,  was  now  against 
them,  especially  at  the  outset.  The  jurists  were  naturally  bound  to 
the  eraperor,^  and  even  the  canonists   were   hardly  able  to   keep  up 


advocafo,  resistere  non  potent  insurgentibus  ex  adverso.  Nos  igitur,  —  senliens, 
nos  et  jura  Imperii  et  nostra,  sanctam  professionem  catholicam,  sanctam  Romanam 
Ecclesiam  ex  pra^dictis  processibus  — graviter  et  enonuiter—  aggravatos  esse  ;  —  a 
processibus  dicti  Pontiticis  manifeste  iniquis  —  sanctam  Sedem  Apostolicam  — 
appellamus.  —  Cum  vero  propter  pramissos  articulos  —  opus  sit  convocatione  con- 
cilii  generalis,  instanter  et  cum  onini  devotione  ipsum,  quam  primum  commode 
poteri't,  ad  locum  comuiunem  et  aptum  petimus  congregari. 

»  The  Processus  secundus,  dated  9  Jan.  1324  (in  Martene  et  Durand  thes. 
anecd.  T.  II.  p.  647),  contains  only  a  confirmation  of  the  first,  adding  two  months 
to  the  grace.  Processus  tertius,  21  March,  1.324  (in  Martene,  1.  c.  p.  652.  Olen- 
schlager,  1.  c.  S.  96) :  Nos  adhuc  volentes  cum  eodem  clecto  uti  potius  mansuetu- 
dine  quam  rigore  —  per  infi-a  scriptum  modum  duximus  ordinandum,  videlicet  quod 
ad  publicationem  sententia2  excommunicationis,  —  in  qua  idem  electus  propter 
suam  in  prcedictis  inobedientiam  et  contemtum  incidisse  dignoscitur,  procedentes, 
ab  aliarum  pcenarum  publicatione,  in  quas  similiter  incidit,  supersedeamus  ad  prae- 
sens.  Then  Louis  is  charged  to  obey  within  three  months  sub  poena  privationis 
omnis  juris,  si  quod  sibi  ex  sua  electione  —  quoquomodo  competit :  ac  insuper  infra 
dictum  terminum  per  se  vel  procuratorem  —  compareat  coram  nobis,  super  dictis 
excessibus  —  definitivam  sententiam  et  beneplacitum,  quantum  otficium  nostrum 
patitur,  auditurus,  ac  alias  facturus  et  recepturus  quod  justitia  suadebit.  Against 
those  who  should  adhere  to  him,  the  threats  of  the  first  process  are  repeated.  Et  licet 
contra  civitates,  communitates,  imiversitates,  et  singulares  personas  alias,  quas  in 
praedictis  vel  circa  ea  forsitan  deliquerint,  —  ad  debitam  impositionera  pcenarum 
propter  hoc  fuisset  merito  procedendum,  tamen  de  apostolicaj  sedis  gratia  adhuc 
providimus  expectandum.  All  who  from  this  time  forward  continued  to  obey  or 
assist  Louis,  should  be  under  the  Interdict,  from  which  they  could  be  released 
only  by  the  Pope. 

»  The  notion  of  the  universal  monarchy  of  the  emperor  (see  §  54,  note  3)  was 
now  carried  so  far  that  Henry  VII.  in  a  law  passed  in  Pisa,  1312  (Extravagantes, 
quas  nonnulli  XI  Collationem  appellant  Tit.  I.  appended  to  the  Cod.  Justin.)  thus 
expresses  himself:  divinaprscepta,  quibus  jubetur,  quod  omnis  anima  Romanorum 
Principi  sit  subjecta.  The  great  jurist  Bariolus  de  Saxoferrato  (in  Bologna  f 
1356)  in  his  Comm.  super  secund.  Partem  ff.  novi  (in  Dig.  Lib.  XLIX.  Tit.  15  de 
captiv.  et  de  postlim.  1.  24)  proves  in  full  this  right  of  the  emperor,  and  closes 
thus  :  si  quis  diceret,  dominum  Imperatorem  non  esse  dominum  et  monarcham  totius 
orbis,  esset  haereticus :  quia  diceret  contra  determinationem  ecclesiffi  (compare  § 
59,  note  31)  et  contra  textum  s.  Evangelii,  dum  dicit :  Exivit  edictum  a  CcBsare 
Augusta,  ut  describeretur  universus  orbis,  ut  habes  Luc.  II.  vel.  III.  cap.  et  ita 
etiam  recognovit  Christus  Imperatorem  ut  Dominum.  See,  however,  ad  Dig.  Lib. 
XLVIII.  Tit.  17  de  requir.  reis  1.  1.  §  2.  Pra;sides :  Dantes  —  in  uno  libro,  quern 
fecit,  qui  vocatur  nionarchia  —  disputavit  tres  quaestiones,  quarum  una  fuit,  an 
imperium  dependeat  ab  ecclesia,  et  tenuit,  quod  non:  sed  post  mortem  suam  quasi 
propter  hoc  fuit  damnatus  de  hseresi :  Nam  ecclesia  tenet,  quod  imperium  depen- 
deat ab  ecclesia  pulcherrimis  rationibus,  quas  omitto,  tenendo  istud,  quod  imperium 
dependeat  ab  ecclesia.  The  following  passage  on  the  question  whether  Henry  VII. 
had  the  rigftt  to  summon  Robert  to  his  presence,  and  on  the  bull,  Pastoralis  (§  95, 
note  17)  is  characteristic  :  Cynus  (Bartolus'  teacher,  f  1341)  disputavit  istam 
quaistionem  Senis,  et  dicit,  quod  ista  citatio  potest  fieri.  —  Sed  ad  illam  decretalem 
dicit  ipse  :  non  potest  dari  responsum  in  pace,  sed  pertranseat  cum  aliis  errori- 
bus  Canonistarum.  Ita  dicit  ipse.  Ego  consuevi  tenere  illam  decretalem,  tarn- 
quam   cxistens  in   terris   ecclesia?,  dicens  eam  esse  veram  de  jure.     Nam,  etc. 


14  Third  Period.     Div.  III.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

with  the  rapid  progress  of  the  papal  pretensions. i*^  The  popular  feel- 
ing ^^  of  the  justice  of  Lewis'  cause  was  confirmed  by  the  conviction 

Thus  the  papal  jurist  makes  the  universal  monarchy  of  the  emperor  to  depend  upon 
the  Pope,  after  the  example  of  Boniface  VIII,  (see  §  59,  note  31). —  Worthy  of 
notice  is  Albericus  de  Rosate  (of  Bergamo,  "f  1354).  In  his  Lectura  super  Cod. 
ad  Cod.  Lib.  I.  T.  1.  1.  1.  no.  7,  we  find  some  very  sensible  objections  to  the  asserted 
universal  monarchy  of  the  emperor,  concluding  ad  1.  7  §.  Gloriosissimo,  no.  6: 
Quidquid  ergo  dicatur,  credo  potestates  esse  distinctas,  ut  unus  pra'sit  in  spirituali- 
bus  sc.  Papa,  alter  in  temporalibus.  His  discussion  of  the  subject  fullest  ad  Cod.  Lib. 
VII.  Tit.  39.  De  quadricnnii  prKscriplione,  1.  3.  Bene  a  Zenone.  Here  some 
remarkable  reminiscenses  from  former  times,  e.  g.  omnes  clerici  et  ecclesis  anti- 
quitus  suberant  Impcratori.  —  eodem  modo  posset  dici  de  electione  Paps,  nam  olini 
eligebatur  per  Imperatorem.  —  Et  ista  forte  privilegia  perdidit  imperium  de  facto 
potius  quam  de  jure,  propter  longam  vacationem  ejusdem  et  potentiam  et  pruden- 
tiam  summorum  pontilicum  et  aliorum  prresidentium  Romanas  Ecclesia;.  Finally: 
Nunc  illam  duram  et  subtilem  quaestionem  aggredior,  utrum  Imperator  ex  sola 
electione  concordi  vel  a  majori  parte  facta  dicatur  verus  Imperator,  et  omnimodam 
administrationem  et  potestatem  habeat  circa  privilegia  concedenda  et  omnia  alia,  an 
vero  indigeat  confirmatione,  unctione,  examinatione,  coronatione  Papae.  After  having 
given  in  full  the  grounds  for  and  against,  he  continues:  Quid  ergo  in  tanta  jurium 
Doctorum  et  glossarum  varietate  tenebimus  ?  Dominus  Oldradus  (de  Ponte,  Advo- 
catus  Consistorialis,  and  much  appealed  to  by  Johannes  XXII.  "f  1320)  sequebatur 
opinionem,  quod  aduiinistrare  non  posset.  —  In  eadem  opinione  fuit  Ostiensis  (Hen- 
ricus  Card.  Ostiensis,  Canonist  about  1260)  and  other  writers  on  the  Canons.  Con- 
trariam  opinionem  tenuit  Jacobus  de  Arena  (in  the  beginning  of  14th  centurjj, 
prof,  juris  in  Padua),  qui  banc  quffistionem  publice  disputavit,  et  cujus  disputatio- 
nem  inseruit  hie  Cynus  (jurist  in  Bologna  and  Perugia,  *f  1341),  qui  eandem 
opinionem  clare  hie  sequitur.  Eandem  opinionem  sequitur  Guilelmus  Na«o, — 
qui  dicit  quod  eligendo  contirmatur,  sicut  Dominus  Papa,  —  quia  sacerdotium  et 
imperium  parum  disci-epant.  —  Et  tenet,  quod  privilegia  per  eum  concessa  valeant 
etiam  si  cassaretur  ejus  electio.  Hanc  etiam  opinionem  sequitur  Innocentius  (IV. 
who  wrote  Comm.  in  Decretales  Pontificum)  d.  c.  Venerabilem  (Deer.  Greg.  I. 
6,  34)  in  glossa  art.  quod  sicut  potest,  ubi  hjec  verba  ponit :  Ci-edimus  tamen,  quod, 
si  Imperator  coronam  in  loco  debito  recipere  non  possit,  nihiloniinus  auctoritate 
ministrandi  ab  archiepiscopo  Coloniensi  posset  recipere,  vel  sua  auctoiitate,  quam 
habet  ex  electione.  Haec  ibi.  Et  hanc  opinionem  veriorem  puto  per  jura  et 
rationes  ad  hoc  adductas,  et  maxime  auctoiitate  dicti  Domini  Innocentii  et  aliorum 
hoc  tenentiuin.  Alias  sequeretur  maxima  absurditas,  quod  cum  Imperium  et 
Imperatores  fuerint  ante  Papam,  —  et  multi  etiam  tempore  Papse  fuerunt  non  con- 
firmati  nee  coronati  ab  eo,  immo  eligebant  Papam,  ut  praedictum  est,  videretur, 
quod  gesta  per  eos  non  valuissent,  et  sic  leges  civiles  et  multa  subverterentur. 
Hanc  etiam  opinionem  sequitur  quidam  magister  Joannes  Parisiensis  (see  §  59, 
note  35)  et  Dantes  de  Florentia  (above,  note  4).  —  De  hoc  fuit  magna  concertatio 
tempore  Joannis  XXII.  et  successoiis  sui  Benedicfi  XII.  inter  cos  et  Dominum 
Ludovicum  de  Bavaria,  electum  in  Impei-atorem.  Et  me  existente  tunc  in  Ro- 
mana  curia,  audivi  magnos  prcelatos  et  etiam  laicos  utrosque  jurisperitos  in 
hanc  opinionem  inclinare  tamquam  veriorem. — Praesidentes  Romans  ecclesiae 
eorum  astuta  et  sagaci  prudentia  secundum  temporum  varietatem  sua  variaverunt 
statuta,  modo  Imperium  sublimando  modo  paulatim  deprimendo  de  tempore  in 
tempus  :  sed  considerato  initio  cujuslibet  puto  potestates  fnisse  distinctas,  et  si 
quaelibet  fuisset  contenta  suis  limitibus,  et  una  alteram  coadjuvasset,  sicut  facere 
tenentur,  puto,  quod  pax  esset  in  universo  orbe. 

'"  Hermannus  Januensis,  about  1348,  in  the  continuation  of  Martini  Minoritse 
Flores  temp,  (in  Eccardi  corpus  hist,  medii  asvi,  T.  I.  p.  1638)  :  Papa  anno  1323 
Ludovicum  exconnnunicavit,  etc.  Isti  processus  a  quibusdam  stricte  servabantur; 
a  multis  vero  quasi  invalidi  nihil  curabantur,  quia  Bononiae  et  Parisius,  ut  dicitur, 
examinati  a  Doctoribus  Theologiae  et  utriusque  juris  judicabanturpenitus  nil  valere. 
of.  Mbericus  a  Rosate,  note  9. 

'*  How  entirely  this  was  in  Lewis'  favor  is  shown  by  its  taking  the  form  of 
revelations.     Thus  the  infant  Jesus  appeared  to  Margaretha  Ebner,  a  nun  in  a 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  1378.     I.  Political  History.    ^  96.        15 

that  the  Pope  was  acting  in  this,  as  in  other  cases,  under  French 
influence  ;  and  still  more  by  the  imputation  of  heresy  cast  upon  him 
by  the  Minorites,  who  had  sought  refuge  from  his  persecutions  under 
the  protection  of  Lewis. i-  The  writers  on  the  imperial  side,  the 
court-physician  Martilius  of  Padua  (t  after  1842),  and  John  of  Jar- 
dun  (t  after  1338)  ^^  only  made  the  public  more  distrustful  of  their 

convent  near  Dillingen,  saying  :  "  I  will  never  forsake  him,  for  his  love  to  me." 
See  Jo.  Heumanni  opuscula,  p.  340. 

'^  Namely,  on  account  of  his  decision  given  A.  D.  1323,  hcereticum  esse,  perti- 
naciter  affirmare,  Christum  ejusque  Aposlolos  in  speciali  non  habuisse  aliqua,  nee 
in  coramuni  etiam.     See  below,  in  the  history  of  the  Franciscans. 

'^  According  to  Albert.  Mussatus  in  Lud.  Bav.  (Alurat.  X.  p.  773)  Lewis' 
advisers,  quorum  consiliis  potissimum  fruebatur,  were  Marsilius  de  Raymundinis, 
civis  Paduanus  plebejus,  philosophic  gnarus  et  ore  disertus  (supposed  usually  to 
have  died  1328,  but  mentioned  in  Ludov.  ep.  ad  Bened.  XII.  iu  Raynald,  ann. 
1336,  no.  36,  as  still  living,  neither  is  there  any  reason  to  doubt  that  the  work  de 
jurisdict.  imp.  in  causis  matrim.,  which  appeared  in  1342,  see  below,  §  98,  note 
18,  is  by  him),  et  Ubertinus  de  Casali  Januensis  Monachus,  vir  similiter  astutus 
et  ingeniosus  (see  §  70,  note  13).  Besides  these  two  there  were  also  Johannes  de 
Janduno  (incorrectly  de  Gandavo,  or  of  Ghent,  see  Oudin.  comm.  de  Scriptt. 
eccl.  ant.  T.  III.  p.  883)  and  Ulrich  Hangenor  (Mag.  Uliicus  de  Augusta)  private 
secretaries  to  the  emperor.  In  this  period  was  written  the  work,  the  joint  product 
of  John  and  Marsilius  :  Defensor  pacis  (in  Goldast.  Monarcliia,  T.  II.  p.  154)  ; 
the  work  of  Marsilius  de  translatione  Imperii  tract,  (ibid.  p.  147)  and  of  John  tract, 
de  potestate  Ecclesiastica  (Ms.  bibl.  Colbert,  see  Oudin.  1.  c.  p.  884).  The  Defen- 
sor pacis,  in  3  Dictiones  s.  Partes,  treats  in  the  first  part  of  the  origin  and  the  aim 
of  the  state  ;  in  the  second,  of  the  relation  between  the  temporal  and  ecclesiastical 
favor  ;  and  in  the  third  gives  41  Conclusiones  from  what  precedes,  cf.  Concl.  1  : 
Solam  divinam  s.  canonicam  scripturani,  et  ad  ipsam  per  necessitatem  sequentem 
quamcumque  ipsius  interpretationem,  ex  communi  concilio  fidelium  factam,  veram 
esse  et  ad  Kternam  heatitudinem  consequendam  necesse  credere,  si  alicui  debite 
proponatur.  II.  Legis  divina;  dubias  definire  sententias  —  solum  generale  conci- 
lium fidelium —  debere,  nullumque  aliud  partiale  collegium  aut  personam  singu- 
larem,  cujuscunque  conditionis  existat,  jam  dictse  determinationis  auctoritatem 
habere.  III.  Ad  observanda  prsecepta  divinai  legis  poena  vel  supplicio  temporali 
—  nemo  EvangeUca  scriptura  compelli  prcecipitur.  IV.  Sohus  nova;  legis  divinae 
praecepta,  vel  ad  ipsa  per  necessitatem  sequentia,  et  quas  secundum  rectam  ratio- 
nem  fieri  aut  omitti  convenit,  propter  asternam  salutem  necesse  servari,  antiquae 
vero  legis  nequaquam  omnia.  V.  In  divinis  novse  legis  prasceptis  aut  prohibitis 
neminem  mortalem  dispensare  posse  ;  permissa  vero  prohibere,  obligando  ad  cul- 
pam  aut  pcenam  pro  statu  prajsentis  sKculi  vel  venturi,  solum  posse  generate 
concilium,  aut  fidelem  legislatorem  humanum.  VI.  Legislatorem  humanum  solam 
civium  universitatem  esse,  aut  valentiorem  illius  partem.  VII.  Decretales  vel 
Decreta  Romanorum  aut  aliorura  quorumlibet  pontificum,  communiter  aut  divisim, 
absque  concessione  legislatoris  humani  constituta,  nenunem  obligare  poena  vel 
supplicio  temporali.  VIII.  in  humanis  legibus  solum  legislatorem  vel  illius  aucto- 
ritate  alterum  dispensare  posse.  X.  Cujuslibet  principatus  aut  alterius  officii  per 
electionem  instituendi,  prscipue  vim  coactivam  habentis,  electionem  a  solius  legis- 
latoris exspressa  voluntate  pendere.  XV.  Super  omnem  singularem  personam 
mortalem,  cujuscunque  conditionis  existat,  atque  collegium  laicorum  ac  clericorum, 
auctoritate  legislatoris  solummodo  principem  jurisdictionem  tarn  realera  quam  per- 
sonalem  coactivam  habere.  XVI.  Excomiiiunicare  quenquam,  aut  divinorum 
officia  interdicere  absque  fidelis  legislatoris  auctoritate  nuUi  Episcopo  vel  sacerdoti 
aut  ipsorum  collegio  licere.  XVII.  Oranes  Episcopos  aequalis  auctoritatis  esse 
immediate  per  Christum,  neque  secundum  legem  divinam  convinci  posse  in  spiri- 
tualibus  aut  temporalibus  praeesse  invicem  vel  subesse.  XVIII.  Auctoritate 
divina,  legislatoris  humani  fidelis  interveniente  consensu  seu  concessione,  sic  aJios 
Episcopos  communiter  aut  divisim  excommunicare  posse  Romanum  Episcopum,  et 
in  ipsum  auctoritatem  aliam  exercere,  quemadmodum  e  converse.     XIX.  Conju- 


16  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

cause  by  the  boldness  of  the  assertions  with  which  their  works  were 
filled.     On  the  other  hand,  they  have  the  merit,  of  having  furnished 


gia — divina  lege,  nova  prssertim,  prohibita  per  mortalem  nemiuem  dispensari 
posse  ;  humana  vei-o  lege  prohibita  ad  solius  legislatoris  vel  per  ipsum  principantis 
auctoritatein  pertinere.     XXI.  Ad  Ecclesiasticos  oi'dines  proinovendos,  ipsorumque 
sufficientiam  judicare  judicio  coactivo,  ad  solum  legislatorem  fidelem  spectare,  ac 
sine  ipsius  auctoritate  quenquam  proinovere  ad  hoc  cuiquam  sacerdoti  vel  Episcopo 
non  licere.     XXll.  Numerum  Ecclesiarum  sive  temploruin,  ac  in  ipsis  ministrare 
debentium  sacerdotum,  diaconorum,  et  reliquorum  officialium  ad  solum  principan- 
tem  secundum  leges  fidelium  pertinet  mensurare.     XXVII.  Ecclesiasticis  tempo- 
ralibus,   expleta   sacerdotum   et    aliorum    Evangelii    ministrorum,    et   liis  quae  ad 
cultum  divinum  pertinent  ac  impotentum   pauperum   necessitate,  licite  ac  secun- 
dum legem  divinam  pro  communibus  seu  publicis  utilitatibus  aut  defensionibus  uti 
posse  legislatorem  humanum  totaliter  et  in  parte.     XXXIII.  Generale  concilium 
aut  paiti.ile   sacerdotum   et  Episcoporum   ac   reliquorum   fidelium   per   coactivam 
potestatem  congregare,  ad  fidelem  legislatorem   aut  ejus   auctoritate   principanteni 
in  communitatibus  fidelium  tantummodo  pertinere,  nee  in  aliter  congregato  deter- 
minata  vim  aut  robur  habere.     According  to  Concl.  XXXII.  the  i-ight  of  estab- 
lishing and  breaking  up  Metropolitanships,  was  reserved  to  the  general  councils  ; 
also,  according  to  Concl.  XXXV.,  that  of  canonizing  saints ;  also,  Ccncl.  XXXVI. : 
Episcopis  aut  Presbyteris  aliisque  templorum  ministris  si  uxores  intei-dicere  conve- 
nit,  reliqua  quoque  circa  Eccle^iasticum  ritum  per  generale  solum  fidelium  conci- 
lium id  statui  et  ordinari ;  et  illud  solum   collegium,   aut  personam  in  hoc  cum 
prEedictis  dispensare   posse,   cui   data  fuerit    ejus  auctoritas  per  concilium   supra 
dictum.     Concl.  XXXVII.  A  judicio  coactivo,   Episcopo  vel  sacerdoti  concesso, 
semper  ad  legislatorem  contendentem  liceat  appellare,  vel  ad  ejus  auctoritate  prin- 
cipantem.     Concl.  XL.  Legislatorem  fidelem,  aut  ejus  auctoritate  principantem  in 
subjecta  sibi  provincia  compellere  posse  tam  Episcopos  quam  reliquos  evangelicos 
ministros,  quibus  de  sufficientia  victus  et  tegumenti  pi'ovisum  est,  ad  divina  ofRcia 
celebranda  et  sacramenta  ecclesiastica  ministranda.     Important  for  the   history  of 
the  hierarchy,  P.  II.  c.  15,  p.  239  :   Hajc  nomina  Presbyter  et  Episcopus  in  pri- 
mitiva  ecclesia  fuerunt  synonyma,  quamvis  a  diversis  pi'oprietatibus  eidem  imposita 
fuerint.     Nam  Preshyter  ab  a;tate  nomen  impositum  est,  quasi  senior ;  Episcopus 
vero  a  dignitate  seu  cura  super  alios,  quasi  superintendens.     Proofs  drawn  from 
Jerome.    Phil.  i.  1,  etc.     See  vol.  I.  §  29,  note  1.  —  Post  hoec  autem  Apostolorum 
tempora  numero  sacerdotum  notabiliter  aucto  ad  scandalum  et  schisma  evitandum 
elegerunt  sacei-dotes  unum  ex  ipsis,  qui  alios  dirigeret  et  ordinaret,  quantum  ad 
ecclesiasticum  officium  et  servitium  exercendum  et  oblata  distribuendum,  ac  reli- 
qua disponendum  convenientiori  mode,  ne  istud  quolibet  pro  libito  faciente  oecono- 
mia    et   servitium   templorum  turbaretur   propter    afFectionum    diversitates.      Hie 
siquidem  electus  —  ex  posteriorum  consuetudine  retinuit  sibi  soli  nomen  Episcopi, 
quasi  superintendentis.  —  Verum  jam  dicta  electio  seu  institutio  per  hominem  — 
nihil  amplioris  meriti  essentialis  seu  sacerdotalis  auctoritatis  —  tribuit,  sed  solum 
ordinationis  oeconomicas  in  domo  Dei  seu  templo  potestatem  quandam,  alioa  sacer- 
dotes  —  ordinandi  et  regulandi,  quoniodo  Priori  datur  potestas  in  monachos.  —  Et 
ideo  secundum  veritatem  et  intentionem  Hieronymi  non  aliud  est  Episcopus  quam 
archipresbytcr.     Cap.  16  shows,  Apostolorum  neminem  ad  alios  habuisse  praeemi- 
nentiam  from  Luc.  xxii.  19  ;  Jo.  xx.  21,  22  ;  Gal.  ii.  6-9.     Nullam  ergo  potesta- 
tem, eoque  minus  coactivam  jurisdictionem  habuit  Petrus  a   Deo  immediate  super 
apostolos  reliquos,  neque  instituendi   eos  in  officio   sacerdotali,  neque   segregandi 
eo?  seu  mittendi  ad  officium  prsedicationis,  nisi  quod  hoc  sane  concedi  potest,  ipsum 
fuisse  priorem  aliis  aetale  vel  officio  fortasse  secundum  tempus,  aut  Apostolorum 
electione,  qui  eum  propterea  reverebantur  merito,  quamvis  banc  electionem  ex 
scriptura  nemo  convincere  possit.     Signum  autem,  verum  esse  quod  diximus,  est, 
quoniam  h.  Petrum  nullam  sibi  assumpsisse  singularitcr  auctoritatem  supra  reliquos 
apostolos  invenimiis  ex  scriptura,  sed  magis  cum  ipsis  fequalitatem  servasse.     In 
proof  of  which  he  appeals  to  Act.  XV.  —  Sicut  Petrus  Antiochiae  legitur  electus 
in  Episcopuin  per  fidelium  inultitudinem,  aliorum  Apostolorum  confirmatione  non 
indigent,  sic  et  Apo^tolorum   rcliqui   prxfucrunt   in   aliis  provinciis   absque  Petri 
scientia,  institutione,  vel  consecratione  aliqtia  ;  fuerant  enim  per  Christum  conse- 
crati  sufficienter.     Propter  quod  similiter  opinandum,  horum  Apostolorum  succes- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy  till  137S.     /.  Political  History.     §  96.        17 

the  theologians  of  their  own  and  the  succeeding  ages  with  fruitful 
materials  of  thought.     The  cause  of  the  emperor  w°as  in  fact  more 


sores  non  indiguisse  aliqua  confirmatione  successorum  Petri ;  quinimo  multi  suc- 
cessores  alioruin  Apostoloruin  fuenint  elccti  et  instituti  Episcopi  rite,  ipsorumque 
provincias  sancte  rexerunt  absque  alia  institutioiie  vel  continnatione  de  ipsis  facta 
per  successores  Petri.  Et  extitit  hoc  sic  legitime  observatum  usque  quasi  ad 
teinpora  Constantnii  Imp.  —  Quod  si  tamen  b.  Petrus  a  quibusdam  sanctorutii  prin- 
ceps  Apostoloruui  sciibatur,  dictum  est  large  ac  improprie  siimendo  vocabulura 
pnncipis.  —  Cujus  rei  exemplum  conveniens  sumi  potest  ex  principantibus  ssculi, 
qui  nee  prassunt  sibi  invicem  aliqua  potestate,  ut  Comites  ejusdem  regni ;  —  cum 
tamen  quandoque  inter  alios  unus  aut  plures  ceteris  honoratiores  habeantur.  — 
Quod  SI  tamen  Apostoli  b.  Petrum  tanquam  sibi  Episcopum  elegissent ;  —  non 
tamen  ex  hoc  sequeretur,  quod  ipsius  successores  in  Romana  sede  vel  alia,  si  alibi 
fuit  Episcopus,  banc  prioritatem  habeant  super  aliorum  successores,  nisi  a  reliquo- 
rum  successoribus  eligerentur  ad  hoc  ;  majoris  enim  virtutis  fuerunt  aliqui  succes- 
soi'es  ahorum  quibusdam  successoribus  Petri.  —  Rursum  cur  niagis  conveniret  hoc 
successoribus  ejus  in  sede  Romana,  quam  in  Antiochena  vel  Hlerosolymitana  vel 
aha,  si  Episcopus  in  pluribus  extitissct  ?  Amphus  quilibet  Episcopus  quantum  ad 
intrinsecam  dignitatem  —  indifferenter  successor  est  cujuslibet  Apostoli,  et  ejusdem 
meriti  sive  pertectionis  quantum  ad  dignitatem  prajdictam  sive  characterem,  quo- 
niam  omnes  hunc  habent  eundem  ab  uno  etficiente  —  Christo,  non  ab  eo  qui  manus 
imposuit.  —  Amplius  propter  manuum  impositionem  Romanus  Episcopus  non  est 
aut  dici  debet  singulariter  b.  Petri  successor,  quoniam  Romanum  Episcopum  esse 
convenit,  cui  non  imposuit  manus  b.  Petrus,  nee  mediate  nee  immediate  ;  nee 
rursum  propter  sedem  sive  loci  determinationem,  primum  quidem,  quia  nullus 
Apostoloiuni  lege  divina  dcterminatus  fuit  omnino  ad  populum  aliquem  vel  locum, 
nam  Alatthaii  ultimo  dictum  est  omnibus:  Euntes  ergo  docete  omnes  gentes  : 
amphus  quoniam  b.  Petrus  prius  legitur  Antiochire  fuisse  quam  Roms,  etc.  — Jam 
dictis  autem  audiri  desuetis  mirabilius  est,  quia  desuetum  amplius  et  inopinabile 
lortassis  videbitur,  si  non  falsum  :  quod  ex  certo  scripture  testimonio  convinci 
potest,  Romauos  Episcopos  magis  esse  successores,  quantum  ad  provinciam  et 
gentem,  Apostoh  Pauli  quam  Petri.  —  Cum  per  scripturam  constet  evidenter, 
Paulum  Homas  fuisse  biennio,  et  ibidem  omnes  suscepisse  gentiles  converti  volen- 
tes,  —  constat  ipsum  fuisse  Romanum  Episcopum  specialiter.  —  De  beato  vero 
Petro  —  dico  per  scripturam  sacram  convinci  non  posse,  ipsum  Romanum  Episco- 
pum, et  quod  amphus  est,  ipsum  unquam  Roma;  fuisse.  Sed  per  scripturam 
sacram  indubitanter  tenendum,  b.  Paulum  fuisse  Romanum  Episcopum,  et  si  quis 
alter  cum  ipso  Roma-  fuerit,  tamen  Paulum  singulariter  et  principaliter  — fuisse 
Kom.  Episcopum,  b.  vero  Petrum  Antiochis,  ut  apparet  ad  Gal.  II.  :  Roms  vero 
non  contradico,  sed  verisimiliter  teneo,  ipsum  in  hoc  non  praevenisse  Paulum,  sed 
potius  e  converso.  —  Cap.  IS,  p.  251.  Unde  Romanus  Episcopus  et  Ecclesia — 
super  cateros  sibi  quendam  primatum  assumpsit.  —  Nemo  Episcoporum  per  omne 
tempus  illud  (to  Constantine)  in  alios  Episcopos  coactivam  jurisdictionera  exercuit. 
Quamvis  tamen  aliarum  provinciarum  Episcopi  plures,  in  quibus  dubitabant,  tam 
de  scriptura  sacra,  quam  de  ritu  ecclesiastico,  non  audentes  se  publico  conoregare, 
consuluerunt  Episcopum  et  Eccle.siam  iidelium  existentem  Romaj,  nropte"^-  niaio- 
rem  ibidem  forte  fidelium  multitudinem  et  magis  peritiorem,  eo  quod  studia  scien- 
tiarum  omnium  tunc  multum  Roma  vigebant.—  Unde  etiam  provinciarum  aliarum 
tideles,  sufficientia  personarum  carentes,  ad  ipsoi-um  ecclesias  gubernandas  ab 
episcopo  et  Ecclesia  Romana  tidelium  postulabant  personas  sibi  ad  episcopatum 
pra^ficiendas,  eo  quod  Ecclesia  tidelium  Roms  personis  talibus,  ut  jam  diximus, 
amphus  abundabat.  Episcopi  vero  et  Ecclesia  Romanorum  sic  requisiti  —  charita- 
tiye  atque  fraterne  subveniebant  in  his  ;  —  ordinationes,  quas  super  ecclesiasticum 
ritum  sibi  tecerant,  aliis  communicando  provinces,  et  quandoque  etiam  in  aliis 
provincus  contentionem  aut  schisma  fidelium  inter  se  audientes  charitative  monen- 
do.  Hsc  autem  aharum  provinciarum  ecclesia  grate  suscipiebant.  —  Hoc  etiam 
modo  vel  consiuiih  quasi  suscepit  a  Gricis  Romanus  populus  gratuite  non  coacte 
leges  quasdam  vocatas  decern  tabularum.  Ex  jam  dicta  vero  quasi  consuetudina- 
riaprioritate,  aliarum  Ecclesiarum  consensu  spontaneo,  Romanorum  Episcopi  — 
auctoritatem  quandam  decreta  —  constituendi  super  universalem  Ecclesiam — 
sumpserunt  usque  ad  tempora  Constanfini.  Constantinus  vero  —  primus  fuit  Im- 
VOL.    III.  3 


18  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

advanced,  it  may  be,  by  those  who  attempted  to  answer  them  on  the 
side  of  the  Pope,  the  Augustinian  monk  Aucrii^tinus  Triumphus  of 
Ancona   (f  A.   D,    1328), i^  and   the    Franciscan   Alvarus   Pelagius 

perator,  qui  Mem  ChrUli,  ministcrio  b.  Sylvestri  tunc  Papie  Roniani  patenter 
adeptus  est,  et  —  Eccle'sia;  Roinanae  ac  ipsius  Episcopo  tribui-ise  videtur  aiictorita- 
tes  et  potentates  super  alios  Episcopos  et  Ecclesias  oinncs.  —  Cap.  22,  p.  268  :  Post 
tempora  veto  Constantini  I.  et  prajcipue  iniperiali  sede  vacante  banc  sibi  deberi 
prioiitatein  quandoque  lege  divina,  quandoque  vero  concessione  piincipuni  suis 
epistolis  expresserunt  Rom.  Episcopi  quidam.  Hanc  etiam  extendcntes  auctorita- 
tem  in  omnes  Episcopos  et  ecclesias,  populos  ct  singulares  personas,  ad  sententiam 
excomnuuiicationis  et  interdicti  divinoiuin  officiorum  — in  siipradictos  fideles  feren- 
dum.  Sic  etiani  suis  epistolis  expresserunt,  sil)i  convenire  temporalium  omnium 
ecclesiasticorum  dispensationem.  Quibus  eliani  moderniores  excessihus  non  con- 
tent! suis  expresserunt  Epistolis  give  Decretis,  auctoritatem  sive  jurisdictionem 
coactivam  supremam  super  omnes  mundi  principatus  —  sibi  lege  divina  deberi;  — 
propter  quod  etiam  ad  suani  auctoritatem  pertinere  dicunt,  omnia  mundi  regna  et 
principatus  conferre  ac  auf'ei-re  licite  posse  regibus  —  ipsorum  niandata  transgredi- 
entibus,  quamvis  impia  sint  secundum  veiitatem  et  illicita  scepe.  Hoc  autem  inter 
caeteros  Romanos  Episcopos — octavus  Boniiacius  in  tantuni  expressit  et  asseruit, 
ut  banc  Romanis  Episcopis  deberi  potestatem  decreverit  ab  omnibus  credendum  et 
confitendum  esse  de  necessitate  salulis  a^ternte  (see  above,  §  59,  note  26).  Cujus 
sententiam  assecuti  stmt  successores  ejus  Clemens  V.  et  —  Joannes,  —  quamvis 
hoc  solum  explicite  videanttir  dicere  de  solo  imperio  Romanorum.  Quod  quia  id 
asserunt  innisi  titulo  supradicto,  plcnitudinis  videlicet  sibi  datce  potestatis  a  Christo, 
indubium  est,  potestatem  lianc  sive  auctoritatem,  si  qua  talis  ex  boc  sibi  conveniat, 
onniia  mundi  regnu  et  principatus  ex  sequo  respiceie.  Cap.  26,  p.  281,  of  the 
origin  of  the  papal  assumptions  over  tlie  emperors  :  Voli'.erunt  Romanorum  princi- 
pum  quidam  citra  tempora  Constantini  electionem  de  se  lactam  amicabiliter  signare 
Romanis  Pontiiicibus,  ut  —  per  Pontificum  intercessionpin  ampliorem  benedictio- 
nem  et  gratiam  ad  suuin  gubernandum  imperium  olitinerent :  eodeinque  aut  consi- 
mili  quasi  modo — Romanorum  quidam  Imperatores  diadema  regium  imponi  sibi 
fecerunt  per  Romanos  Pontifices ;  quam  siquidem  impositionem  Pontitici  Romano 
plus  auctorilatis  tribuere  super  Rom.  Piincipem,  quam  Remensi  archiepiscopo 
super  regem  Francorum,  quis  dicet  ?  Non  enim  conferunt  hujusmodi  solemnitates 
auctoritatem,  sed  habitam  vel  collatam  significant.  Ex  bac  quidcm  igitur  reve- 
rentia  sic  sponte  per  Romanos  principes  exhibita,  quaerentes  sa^pius  qua  sua  non 
sunt,  Episcopi  Romani  induxeiunt  consuetudinem  et  abusum  verius,  propter  prin- 
cipum  simplicitatem,  non  modo  dicam  ignaviam,  laudationem  electae  persons  ac 
benedictionem,  quam  super  illam  mittebant,  vocaliter  aut  in  scriptis  vocare  confir- 
mationem  electionis  prasdicta-.  Nee  attendentibus  ohm  Romanis  Piincipibus,  quae 
sub  bac  appellationis  figura  pi-asjudicialis  latebat  intentio,  sic  ipsam  successive 
subinduxerunt  latentei-,  nunc  vero  patentei',  Romani  Pontilices,  ut  nullus  quan- 
tumcunque  convenienter  electus  in  Romanorum  Regem  Rex  vocari  debeat,  neque 
Regis  Romanorum  auctoritatem  liabeat  aut  exerccat,  nibi  per  Ronianum  Episco- 
pum  fuerit  approbatus.  Non  csset  boc  aliud  quam  Romanuni  solvere  principatum, 
et  principis  creationeni  peipetuo  probibcre.  Quid  ergo  aliud  sibi  tribuit  axictorita- 
tis  principum  electio,  (|uam  nominationem,  ex  quo  ipsorum  deterniinatio  ab  unius 
solius  alterius  voluntate  dependet .'  Tantam  nempe  septem  tonsores  aut  lippi  pos- 
sent  Romano  Regi  auctoritatem  ti-ibuere. 

'■•  Summa  de  potestatc  ecclesiastica  ad  Joh.  P.  XXII.  (ed.  Aug.  Vind.  1473. 
Romffi.  1582;  the  one  before  me  is  Colon.  1475.  fol.)  divided  into  III.  Partes  and 
112  Qusstiones.  Qu.  1,  art.  1  :  Sola  potestas  Papas  est  immediate  a  Deo.  Habet 
omnem  potestatem  sajcularem  judicare  et  deponere,  si  non  bona  e.t.  Et  si  inveni- 
atur,  quandoque  aliquos  impei-atores  dedisse  aliqua  temporalia  summis  Pontificibus, 
sicut  Constantinus  dedit  Sylvestro :  hoc  non  est  intelligendum,  quod  suum  est,  sed 
restituerunt,  quod  injuste  et  tyrannice  ablatum  est  (cf.  Qu.  4.3,  art.  3).  Omnis 
potestas  Imperatorum  et  Regum  est  subdelegata  respectu  potestatis  Papa.  Qu. 
18,  art.  1  :  Major  est  jurisdictio  Papie  quam  c\ijuslibet  angeli.  Papae  totius  mundi 
jtirisdictio  et  cura  conuui-^sa  e-^t,  —  quod  super  cffihim  et  terrarn  jurisdictionem 
accepit.  Qu.  22,  art.  3  :  Magis  tenentur  laici  subditi  obedire  Papas,  quam  Impe- 
ratori  vel  Regi.    Tota  machina  raundialis  non  est  nisi  unus  principatus  :  —  princeps 


Cliap.  I.     Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  Historij,     §  96.       19 


autem  tolius  principatus  mundi  est  ipse  ChrUtu.-:,  cujus  Papa  vicarius  existit  juxta 
illud  Dan.  VII.  Si  aliud  iiiandat  Papa,  et  aliiid  Iiiiperator,  obediendum  est  Papas 
et  non  Imperatori.  Qu.  23,  art.  1  :  Pa^ani  jure  sunt  sub  Papa;  obedientia.  Vica- 
rias  Christi  est  Papa,  unde  nullus  potest  se  siihtrahere  ab  ejus  obedientia  de  jure, 
sicut  nullus  potest  de  jure  se  subtr.ihere  ab  obedientia  Dei.  Qu.  35,  art.  1  :  Papa 
per  se  ipsuni  Inipcratorem  potest  eli^ere.  Iinperator  est  minister  Paps  eo  ipso 
quod  est  minister  Dei.  Est  autem  principaliter  agentis,  eligere  ministros  et  instru- 
menta  ad  suuin  finem.  Unde  puto,  quod  Papa,  qui  universos  fideles  in  prassenti 
ecclesia  ad  pacem  habet  ordinare,  et  ad  supernaturalem  finem  consequendum 
dirigere  et  destinare,  justa  et  rationabili  causa  existente  per  se  ipsum  possit  Impe- 
ratorem  eligere  :  ut  propter  eligentiuin  ncgligentiam  et  discordiam,  aut  propter 
electi  bonitatem  et  cotidecentiam,  vel  propter  populi  Christiani  pacis  providentiam, 
sen  propter  coiircenduiu  hEereticorum,  paganoi'um  et  schismaticorum  potentiani  et 
audaciam.  Posse  enim  Pap«  fulcitum  debet  esse  veritate,  justitia  et  sequitate  ; 
non  enim  potest  adversus  veritatem  scd  pro  veritate,  ut  dicit  Apostolus  II.  ad  Cor. 
ult.  Art.  3.  Sicut  a  sede  Apostolica  potestas  eligendi  Iniperatoreni  Electoribus 
est  concessa,  ita  a  pr*dicta  sede  potest  eis  aui'erri.  Art.  6.  Papa  potest  Imperato- 
rem  i'acere  per  haereditariam  successionem  sicut  per  electionem.  Qu.  37,  art.  3. 
Auctoritate  Papoe  Imperium  a  Romanis  est  ad  Gra-cos  translatum.  Constantinus 
hujusniodi  translationem  fecit  auctoritate  sunimi  Pontiiicis,  qui  tanquam  vicarius 
Dei  tilii  ccelestis  Imperatoris  jurisdictionem  habet  universalem  super  omnia  regna 
et  imperia.  Propter  imperium  ad  Greecos  post  teinpus  Constantini  translatum, 
ecclesia  ibi  potestate  et  dignitate  niultum  vigebat.  Et  ideo  quatuor  concilia  fue- 
runt  ibi  celebrata,  quibus  Iinperatores  sue  se  subjecerunt,  quatenus  per  summura 
Pontificem  approbarentur.  Art.  4  Auctoritate  Papaj  Imperium  est  translatum  a 
Grajcis  ad  Germanos.  Art.  5.  Auctoritate  Papa;  Imperium  potest  a  Germanis 
tran-iferri  ad  alios.  Qu.  23,  c.  4.  Displket  auctoritate  Augustini  dicitur,  quod 
Ecclesia  per  incrementa  temporum  semper  mnjori  potestate  utitur.  Si  ergo  Eccle- 
sia quandoque  fecit  hujusinodi  translationem,  multo  fortius  nunc  potest  facere. 
Conditio  Imperatoris  a  tempore  Constantini  multipticiter  variata  est.  Nam  tempore 
dicti  Constantini  Imp.  eligebantur.  Qui  modus  scrvatus  est  usque  ad  tempora 
Michaelis  Imp.  et  Caroli  M.  Postea  institutio  Imperii  processit  per  successionem 
ad  tertiam  generationem  puta  usque  ad  tertium  Ottonem,  qui  fuit  nepos  prinii  et 
filius  filii.  De  istis  enim  non  invenitur  facta  electio,  sed  sola  provisio  per  sum- 
mum  Pontificem.  Gregorius  V.  convocatis  Principibus  Almaniae  oi'dinavit 
electores  Imperatoris  officiales  ipsius  impeiialis  curi*.  Qualitercunque  tamen 
institutio  Imperii  sit  variata:  nulli  tamen  dubium  esse  debet,  quin  summus 
Pontifex — Imperatorem  possit  eligere,  quemcunque  et  undecunqiie  sibi  placet 
in  auxilium  et  defensionem  Ecclesia;.  Qu.  3S,  art.  1  :  Per  Papam  Imperator 
electus  debet  confirmari.  Ad  ilium  pertinet  immediate  Imperatoris  confirmatio, 
ad  quem  pertinet  Imperii  immediafa  jurisdiclio.  Postquam  enim  Constantinus 
cessit  Imperio  occidentali  nulla  sibi  reservatione  facta  —  plenum  jus  totius  Im- 
perii est  acquisitum  summis  Pontificibus,  non  solum  supcrioris  dominationis, 
verum  etiam  immediata;  administi'atiouis,  ut  ex  ipsis  tota  dependeat  imperialis 
jurisdictio,  quantum  ad  electionem  et  quantum  ad  confirmationem  ;  ita  ut  ex 
tunc  nullus  de  jure  poterit  se  intromittere  de  regimine  occidentalis  Imperii 
absque  expressa  auctoritate  et  mandato  sedis  Apostolicae,  nisi  usurpative  et 
tyrannice,  sicut  fecit  Julianus  Apostata  et  multi  alii.  Art.  4.  Papfe  Imperator 
electus  debet  tidem  jurare.  Imperator  assumitur  in  defensorem  et  protectorem 
Ecclesiae,  potissime  in  partibus  Italise  et  in  occidentalibus  regionibus,  in  qui- 
bus Ecclesia  non  solum  temporalium  habet  universalem  jurisdictionem,  sicut  in 
toto  orbe  noscitur  habere,  verum  etiam  habet  mediante  ministro,  quem  eleo-it, 
immediatam  administrationem.  Talis  ergo  minister  in  tribus  tenetur  Ecclesiae 
fidelitatem  servare  ;  primo  in  ipsius  Ecclesi;e  exaltatione,  ut  per  rebelles  et  infi- 
deles  Ecclesia  non  depri.Tiatur,  sed  potius  illis  expugnatis  juxta  posse  suum  supra 
candelabrum  ponatur  ;  secundo  in  Ecclesise  pastoris  et  rectoris  defensione  ;  —  tei  tie 
in  temporalium  per  Constantinum  concessorum  Ecclesiae  conservatione,  ut  in  tali- 
bus  non  prastendat  aliquam  immediatam  jurisdictionem,  sed  solum  immediatam 
administrationem.  Et  ista  tria  ponuntur  in  juraniento  fidelifatis,  quod  ipse  Impe- 
rator summo  Pontifici  prsestare  tenetur.  Qu.  39,  art.  1.  Imperator  per  solam  elec- 
tionem non  potest  administrare,  nisi  beneficium  confirmationis  recipiat.  Qu,  40, 
art.  1.  Papa  potest  Imperatorem  deponere.  Art.  4.  Imperatoris  subditos  ajiira- 
mento  fidelitatis  absolvere.     Qu.  41,  art.  1.  Ad  Papam  spectat  Imperatoris  electio- 


20  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

(t  after  1340), ^'^  who,  exasperated   at  the  boldness  of  the  imperial 

nem  examinare.  Qu.  44,  art.  1.  Absque  Papae  auctoritate  Imperator  non  potest 
leges  condere.  Oinnis  justa  lex  (quae  secundum  Augustinuin  si  justa  non  est,  non 
est  lex)  dependet  a  lege  divina.  lllo  ergo  jure  lex  iiuperialis  dependet  ab  auctori- 
tate Papas,  quo  jure  dependet  a  lege  divina,  cujus  ipse  Papa  est  vicaiius  et  mini- 
ster, potissinie  cum  secundum  Dionysium  lex  divinitatis  hoc  habeat,  ut  ejus  influ- 
entia  non  transeat  ad  inleriora  nisi  per  media.  Medius  autem  inter  Deum  et 
populum  Christianum  est  ipse  Papa,  unde  nulla  lex  Populo  Christiano  est  danda, 
nisi  ipsius  Papa;  auctoritate  ;  sicut  nee  aliqua  lex  fuit  data  populo  Israelitico  nisi 
mediante  Moyse.  Art.  4.  Papa  potest  sua  auctoritate  leges  Imperiales  corrigere. 
Qu.  45,  art.  2.  Papa;  subjiciuntur  onuies  Reges,  quantum  ad  temporalium  recog- 
nitionem.  Dicentes,  Papam,  Vicarium  Christi,  in  toto  orbe  dominium  habere 
solum  super  spiritualia,  non  autem  super  tempoi'alia,  similes  sunt  consiliariis  Regis 
Syriae,  qui  dixerunt  III.  Reg.  20:  Dii  montiuin  sunt  dii  eorum,  etc.  Sic  hodie 
mali  consiliarii  adulatione  pestifera  seducunt  Reges  et  Principes  terrre,  dicentes: 
dii  montium,  puta  spiritualium  donorum,  sunt  sumini  Pontifices,  sed  non  sunt  dii 
convallium,  quia  temporalium  bonorum  nullum  habent  dominium  ;  ideo  in  cam- 
pestribus  et  in  potentia  bonorum  temporalium  pugnemus  contra  eos  et  obtinebimus. 
Sed  quid  dicit  eis  divina  sententia,  audiamus  ;  quia  dixerunt,  inquit,  Syri,  deus 
montium  est  dominus,  non  deus  vallium,  dabo  oninem  multitudinem  banc  in  manu 
vestra,  et  scietis,  quia  ego  sum  Dominus.  Qu.  46,  art.  2.  Papa  potest  omnes  Reges 
cum  subest  causa  deponere.  Art.  3.  Papa  potest  in  quolibet  regno  regem  institu- 
ere.  —  Sicut  Deus  est  factor  omnium  regnorum  et  provisor,  sic  Papa  vice  Dei  est 
omnium  regnorum  provisor.  Unde  cum  causa  rationalibilis  subest,  in  quolibet 
regno  potest  Regem  instituere,  sive  sit  causa  ipsius  Regis  nequitia,  ut  dictum 
est  supra  de  Rege  Francorum,  sive  ipsius  populi  fraudulcnta  malitia,  ut  si  in  Regis 
mortem  conspirarent,  vel  eum  ejicerent,  —  vel  quocunque  alio  modo  causa  justa  et 
rationabilis  subest,  ad  Papara  spectaret,  illi  regno  de  Rege  providere.  Qu.  61, 
art.  3.  Papa  non  potest  aliquos  eximere  a  se  ipso  in  temporalibus.  Apostolus  II. 
ad  Tim.  2  dicit :  Deus  fidelis  est,  et  seipsum  7iegare  non  potest.  Negaret  autem 
seipsum,  si  eximeret  aliquos  a  suo  dominio  temporali  vel  spiritual!,  quia  tunc 
negaret,  se  esse  dominum  omnium  tam  temporalium  quam  spiritualium.  Cum 
igitur  Papa  verus  vicarius  Dei  sit,  si  aliquos  eximeret  a  seipso  in  jurisdictione  tem- 
poralium vel  spiritualium,  negaret,  quod  non  esset  verus  Dei  vicarius,  et  talis 
negatio  in  errorem  Manichaeorum  ipsum  induceret,  ponentium,  ab  alio  principio 
spiritualia  et  ab  alio  temporalia  esse  producta.  Unde  non  est  dubium,  quod  si  pro 
tali  veritate  testiticanda  Papa  pateretur,  verus  Christi  martyr  esset  censendus.  To 
the  objection :  consuetudo  servanda  est,  et  longo  tempore  approbata  pro  lege 
tenenda  est,  ut  jurisconsultus  dicit.  Sed  ab  antiqua  consuetudine  fuit  observatum 
in  ecclesia  Gallicana,  quod  Prtelati  Franciae  non  recognoscunt  temporalia  a  Papa 
sed  a  Rege,  et  ipse  similiter  Rex  a  nuUo  temporalia  recognoscit,  he  replies:  con- 
suetudo veritati  et  rationi  contraria,  quanto  diuturnior  tanto  perniciosior  et  pericu- 
losior,  nee  consuetudo  sed  abusio  dicenda  est.  Non  enim  dixit  Christus,  ut  dicit 
Gregorius  :  Ego  sum  consuetudo,  sed  :  ego  sum  Veritas.  Si  vero  potentia  regalis 
vel  imperialis  allegatur,  videatur,  ut  dicit  Aug.  quod  factum  sit  de  Nabuchodono- 
sor,  quomodo  a  regno  depositus  est  et  inter  bestias  connumeratus  est,  donee  recog- 
nosceret,  Deum  coeli  esse  dominum  universorum.  Qu.  73,  art.  3.  Papa  alicui 
potest  concedere  decimas  Laicorum.  Jus  naturale  propria  facit  communia  in 
necessitate,  jus  vero  divinum  ex  caritate,  et  jus  civile  ex  reipublicae  utilitate. 
Planum  est  autem,  quod  Papa  est  omnis  juris  interpres  et  ordinator,  tamquam 
architector  in  tota  ecclesiastica  hierarchia  vice  Christi,  unde  quolibet  jure  potest, 
cum  subest  causa  rationabilis,  decimas  laicorum  non  solum  subditorum,  verum 
etiam  Regum,  Principum  et  Dominorum  recipere  et  concedere  pro  ecclesice  utili- 
tate, ac  eos,  si  noluerint  dare,  compellere. 

'5  His  work  de  planctu  ecclesiae,  libb.  II.  (ed.  Ulma;.  1474.  Venet.  1560.  fol.) 
written  in  Avignon  1330,  and  revised  by  the  author  A.  D.  1340,  then  bishop  of 
Silves  in  Portugal,  agrees  in  its  principles  entirely  with  that  just  cited,  cf  lib.  I. 
c.  13  :  Quod  jurisdictionem  habet  universalem  in  loto  mundo  Papa  ncdum  in  spiri- 
tualibus,  sed  temporalibus,  licet  executionem  gladii  temporalis  et  jurisdictionem 
per  filium  suum  legitimum  Imperatorem,  quum  fuerit,  tanquam  per  advocatum  et 
defensorem  ecclesiap,   et   per  alios  reges  et  mundi   principes,  et  in  patrimonio  s. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.     §  96.       21 

controversialists,  carried  out  the  newly-invented  papal  law  in  its 
utmost  absurdity. 

Under  these  circumstances,  neither  the  papal  excommunication,  to 
which  Lewis  at  once  opposed  an  appeal  to  a  general  council, ^'^  nor 
the  interdict  under  which  all  who  remained  faithful  to  the  emperor 
were  laid,i''  produced  the  desired  effects. ^^     The  wrath  of  the  Pope 

Petri  et  in  regno  Siciliae,  quod  est  regnum  Ecclesioe  et  patrimonium,  —  et  in  aliis 
terris  Ecclesiae  eain  per  suos  rectores  debeat  exercere.  Quuin  aninia;  corporibus 
sunt  pretiosiores,  et  spiritualia  temporalibus  digniora  ;  —  cui  ergo  coinmissae  sunt 
animaj  et  spiritualia,  nuilto  potius  res  sunt  et  corpora  conimittenda.  Teniporalia 
accessoria  sunt  ad  spirituni,  Matth.  16  :  heec  omnia  soil,  tempoialia  adjicientur 
vobis  :  sed  accessoria  naturam  habent  principale  sequendi.  On  these  principles  he 
defends  the  papal  assumption  against  the  emperor  Lewis,  here  mentioned  only  as 
Bavarus  schismaticus.  Then,  cap.  3.3  :  Quod  Papa  non  tenctur  se  purgare  de 
aliqua  infamia,  a  quibuscunque  exorta,  bonis  vel  malis,  si  non  vult.  Cap.  34  : 
Quod  in  hac  vita,  etiamsi  injuriam  vel  injustitiam  tacit  Papa  alicui,  non  habet 
judieem  super  se,  nee  tenetur  eligere  judices  vel  arbitros.  Cap.  36  :  Quod  antea 
fuit  ecclesia,  quam  Imperium.  Finally  he  inserts,  cap  60,  the  Bull  Unam  sanc- 
tam :  Ad  compleuientum  autem  papalis  potestalis  plenaris,  et  gladii  utriusque 
pertinentis  ad  eum,  licet  diversimode,  pono  Extravagantem  Domini  Papae  Bonifacii 
VIII.  quse  istam  determinat  quajstionem  cujus  talis  tenor  est,  etc.  Cap.  68  is 
against  the  new  Schismatics,  in  particular  against  the  hasresiarcha  novellus  Marsi- 
lius  Padovanus. 

18  Dated  Sachsenhausen  in  Apr.  or  May,  1324  (ed.  Baluz.  Vitffi  PP.  Aven.  T. 
II.  p.  478)  :  Nos  Ludovicus  Dei  gratia  Romanorum  Rex  semper  Augustus  propo- 
nimus  contra  Johannem,  qui  se  dicit  Papam  XXII,  quod  iniinicus  sit  pacis,  et 
intendit  ad  discordias  et  scandala  suscitanda.  —  Nam  publice  dicere  dicitur,  quod 
quando  inter  Reges  mundi  et  Principes  est  discordia,  tunc  Papa  est  verus  Papa,  et 
timetur.  —  Maxiine  autem  dicere  dicitur,  quod  discordia  Alamannias  —  salus  est  et 
pax  Romani  Pontiticis  et  Ecclesia?.  Unde  cum  multiplicarentur  in  Alamania, 
occasione  diversarum  electionum,  caedes,  —  et  sanguinis  effusiones,  proh  dolor, 
innocentium;  nunquam  unam  litteram  vel  qualemcunque  nuntium  misit  ad  obvian- 
dum  praedictis  periculis  atque  malis,  cum  tamen  multos  haberet  in  partibus  Ala- 
mannia;  exactores  et  coUectores  pecuniarum  pro  ipso,  quibus  hoc  committere  sine 
aliquo  suo  onere  potuisset,  si  voluisset,  vel  sibi  de  hoc  cura  aliqua  fuisset,  ostendens 
se  per  hoc  facere  contra  doctrinam  et  vitam  et  exemplum  Christi,  cujus  vicarium 
se  mentitur  et  dicit.  Alter  justifying  the  course  pursued  by  the  emperors,  and 
showing  the  unfounded  assumptions  and  unjust  conduct  of  the  Pope,  he  proceeds 
to  give  a  detailed  and  vehement  refutation  of  the  Pope's  assertion,  Christum  et 
Apostolos  habuisse  bona  temporalia  in  communi  eo  modo,  quo  alia  collegia  habent, 
quod  dictum  est  notorie  h»i-eticum,  et  profanum  et  contra  evangelii  sacrum  tex- 
tum,  evidently  from  the  pen  of  some  persecuted  Minorite.  In  conclusion  :  ad 
generale  Concilium,  quod  instanter  et  cum  instantia  repetita  in  loco  tufo  nobis  et 
nostris  convocari  petimus,  et  ad  verum  legitimum  futurum  summum  Pontiticem,  et 
ad  sanctam  niatrem  Ecclesiani  et  ApostoJicam  Sedem,  et  ad  alium  vel  ad  alios,  ad 
quern  vel  ad  quos  fuerit  appellandum,  provocamus  et  appellamus. 

"  Processus  quartus  of  11th  Jul.  1324,  in  Martene  et  Durand  thes.  Anecd.  T. 
II.  p.  660:  (Ludovicuni)  rcputamus  et  declaramus  merito  contumacem,  —  omni 
jure,  si  quod  sibi  ex  electione  sua  competere  seu  competiisse  poterat,  a  Domino 
privatum  denuntiamus,  —  de  benignitate  sedis  Apostolica;  —  supersedentes  ad  pra- 

sens  a  pcenis  aliis,  quibus  excessus  prsdicti  ipsum  reddiderunt  obnoxium. Per- 

sonas  ecclesiasticas,  —  quae  contra  —  mandata  nostra  Ludovico  prafato  tamquam 
Regi  —  paruerunt  vel  adha?serunt  quomodolibet,  —  declaramus  poenas  suspensionis 
ab  officio,  ac  excouununicationis  sententias  —  incurris.fe.  Civitates  autem,  com- 
munitates,  —  ac  »ingulares  personas  illarum,  qua;  in  prasdictis  —  deliquerunt, — 
declaramus,  civitates  —  interdicti,  singulares  vero  personas  excommunicalionis 
sententiis  subjacere.  Lewis  is  then  forbidden  sub  pcenis  excommunicalionis  ac 
privationis  feudorum,  quse  ab  Ecclesia  Romana  vel  ahis  seu  Imperio  obtinet,  ne 
deinceps  se  Regem  Romanorum  vel  electum  intitulet,  and  the  1st  Oct.  fixed  as 
the  term  within  which  he  must  without  fail  appear  before  the  Pope. 


22  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  140a 

was  still  more  inflamed  by  the  reconciliation  of  Lewis  with  Frederick 
(March,  1325)/''^  and  the  refusal  of  the  latter,  notwithstanding  the 
repeated  suggestions  of  the  Po[)e,-*'  to  break  his  word.  The  pretended 
successor  of  St.  Peter  now  gratified  his  revenge  by  the  desol.ition  of 
the  Mark  of  Bradenburg,  with  which  Lewis  had  very  lately  invested 
his  son,^i  the  heathen  Lithuanians  being  called  into  this  Christian 
work.2-i 

'*  And  so  much  the  less  inasmuch  as  the  Pope  evidently  aimed  at  transferring 
the  imperial  ciown  (o  Chailes  IV.  of  France,  cf.  Albert.  Jlrgentin.  Chron.  p.  123: 
Convenerant  autem  Francus  et  Lupoldus  (brother  of  the  iinpiisoned  Frederick)  in 
Bare,  ubi  multa,  et  prai'serfim  contra  Ludovicum  tractaveriint,  Papa  eis  annuente, 
Convenerunt  et  priiiciptjs  ecclesiastici,  nuncii  Papx  et  Franci,  ac  Lupoldus  in  Rens 
propc  ConBuentiam,  ac  —  diu  tractaverunt  de  Franco  in  Iiiiperatorem  promovendo. 
Sed  per  fratrem  Berchloldum  de  Bucheck,  Cominendatoreiu  domus  Teutonicorum 
in  Confluentia,  fratrem  douiini  Matthis  Moguntinensis  Airhicpiscopi,  principaliter 
extitit  impeditum:  de  quo  eum  seci-etariis  Papue  Joan.  Decanus  Moguntinensis 
detulit,  quod  ipsuin  post  mortem  ]\Iatthiai  Moguntini  ab  ipsius  fratris  Berchtoldi 
provisione  retraxit. 

'^  The  treaty  see  in  Geivold,  p.  89  ;  and  in  O  1  e  n  s  c  h  1  a  g  e  r  Urkundenbuch, 
S.  129.  Frederick  resigned  his  claim  to  the  empire  and  bound  himself  to  help 
Lewis  against  the  Pope. 

20  The  Pope  wrote  to  Frederick  dd.  4th  May,  1.325  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  2)  : 
Sane  quia  niultorum  habet  opinio,  quod  in  relaxatione  hujusmodi  ad  multa  Deo 
infesta,  tibique  inexpedientia  et  Rei  periculosa  publicae  Te  promissionibus, — jura- 
mentis  ac  pcenis  —  duxeris  astringendum :  nos  super  hoc  de  salubri  providere 
remedio  cupientes  —  ea  ex  otficio  nostro  cassa  et  irrita,  et  nulla  esse  penitus  decla- 
ramus; — Til)ique  nihilominus  in  virtute  sanctce  obedientis  ac  sub  excommunica- 
tionis  posna  —  districtius  inhibentes,  ne  ad  ejusdem  Ludovici  Rebellis  etexcommu- 
nicati  quoquo  niodo  redire  rarcerem,  aut  sibi  —  ohei'ire  praesuiuas.  He  also 
invested  Frederick  anew  with  the  rights  of  the  papal  candidate  for  the  empire 
(Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  b) :  though  all  the  time  he  secretly  continued  his  efforts  to 
secure  the  imperial  crown  for  Charles  IV.  king  of  France.  To  him  he  writes  dd. 
30th  Jul.  1325  (1.  c.  no.  6)  :  res  sic  sunt  di-positae,  ut  regium  po^sit  ad  prius  desi- 
derium  a(hmplei-i.  —  Tepiditas  Regia  inultum  ncgotio  obfuit,  quia  et  nos  reddit  et 
reddidit  tepidos  et  niorosos.  —  Excutiat  circ\imspectio  Regia  qusso  hunc  torporem, 
et  operetur,  dum  ad  hoc  intendat,  dum  dies  est. 

''  Lewis'  act  of  investiture  (see  Ludewig  Reliqu.  Mss.  T.  IL  p.  262  seq.  ;  T. 
X.  p.  642  seq.)  was  declared  void  by  the  Pope,  and  the  Brundenburgers  com- 
manded under  penalty  of  excommunication  and  interdict,  to  refer  obedience  to 
their  new  prince  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1325,  no.  8). 

'*  Jo.  Vitoduranus  in  Thesaur.  hist.  Helv.  p.  32  :  De  Johanne  Papa  exsecra- 
bile  factum  fidelibus  in  perpetuum  displicibile  prapcedentibus  subnecto.  Quotiens 
ego  hoc  recogito  et  in  mente  revolvo,  Here  niihi  pofius,  quam  aliquid  dicerc,  fore 
censeo  :  nam  timor  et  ti-emor  et  rigor  me  quodanimodo  conculiunt  et  tenebrce  con- 
tegunt.  Nam  in  quibusdam  Chrisiianitatis,  ut  fertur,  extremitatibus,  Teutonicis 
cruciferis  diffuse  dominantibus,  Paganorum  truculentam  rabiem  eos  contingentium 
coercentibus,  et  refra^nantibus,  ne  per  suas  invasiones  et  incursiones  pestiferas 
fideliurn  terris,  quantum  gliscunt,  nocere  possint,  Dominus  Papa  in  mandatis  dis- 
trictissinie  dedit,  quatenus  ipsos  per  tcrrani  suam  libei-um  transitum  habere  sine- 
rent,  ut  in  vindictam  et  injuriam  Imporatoris  ad  terrani  filii  sui  demoliendam, 
vocatam  Brandeburg,  accessum  habere  posi^ent.  (^ui  jus-ioni  Papali  contraire 
pertimescentes,  inviti  cum  ejulatu,  ut  ita  dicam,  amarissimo  Paganis  ti-ansituni  pro 
suo  libitu  indulserunt.  (Quidam  ajunt,  Papain  haec  demandasse  Regi  Graagogiae, 
et  quia  sibi  in  hoc  paruit,  Regem  eum  fecit,  qui  ante  Dux  unus  Polonise  fuit).  Qui 
venientes  ad  terram  pra?nominatam  immanissima  sc  lera  audilu  horribilia  commise- 
runt.  Armati  enim  in  mullitudine  incredibili  ex  insperato  ad  terram  memoratam 
supervenerunt  bestiali  mente,  indomito  ac  agresti  more  ipsam  vastantes,  nee  in 
hoc  eis  suffecit,  quin  etiam  mulieres  certatim  temerarent  coitu  nefario,  ipsis  quoque 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.    §  96.     23 

In  the  mean  time  Lewis  had  so  far  confirmed  his  authority  in  Ger- 
many, that  he  could  think  of  attacking  the  Pope  in  his  most  vulnera- 
ble point,  namely,  in  Italy  (A.  D.  13'27).  In  vain  did  John  resort  to 
the  dreadful  fifth  process. ->'  The  accusations  of  the  Minorites  ren- 
dered powerless  his  spiritual  weapons,  Lewis  passed  victorious  through 
the  north  of  Italy,-''  and  whilst  the  Pope  was  preaching  a  crusade 
against  him-''  was  crowned  at  Rome  (January  17,  1328),  and  having 
deposed  John,-''  appointed  a  Franciscan,  Nicholas  V.,  to  succeed 
him.27 

mamillas  absciderunt,  Ecclesias  diruerunt,  Altaria  destruxerunt,  corpus  Christi  in 
scriniis  super  aiis  reconditum  sustulerunt,  et  sibi  lanceas  suas  infixeiunt,  blasphe- 
mando  dicentes  :   Ecce  J)eus  Chiistianoruin  in  nullo  se  delendere  valcns. 

^  Processus  quinlus  of  3  Apr.  1-327,  in  Martene  thes.  T.  If.  p.  671 :  — declara- 
mus  ipsum  Ludovicum  privatum  feudis  omnibus,  quse  a  Romana  Ecclesia,  vel 
Ecclesiis  aliis,  seu  ab  linperio  oblinebat,  et  specialiter  Ducatu  Bavaris,  —  expo- 
nendis  vel  concedendis  calholicis,  si,  prout,  et  quando,  ac  quibus,  vel  de  quibus 
sedes  apostolica  duxerit  ordinanduin,  principalis  Domini  jure  salvo:  —  Vasallos 
quoque  ipsius  a  juramento  fidelilatis  —  expressius  nuntiantcs  eos  absolutos.  Et 
quia  exconununicatus  pro  fautoiia  hsreticorum  exconununicalionis  sententiam 
sustinuit  per  bienniiun  et  ultra  animo  indurato,  idcirco  declaramus  praetatum  Ludo- 
vicum fore  manifestum  hnereticorum  fautorem,  ipsumque  poenas  omnes  a  canonibus 
inflictas  talibus  incurrisse  (see  above,  §  €6,  note  16;  compare  below,  §  97,  note 
28).  —  At  tlie  same  time  dd.  9  Apr.  1327  (1.  c.  p.  692)  various  followers  of  Lewis, 
especially  Marsilius  and  Johannes  de  Janduno,  were  exconununicated  by  name. 
They  were  afterwards  more  at  length  condemned  as  heretics  on  the  23  Oct.  1328 
(1.  c.  p.  704). 

^  cf.  Villani  X.  c.  15  seq.  Albert.  Jfussati  Ludov.  Bavarus  in  J\Iuratori  X. 
p.  770  seq. 

^^  dd.  21  Jan.  1328,  in  Marteite  thes.  IL  p.  716  seq.  Omnibus  vere  pcEnitenli- 
bus  et  confessis,  qui  dictum  Ludovicum  ejusque  complices  —  expugnabunt,  et 
super  hoc  per  annum  —  laborabunl,  Ecclesia  sequendo  vexillum,  tarn  clericis 
quam  laicis,  —  illam  concedimus  vcniam  peccatorum,  quae  con:edi  —  proficiscenti- 
bus  in  terrse  sanctse  subsidium  consuevit,  et  in  retributione  justoi-um  salutis  Kternae 
pollicemur  augmentum.  Eos  autem,  qui  non  per  annum  integrum,  sed  per  ipsius 
anni  partem  in  hujusinodi  Dei  servitio  laborabunt,  juxta  qualitatem  laboris  et 
devotionis  affectum  participes  esse  volumus  indulgentia;  supradictie. 

"^  Apr.  18,  1328.  see  Villani  X.  c.  68.  Ludovici  IV.  Imp.  processus  contra 
Jo.  XXII.  in  Baluzii  vitae  PP.  Aven.  II.  p.  512:  Ludovicus  Dei  gratia  Romano- 
rum  Imp.  et  semper  Augustus  ad  perpetuam  rei  memoriam.  Gloriosus  Deus  in 
sublimi  —  sacerdolium  et  imperium  independenter  principians  ct  conservans,  ut 
hoc  qiiidem  divina  exerceat,  illud  autem  ut  humanls  praesideat, —  nos  Ludovicum 
IV  Romanorum  Imperatorem  —  in  principem  super  hereditatem  suam  inunxit,  ut 
de  manibus  inimicorum  suum  populum  liberemus.  Eapropter  ex  imperialis  celsi- 
tudinis  debito  excessus  enormes  Jacobi  de  Caturco,  qui  nunc  se  Papam  Johannem 
XXIl  licet  mendaciter  asserere  non  veretur,  dissimulatione  diuturniori  nuUatenus 
sufferre  valentes  —  celeri  cursu  in  Italiam  venimus  ad  sedem  nostram  praecipuara, 
Romam  videlicet,  properantes.  Then  the  crimes  of  the  Pope  are  enumerated,  viz. 
Simony,  the  excitement  of  revolt,  (Ex  quiljus  profecto  evidenter  agnoscimus,  sacrum 
Imperium — per  hunc  inysticum  Antichristum,  qui  se  Papam  nominat,  si  quod 
absit  effi-enis  ejus  rabies  ultra  procedeiet,  irreparabiliter  exterminari),  the  laying 
waste  of  Brandenburg  by  heathen,  and  most  of  all  the  assumption  of  the  supreme 
temporal  power,  contrary  to  the  teaching  of  Christ  (cui  etiam  Decretista  asserunt, 
dicentes,  Papam  non  habere  utramque  jurisdicfioneni),  and  his  absence  from  Rome. 
Quapropter  cum  hie  prasvaricator  nefarius  divinae  dispositionis  ordinem  sacerdotio 
et  imperio  praestitum  publice  impugnaverit,  statu  .'^ui  vicariatus  abutens  enormiter, 
dum  gladio  sanguinis  uti  praecepit  pro  gladio  spiritus,  quod  est  verbum  Dei ;  hinc 
est,  quod  zelo  justilias  atque  reipublicas,  —  auctoritate  nobis  in  hoc  casu  CEelitus 
ordinata   contra  quoslibet  fidei  et   veritatis  sanctse  matris  Ecclesiae  turbatores, — 


24  Third  Period.     Div.    VI.     A.  D.    1305  —  1409. 

But  Italy  proved  the  ruin  of  Lewis  as  it  had  been  of  so  many  other 
emperors.  The  insufficiency  of  his  own  resources,  and  the  fickleness 
of  the  Italians,  compelled  him  to  withdraw  again  into  Germany  (A.  D. 
1329),-*'  and  the  papal  party  gained  so  decidedly  the  advantage,  that 
the  forsaken  Pope  of  the  emperor  was  soon  delivered  up  to  his  rival 
(A.  D.  1330).-^  The  emperor  was  followed  to  Germany  by  new 
maledictions,-^^  which  now  made  a  deeper  impression  than  before,"^^ 
on  account  of  the  recent  events.-'- 

propter  quod  etiam  secundum  Apostolum  non  sine  causa  gladium  portamus, — 
pra'decessorum  nostroruin,  videlicet  Ottonis  priiiii,  qui  cum  clero  et  populo  Romano 
Johannem  XII  deposuit  de  papatu,  et  cum  clero  et  populo  de  alio  pastore  urbi  et 
orbi  providit,  et  aliorum  quamplurium  Imperatorum  vestigiis  inha;rere  volentes, 
ipsum  Jacobum  in  hajresi  deprehensum,  cum  ex  f'acti  evidentia,  quia  hxresim 
publico  praidicat,  pcrfectionem  altissiniK  paupertatis  in  Christo  penitus  denegando, 
ex  quo  sequeietur,  Cbristuni  non  fuisse  perfectissimum  viatorem,  qua  ex  confes- 
sione  propria,  ut  liquet  ex  iniquis  et  tenierariis  vocatis  processibus  ab  ipso  contra 
sacrum  Imperium  in  nostra  persona  factis,  —  eo  quod  indigne  gerit  et  gessit  vica- 
riatus  officium,  —  a  Christo  privatum  esse — denuntiamus,  nostrasque  imperialis 
auctorilatis  sententia  episcopatu  Romano  et  universalis  Ecclesise  Dei  sen  Papatu 
tenore  prajsentium  privamus,  et  ali  eodem  deponimus  in  his  scriptis,  sententia  lata 
de  communi  consilio  —  cleri  et  populi  Romani,  nostrorumque  Piincipum  et  Eccle- 
siae  Praslatorum,  turn  Alamannorum  quam  Italicorum.  —  Unde  et  sspedictum 
Jacobum  omnis  ecclesiastici  ordinis  prajrogativa  nudatum  —  subjiciraus  saecularis 
nostrorum  ministrorum  arbitrio  potestatis,  —  ubicumque  deprehensus  fuerit,  velut 
ha;reticum  animadversione  debita  puniendum.  In  a  second  Sententia  dated  the 
same  day  (1.  c.  p.  522)  John  is  condemned  as  a  hajreticus  notorius  et  manifestus  et 
excommunicatus. 

'''  May  12,  1328.    Villani  X.  c.  71  seq. 

^  Villani  X.  c.  96  seq.  In  Pisa  he  was  joined  as  late  as  1328  by  a  number  of 
strict  Minorites,  who  had  fled  from  Avignon,  and  amongst  them  the  most  distin- 
guished of  the  order,  Michael  de  Cesena,  General  of  the  order,  William  Occam 
and  Bonagratia  de  Bergamo,  who  always  afterwards  continued  with  Lewis,  Con- 
tin.  Chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis  in  (VAchery  spicil.  T.  III.  p.  88.  Wadding.  Aunales 
Minorum  ann.  1328,  no.  17). 

^  Villani  X.  c.  162.  Bernardus  Giiido  in  secunda  vita  Joannis  XXII.  ap. 
Baluz.  Vitffi  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  143. 

^  Processus  sextus  of  20  Apr.  1329  (in  Martene  thes.  II.  p.  771),  which  con- 
denms  Lewis  as  a  heretic,  quod  damnatam  haeresim, — quod  Christo  et  Apostolis 
in  rebus,  quas  habuerant,  nullum  jus  competierat,  sed  tantummodo  in  eis  habuerant 
usum  facti,  asserere  pra?sumserat  temere  et  publice,  and  because,  asserens  errorem, 
—  quod  Imperatori  licebat  Papam  deponcre,  contra  nos  depositionis  de  facto  prae- 
sumsit  sententiam  promulgare.  On  the  25th  June  he  commanded  a  crusade  against 
Lewis  to  be  again  proclaimed  in  Italy  (1.  c.  p.  777).  On  the  27th  Jan.  1330,  he 
renewed  the  prohibition  to  render  obedience  to  Lewis  (1.  c.  p.  787). 

■"  Especially  by  the  creation  of  a  new  Pope  who  had  so  soon  been  forced  to 
abjure  his  errors  before  John,  see  Jo.  Viloduranus  in  the  Thes.  hist.  Helv.  p.  28. 
Though  no  ways  inclined  to  the  Pope,  he  condemns  the  new  choice,  and  supposes 
that  Lewis  and  the  Romans  had  perhaps  wished  to  revive  the  old  right  granted  by 
Hadrian  to  Charlemagne  eligeudi  summum  Pontificem  et  sedem  Apostolicam  ordi- 
nandi;  sed  non  super  petram,  sed  potius  super  arenam  —  aedificasscnt.  Quia  — 
succe.ssores  Cai-oli  memorati  praefato  juri  longe  ante  istius  renuntiaverunt  terapora. 

^^  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  1.  c.  p.  29  :  Ex  tunc  plures  civitates  —  abstinuerunt  se  a 
divinis,  et  interim  Clerus  graviter  fuit  angariatus  et  compulsus  ad  divina  resu- 
menda,  et  plures  annucrunt,  non  verentes  latam  sententiam,  nee  ultionem  divi- 
nam.  MuUi  etiam  erant  inobedientes,  et  oh  hoc  de  locis  suis  expulsi,  et  sic  tandem 
facta  fuit  lamentabilis  difTormitas  Ecclesiarum:  qua;dam  enim  inmiunem  se  existi- 
mans  ab  interdict!   censura  in   laudes  divinas  celebrando  imperterrite   ac  secure 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.    §  96.     25 

Wearied  by  this  untiring  persecution,  Lewis  next  resorted  to  new 
overtures  of  peace.  But  the  Pope,  now  so  completely  in  the  power 
of  Philip  VI.,  king  of  France,  from  A.  D.  1328,  that  he  was  forced  to 
comply  with  his  most  extravagant  demands,-^-^  rejected  scornfully  the 
humble  advances  of  Lewis,  made  first  through  the  friends  of  the  em- 
peror (A.  D.   1330),-^'*  and  then  by  the  emperor   himself  (1331  and 


laxavit  ora ;  qua?dam  vero  e  confrario  interdict!  poena  se  plexam  reputans  organa 
Domino  canentia  suspendit.  Et  ilia;  niutuo  se  sinistra  judicabant,  et  quod  iiiira- 
bilius  est,  tacentes  in  divino  cultu  habito  clausis  januis  mutuo  sibi  non  communica- 
bant,  sed  frequenter  se  excludebant,  cantantes  etiam  se  alterutrum  vitaverunt.  — 
Haec  autem  diversitas  lainentabilis  causabatur  non  solum  propter  diversitatem  con- 
scientiarum,  —  sed  etiam  ex  eo,  quod  Jurisperili  in  iis  requisiti  diversimode  canones 
juris  ecclesiastici  interpretabantur.  See  also  Jacob  v.  Konigshoven  Elsass. 
Chronicke,  S.  128. 

■^•^  Philip  secured  the  majority  in  the  college  of  cardinals  by  constantly  forcing 
on  the  Pope  new  cardinals  from  France.  On  the  25th  May,  1331,  John  writes 
him:  Circumspectionem  regiam  volumus  non  latere,  quod  jam  XX  Cardinales,  de 
quibus  XVII  de  regno  Francis  originem  traxisse  noscuntur,  existant :  but  never- 
theless he  soon  after  had  to  make  another  French  cardinal,  the  bishop  of  Autun, 
at  the  king's  recommendation  ( Raynald.  ann.  1331,  no.  33,34).  —  In  particular 
the  French  kings  made  the  crusades  a  pretext  for  demanding  money  fi-om  the 
church.  Thus  Charles  IV.  demanded  6  Mill,  libraruin  Turonensium  of  John 
(Raynald.  ann.  1323,  no.  10):  but  received  for  answer:  summam  pra-dictam  — 
dividere  inter  omnes  —  ditRcile  nimis  nobis.  —  Philip  VI.  again  offered  to  under- 
take a  crusade,  1331,  but  demanded  of  the  Pope  (  Villani  X.  c.  196)  tutto  il  tesoro 
della  Chiesa,  e  le  Decime  di  tutta  Christianita  per  sei  anni,  pagando  in  tre  anni,  e 
in  suo  Reame  le  investiture  e  promutazione  d'ogni  beneiizio  Ecclesiastico;  e  ado- 
mandava  titolo  del  Reamed' Arli  e  di  Vienna  per  lo  tigliuolo,  e  d'ltalia  volea  la  sig- 
noria  per  Messer  Carlotto  suo  fratello.  In  reply  he  was  to  be  sure  reminded  that 
the  kings  of  France  had  for  40  years  taken  tithes  from  the  French  church  under  this 
same  pretext,  and  used  these  sums  for  other  wars,  but  at  the  same  time  the  Pope 
took  every  precaution  to  prevent  his  being  displeased :  he  appointed  him,  26tli  Jul. 
1333,  rector  et  Capitaneus  totius  exercitus  Christiani,  qui  transfretabit,  and  devoted 
per  universas  mundi  partes  decimam  ecclesiasticorura  redituum  sexennalem  —  in 
utilitatem  dicti  passagii  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  3.  cf.  Ughelli  Italia  sacra,  T.  III. 
p.  537).  In  the  Vita  octava  Bened.  XII.  (Baluz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  241)  it  is  said 
plainly  of  this  pretext,  afterwards  urged  again :  quod  taineii  effectum  non  habuit, 
cum  etiam  propter  delusiones  prccteritas  minime  fiendum  communiter  credere- 
tur.  To  this  period  is  probably  to  be  traced  also  the  papa!  ordinance,  by  which 
Italy  is  separated  from  the  German  empire  (ap.  Baluz.  Vita;  PP.  Aven.  I.  p. 
704) :  provinciam  Italice  ab  eodem  iiripeiio  et  regno  Alamanias  totaliter  eximentes, 
ipsam  a  subjectione  communitatum  et  jurisdictionum  eorundem  regni  et  imperii 
separamus,  —  decernentes,  ut  nullo  unquam  tempore  conjungantur  ;  —  ex  eo  pras- 
cipue,  quod  earundem  provinciarum  longa  dil^usaque  protensio  sic  —  impedit,  ut 
unius  regnantis  viri  —  gubernationis  officium  non  sufficiat.  —  Ac  declarantes,  reg- 
num  praedictum  Alamaniae  a  regno  Francise  claris  distingui  terminis,  —  per  nos  — 
paterno  amore  provide  distinguendis.  The  contemporary  Albericiis  de  Rosate 
Diet.  Juris  s.  v.  Italia  and  Papa  mentions  this  ordinance  with  the  remark :  an 
potuerit  illud  statuere  Deus  novit:  so  that  Baluzens' doubts  of  authenticity  are 
without  ground. 

•'■•  Namely,  John,  king  of  Bohemia,  and  Baldwin,  archbishop  of  Triers,  and 
afterwards  Otho,  duke  of  Austria.  See  the  two  answers  of  the  Pope,  of  31  Jul. 
(Raynald.  ann.  1330,  no.  29  seq. ;  more  complete  in  Martene  thes.  II.  p.  800 
seq.)  and  21  Sept.  (Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  34  seq.).  The  conditions  proposed  were 
(Raynald.  1.  c.  no.  35.  Martene,  1.  c.  p.  801) :  Primo  quod  (Bavarus)  cum 
effectu  deponet  suum  haereticum  antipapam.  Secundo  quod  penitus  recedct  ab 
appellatione.  Tertio  quod  omnia,  quae  fecit  seu  attentavit  contra  sanctam  personam 
domini  nostri  Papas  ecclesiamque  Romanam,  revocabit  cum  effectu.  Quarto  quod 
recognoscet,  se  excessisse  et  sententias  excommunicationis  ipsum  ligasse.    Quinto 

VOL,  HI.  4 


26  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

1332)  ;^^  till  the  persecuted  prince  seems  to  have  been  for  a  short 
time  resolved,  as  his  only  resource,  to  abdicate  the  throne.^s  A  new 
heresy,  of  which  the  Pope  was  now  accused,"^"  once  more  revived  the 

quod  gratiae  nostri  Papas  se  offeret  ad  inisericordiam.  —  Hcec  omnia  sic  intelligun- 
tur,  quod  Bavarus  in  honore  et  suo  statu  renianeat,  scil.  in  regno  et  imperio.  The 
Pope's  answer:  Nescilis  quid  petifis  !  — Impossibile  cniiu  est  ipsum  renianere  in 
honore  iniperiali  et  regio  sine  novi  juris  acquisilione,  cujn  honoreni  ct  dignitatem 
non  habeat.  —  Offerimus,  si  ad  gremium  ecclesias  redire  voluerit  idem  Bavarus, 
sicut  debet,  ipsum  bcnigne  recipere  nos  paratos,  eique  tantam  et  talem  itnpartiri 
gratiam,  quod  tu  et  principes  supradicti  poterilis  merito  coutentari. 

'*  The  emperor's  petition,  and  the  instructions  for  the  ambassadors,  dated  Oct. 

1331,  in  Gewold,  p.  118  seq.  O  le  ns  c  h  1  a  g  e  r  s-  Urkundenbuch,  S.  180  ff. 
Lewis  declares  his  i-cadiness  to  submit  to  any  conditions  consistent  with  his  honor 
and  the  right  of  the  empire.  —  Concerning  the   second  imperial  embassy,  A.  D. 

1332,  see  the  contempoi'ary  Heinrici  Mon.  in  Rebdortf  annales  (cd.  Chr.  Gewold. 
Ingolst.  1618.  4to.  ;  and  in  Freher-Struve,  T.  I)  ad  h.  a.,  especially  Joh.  XXII. 
Ep.  ad  Reg.  Fianciag  ( Raynald.  ann.  1333,  no.  28)  :  Ut  qua;  nobiscum  egerunt 
Bavari  nuntii,  celsitudo  regia  non  ignoret,  ecce  quod  quia  mandatum  sufficiens  non 
habebant,  oblataque  per  ipsos  erant  insutficientia  ad  ea,  quas  idem  commiserat 
Bavarus  comperta,  et  qua;  petebant  per  nos  sibi  fieri^  erant  omnino  obvia  rationi, 
tractatum  cum  eis  habere  renuinius,  etc. 

^®  Heinrirus  de  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1334.  Quinta  vita  Joh.  XXII.  Baluz.  T.  I. 
p.  176.     Raynald.  ann.  1334,  no.  20  seq. 

^'  He  had  preached  publicly  on  the  1st  Advent,  1331  (Cont.  Guil.  de  Nangis  in 
d'^chery  Spicileg.  T.  III.  p.  95),  quod  animae  decendentium  in  gratia  non  videant 
Deum  per  essentiam,  nee  sint  perfecte  beatae,  nisi  post  resumptionem  corporis,  an 
opinion  which,  it  is  true,  agrees  with  the  oldest  fathers  (see  Vol.  I.  §  52,  note  33. 
Miinschers  Dogmengeschichte,  Bd.  2.  S.  405;  Bd.  4.  S.  413),  but  which  had 
been  forsaken  since  the  5th  century  (M  ii  n  s  c  h  e  r,  Bd.  4.  S.  414),  and  together 
with  others,  condemned  by  the  university  of  Paris,  A.  D.  1240  (d'Argentri  col- 
lectio  judiciorum  de  novis  eiroribus,  T.  I.  p.  186).  The  greater  part  of  the  Court 
submitted  to  the  opinion  of  the  Pope ;  only  an  English  Dominican,  Thomas 
Walleis,  attacked  it  on  the  27th  Dec.  in  Avignon  ( Gidlelmus  Thorn  Chron.  de 
gestis  Abbatum  s.  Augustini  Cantuar.  in  Scriptt.  X  hist.  Anglicanae.  London, 
1652.  d'Jlrgentri,  1.  c.  p.  316),  but  was  put  in  prison.  The  Pope  now  wished  to 
establish  his  doctrine  in  Paris  by  means  of  two  Mendicant  monks,  A.  D.  1332, 
(Cont.  Guil.  de  JSTangis,  1.  c.  p.  96),  but  here  it  met  with  much  opposition  :  the 
king  referred  it  to  the  decision  of  the  university,  by  which  it  was  decided  on  the 
2  Jan.  1333  (d'Jlrgentre,  1.  c.  p.  316  seq.),  quod  a  tempore  mortis  Domini  nostri 
Jesu  Christi,  per  quam  pretium  redemptionis  human!  generis  extitit  persolutum, 
omnes  anima;  ss.  Palruin,  quas  idem  salvator  noster  ad  inferos  descendens  eduxit 
de  limbo,  caeteroi'umque  lidelium  aniuiK,  qua;  de  corporibus  exierant,  nihil  haben- 
tes  purgabile,  vcl  quae  jam  in  Purgatoiio  sunt  purgatic,  ad  visionem  nudam  et 
claram,  beatiiicam,  intuitivam  et  immediatam  divinae  essentia"  et  benedictissimae 
trinitatis, —  quam  Apo-^tolus  1  Cor.  13  nominat  visionem  facie  ad  faciem,  erunt 
assumpta;,  ipsaque  Deitate  beata  perfecte  fruuntur;  et  jam  quod  crediderunt  vi- 
dentes,  quod  speravei-unt  lenentes,  non  in  spe  sed  in  re  sunt  beatae.  Quamquam 
dicta  visio,  quam  nunc  habent,  resumptis  corporibus  minime  evacuabitur,  alia  suc- 
cedente,  sed  ipsamet  in  eis,  cum  sit  earum  vita  feterna,  perpetuo  remanebit:  taking 
for  granted,  in  order  to  leave  the  Pope  a  chance  to  clear  himself,  that  he  had  pro- 
mulgated the  contrary  opinion  only  recitando,  not  determinando,  assercndo  seu 
etiam  opinando.  This  decision  the  king  sent  to  the  Pope  (Cont.  Chron.  GiiiL  de 
JVangis,  p.  97),  mandans  sibi  a  latere,  quatenus  scntentiam  Magistrorum  de 
Parisius,  qui  melius  sciunt,  quid  debet  teneri  et  credi  in  fide,  quam  Juristce  et 
alii  Clerici,  qui  parum  aut  nihil  sciunt  de  theologia,  approbaret,  et  quod  susti- 
nentes  contrarium  corrigeret. '  According  to  Petrus  de  Jllliaro  declaration  in  Con- 
cil.  Eccl.  Gall.  ann.  1406,  the  king  even  caused  it  to  be  conveyed  to  the  Pope, 
qu'il  se  revoquast,  ou  qu'il  le  feroit  ardre  ( Bultpi  hist.  univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p.  238). 
The  answer  of  the  Pope,  of  Nov.   18,  1.333,  shows  plainly  enough  the  relation  in 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.    §  96.     27 

drooping  courage  of  his  opponents,   but   death   saved   him  from  the 
general  council  which  the  emperor  had  nearly  arranged.^^ 


^  97. 

BENEDICT  XII.  (December  20,   1334  -  April  25,  1342),  clement  vi. 
(May  7,  1342  -  December  6,  1352). 

The  desecrated  chair  of  St.  Peter  was  next  ascended  by  the  good 
Benendict  XII.,  who,  though  well  disposed  to  throw  off  the  disgrace- 
ful yoke  of  French  influence,'  found  it  already  too  firmly  fixed,  whilst 

which  he  stood  to  the  king  (in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  46) :  He  understood  that  the 
king  had  caused  it  to  be  decided  by  certain  Magistros  in  theologia,  ut,  quod  animse 
sanctai  ante  suorum  resumptionem  corporuni  videbant  clare  divinam  essentiam, 
pra^dicarcnt,  and  it  was  even  said,  quod  illos,  qui  hoc  facere  renuebant,  capitula- 
veras  satis  dure.  Ab  aliis  veio  audivimus,  quibus  fidem  prorsus  adhibemus,  quod 
prfficeptum  tale  seu  inductio  ab  ore  regio  non  processit ;  sed  ut  princeps  zelator 
vehtatis  —  aliquibus,  qui  forsan  dicebant  seu  fingebant,  se  propter  metum  aliquem 
non  audere  talia  praedicare,  dixisti,  quod  metu  cujusquam  personas  non  sinerent 
veritatem  —  pra;dicare.  Hoc  profecto  dicere  decebat  et  decet  regiam  majestatem. 
Cum  autem  banc  quaestionem  b.  Augustinus  interdum  in  scriptis  suis  reputaverit 
valde  dubiain,  et  circa  earn  variasse  dicatur,  et  nedum  ipse,  sed  et  multi  doctores 
alii  circa  istam  materiam  varient ;  propter  hoc,  ut  Veritas  possit  melius  aperiri,  nos 
interdum  in  nostris  sermonibus  mentionem  habuimus,  non  proferendo  verbum  de 
nostro  capite,  sed  dicta  scriptura;  sacr;E  et  sanctorum:  —  multique  —  coram  nobis 
—  pro  et  contra  de  ista  materia  sunt  locuti. —  Et  quia,  fill  dilectissime,  forsan 
tibi  dicitur,  quod  nos  non  sumus  in  theologia  magister,  audi  quid  unus  sapiens 
dicat :  Non  quis,  inquit,  sed  quid  dicat,  intendit.  He  offers  the  king  his  collection 
of  passages  on  this  subject  from  the  fathers  and  the  S.  S.  Piofecto,  amantissime 
fili,  si,  quse  circa  istam  materiam  aliqui  scripserint  et  dixerint,  sciret  tua  magnifi- 
centia,  merito  miraretur :  It  was  said  of  the  king,  that  he  had  declared  for  the 
opposite  opinion,  multisque  comminati  sunt  religiosis  et  sa^cularibus  sub  umbra  tui 
culminis,  si  partem  illam,  quod  animas  separata^  divinam  essentiam  non  videant 
[defenderent],  —  quod  illos  capi  facerent  per  inquisitores  hsreticae  pravitalis.  But 
the  Pope  did  not  believe  this  :  quia  scimus,  quod  in  his  vel  aliis  ut  elucidetur 
Veritas  intendes,  rogamus  benevolentiam  regiam,  ut  —  magistris  in  theologia  Parisiis 
legentibus  facias  nuntiari,  quod  —  quilibet  dicere  et  disputare  et  prsdicare  valeat, 
quod  sibi  juxta  doctrinam  evangelicam  —  disputandum  videbitur  et  etiam  prasdi- 
candum,  donee  aliud  ordinatum  per  sedem  fuerit  Apostolicam  :  —  sic  enim  ad  veri- 
tatem qua'Stionis  praedicts  poterit  promptius  perveniri.  The  obstinate  old  man 
resisted  to  the  last :  for  his  retractation,  supposed  to  have  been  issued  by  him  on 
the  day  before  his  death,  .3  Dec.  1834,  but  which  was  first  published  by  his  suc- 
cessor, 17  March,  133-5  (Raynald.  ann.  1334,  no.  35  seq.),  did  not  satisfy  even  his 
contemporaries.  Cent.  Chron.  Guil.  de  A^ayigis,  1.  c.  Joannes  Papa  —  errorem 
de  beatitudine  anima;,  quam  ipse  diu  tenuerat, — insufficienter  tamen,  ut  aliqui 
dicunt,  morions  revocavit.  Hence  Benedict  XII.  29  Jan.  1336,  had  to  issue  a 
full  decision  on  the  subject  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  3).  —  Comp,  Bulaus  hist. 
univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p.  235  seq.  D'Argentrt  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  errori- 
bus,  T.  I.  p.  314  seq, 

^^  The  indignation  of  the  Italian  cardinals  at  the  complete  subjection  of  the 
Pope  to  French  influence  disposed  them  to  listen  to  overtures  from  the  emperor  and 
the  Minorites,  by  whom  he  was  surrounded  ;  and  their  leader,  cardinal  Neapoleo, 
had  almost  concluded  a  treaty  with  Lewis,  when  the  Pope  died,  see  Raynald.  ann. 
1334,  no.  31. 

'  Alhertus  Argent,  (who  was  in  Avignon  in  1338,  as  ambassador  of  the  bishop 
of  Strasburg,  cf.  chron.  p.  129)  p.  125:  Benedictus  XII.  —  sic  ut  a  Joanne  Papa 


28  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

all  his  councils  were  ruled  by  Philip  through  the  preponderance  of 
the  French  cardinals.  In  this  way  he  found  himself  foiled  in  his 
purpose  of  returning  to  Italy,-  as  well  as  in  his  attempts  to  bring 
about  a  reconciliation  with  Lewis.-^  For,  having  commenced  negoti- 
ations with  the  emperor,  and  Lewis  showing  himself  ready  to  make 
concessions,  Philip  constantly  found  means  to  prevent  any  actual 
union."*     At  length  Lewis  resolved  to  meet  this  secret  enemy  in  the 

discrepabat  in  statura  (ille  enim  fiiit  pallidus,  statura  et  voce  pusillus,  iste  in 
corpore  maximus,  facie  sanguineus,  et  voce  sonorus),  ita  et  in  nioribus  discrepa- 
bant.  Ille  ad  magniticanduin  et  ditandum  consanguineos,  ad  regnanduni  nobilibus, 
et  exaudiendis  eorum  pelitionibus,  ad  vestiendum  annuatim  plus  quam  LXX 
comites  et  milites  intendebat :  iste  de  talibus  non  curavit.  Dixit  enim  :  absit,  quod 
rex  Franciffi,  si  per  consanguineos  super  me  ditaretur  [dominaretur  ?],  me  sicut 
prsdecessorem  meuin  ad  sua  quajvis  vota  coartaret.  —  Fuit  —  tbeologorum  sum- 
mus,  sed  nullus  in  jure,  quern  inter  oinnes  a  longissimis  temporibus  justissimum 
aestiniabant. — Huic  Benedicto  in  pi-incipio  creationis  suas  Philippus  rex  Franciae 
mittens  legatos,  a\idacter,  quasi  nihil  sibi  denegare  auderet,  petiit  inaudita  :  inter 
alia  scilicet,  ut  iilium  suuin  primogenitum  —  faceret  regem  ViennJe,  quod  se 
faceret  vicariuni  Italia;,  quod  sibi  per  totam  Christianitateni  daret  decimani  decima- 
rum  per  decennium,  ut  sibi  daret  totum  ecclesiae  thesaurum  in  subsidium  terras 
sanctae.  Not  only  did  Benedict  reject  all  these  demands,  but  John  XXII.  having 
granted  the  king  the  tithes  of  his  kingdom,  for  the  prosecution  of  a  crusade,  (Prima 
vita  Bened.  XIl.  in  Baluz.  I.  p.  200)  quia  dictum  passagium  non  habuit  effectum, 
dictus  Benedictus  Papa  concessionem  decimarum  hujusmodi  revocavit.  —  Nam 
idem  Philippus  voluit  plus  intendere  ad  dictum  guerram  (against  the  king  of 
England)  prosequendam,  quam  ad  dictum  pa:>sagium  faciendum. 

^  Raynald.  ann.  1335,  n.  3  seq. 

^  See  Jac.  v.  Konigshoven,  S.  129. 

*  Alhertus  Argent,  p.  126.  The  first  imperial  embassy  (April,  1335)  inquired, 
qualiter  et  sub  qua  forma  redire  deberet,  et  sub  quibus  articulis  absolutionem  et 
gratiam  petere,  and  returned  from  the  emperor  cum  illis  articulis  et  mandatis  suflS- 
cientissimis.  They  were  received  by  the  Pope  with  the  friendly  assurance 
(2  Oct.),  se  et  fratres  suos  de  hoc,  quod  nobilis  ramus  ecclesiae,  Aleniannia,  qui  se 
in  persona  domini  Ludovici  leedi  per  ecclesiam  aestimans,  jam  ab  arbore  ecclesiae 
sepai-ari  coeperat,  eidcm  ai-bori  cum  tam  magno  honore  sedis  redintegraretur,  plu- 
rimum  gratulari :  multum  commendans  Alemanniam  et  dominum  Ludovicum, 
quern  nobiliorem  mundi  dicebat :  conquerens  regi  Italiam  per  tyrannos,  ac  regnum 
Arraeniae  capi  a  Paganis,  —  ac  terram  sanctam  propter  Imperatoris  carentiam  occu- 
pari :  unde  merito  dixit  absolutionem  eidem  impertiii  se  debere,  qua;  et  dari  cras- 
tino  sperabatur.  Verum  pra^dictus  rex  Francia;,  et  rex  Sicilis  —  omnes  quasi 
Cardinales  a  proposito  averterant  prajconcepto.  Venerant  enim  ad  impediendum 
factum  ad  curiam  duo  archiepiscopi,  duo  episcopi  et  duo  comites  ex  parte  regis 
Francias,  et  totidem  ex  pai'te  regis  Roberti,  pioponentes  erroneum  esse,  tantum 
hcEresiarcham  preeponere  dominis  eorum  ecclesis  fidelissiniis ;  Papamque  cavere 
debere,  ne  fautor  ha;reticorum  diceretur.  (During  the  disturbances  Philip  had  got 
possession  of  certain  cities  of  the  emperor's,  which,  in  case  of  a  reconciliation,  he 
would  have  been  obliged  to  restore.  Raynald,  ann.  1335,  no.  7.  Jo.  Vitodura- 
nus,  below,  see  iiote  14).  Papa  vero  dicente  :  quid  volunt  do}ni7ii  vestri,  quod 
non  sit  Imperiuni  ?  illis  vero  proterve  dicentibus  :  Pater,  non  impi7}gatis  hoc 
dominis  nostris  vel  nobis,  quod  non  dicimus  ;  quia  contra  imperium  non  loqui- 
mur,  sed  contra  persojiam  Ludovici  damnatum :  cumque  diccrent,  Ludovicum 
multa  contra  ecclesiam  fecisse.  Papa  dixit :  immo  nos  fecimus  contra  eum :  ipse 
enim  cum  baculo  venisset  ad  pedes  prmdecessoris  nostri,  si  voluisset,  sed  ipse 
noluit  eum  recipere  :  et  quicquid  ille  fecit,  quasi  provocatus  fecit.  Quantum- 
cumque  autem  Papa  assereret,  se  meliora  pacta  ab  ipso  Ludovico  ])ro  prsedictis 
regibus,  eorum  regnis  et  posteris  extracturum,  quam  si  eum  in  turri  tenerent, 
penitus  nil  profecit.  Rex  Francia  etiam  in  terra  sua  undique  bona  et  reditus 
Cardinalium  interdixit  et  occupavit.  Scripserant  etiam  illis  diebus  ad  Curiam 
Joannes  rex  Bohemias  et  Heinricus  dux  Bavaria?,  gener  ejus,  quod  de  auxilio 


Chap.  I.     Papacy  till  1378:    I.  Poliiical  History.     §97.     29 

field,  and  to  this  end  entered  into  an  alliance  against  Philip  with 
Edward  of  England  (July,  1337).^  By  this  step  he  at  once  enlisted 
in  his  favor  the  national  feeling.''  The  embassy  sent  to  Avignon  by 
the  convention  of  bishops,  assembled  at  Speyer  by  Lewis'  faithful 
adherent,  Henry  of  Virneburg,  archbishop  of  Mentz,"  having  only 
served  to  show  more  plainly  the  utter  inability  of  the  Pope  to  act  for 
himself,*^'  the  Diet  assembled   at  Frankfort,  and  declared  the  various 

Hungarias  et  Cracoviae  regum  et  alioruni  alium  vellent  constituere  regem  Roma- 
noruin  potenter.  Et  sic  Cardinales  Papam  pi-o  tunc  ab  absolutione  principis  retrax- 
erunt,  dicentes,  cum  sui  in  partibus  suis  vellent  eum  destituere,  inconsultum  esse 
Sedi,  si  piopter  inipotentem  et  inopem  tot  Principes  offensaret.  Sic  dato  alio  ter- 
mino  deliberationis  nuncii  Principis  infecto  negotio  sunt  reversi.  (See  the  letter 
which  Benedict  gave  them  to  the  emperor,  in  Raynald,  ann.  1336,  no.  29).  — 
When  he  heard  afterwards  of  Lewis'  success,  the  good  Benedict  was  rejoiced, 
gloriabatur  —  dicens  ad  Cardinales:  isli  dicunt  eum  esse  destitutum,  sed  quis 
adhuc  ingressus  est  locum  suum  ?  He  himself  introduced  new  negotiations : 
misit  autem  Papa  solenneni  legatum  ad  Ludovicum,  Episcopum  Magalonensem, 
qui  mores  et  motinu  Principis  erga  ecclesiam  indagaret.  On  this  Lewis  sent 
another  embassy  to  Avignon  in  October,  1336,  with  the  fullest  commission  to 
make  all  required  confessions  and  promises  which  the  court  of  Rome  might 
demand  (see  Raynald,  ann.  1336,  no.  31  seq.)  namely,  ad  deponendum  —  nomine 
nostro  et  pro  nobis  titulum  imperialera  Roms  per  nos  receptum, —  ad  promitten- 
dum,  —  quod  super  onmibus  pra^dictis  excessibus  —  iaciemus  confessionem  plenam, 
propria  in  persona  petemus  humiliter  veniam,  ac  oflferemus  et  suscipiemus  emen- 
dam.  Item  ad  supplicandum  vice  et  nomine  nostro  —  pro  absolutione,  et  pro  nostra 
assumptione  et  in  integrum  restitutione  ad  famam,  honorem  et  statum,  et  interdie- 
torum  in  Alemannia;  partibus  remotione,  et  singularium  personarum  absolutione. 
Item  ad  proraittendum  —  vice  et  nomine  nostro,  —  quod  nomine  satisfactionis, 
poenae  et  emenda;  ac  poenitentise  per  nos  commissorum  effectualiter  assumemus 
passagium  ultramarinum,  prout  vestras  Sanctitati  videbitur  expedire,  et  quod  ibi 
manebimus,  quantum  vestra  Sanctitas  duxerit  ordinandum.  Item  ad  promitten- 
dum,  —  nos  ecclesias  et  monasteria  sediticaturos,  prout  vestra  Sanctitas  ordinabit. 
Item  quod  suscipiemus  et  perticiemus  poenitentias  alias  quascumque  atque  poenas, 
quas  vestra  Sanctitas  pro  dictis  excessibus  nobis  duxerit  injungendas.  At  the 
same  time,  to  provide  against  hindrance  from  this  quarter,  Lewis  concluded  a 
treaty  with  Philip  (see  the  documents  in  Leibnitii  Cod.  jur.  gentium,  p.  148  .«eq.). 
Nevertheless,  however,  ./?/&.  Ar^tnt.  p.  127  :  Quantumcunque  Benedictus  Papa 
ad  absolutionem  Principis  niteretur,  in  pradictis  lamen  Francias  et  Apuli®  resibus, 
et  quasi  omnibus  CardinaHbus,  seductis  per  eos,  assensum  habere  nequivit.  Unde 
tandem  legatis  Principis  sa?pe  ad  Curiam  venientibus,  quibus  et  legati  regis  Fran- 
ciae  pUires  in  Curia  verecundias  (insults)  inferebant,  in  tantum  quod  nullum  pote- 
rant  habere  finem  respondit,  asserens  sibi  hoc  non  a  homine  sed  a  s.  Spiritu  inspi- 
ratum. 

^  The  documents  in  Rymer. 

*  This  was  seen  when,  after  a  long  dispute  between  Baldwin,  archbishop  of  Tiers, 
and  Henry  of  Virneburg,  for  the  archbishopric  of  Mentz,  the  former,  throu"-h 
the  mediation  of  the  emperor,  A.  D.  1337,  had  given  up  his  chair  (Albert.  Aro-ent. 
p.  127)  :  capitulum  vero, —  adhasrentes  Imperatori,  prsdictum  Henricum  archie- 
piscopum,  ligantem  se  primo  Principi,  retentis  in  manibus  Capituli  sex  castris  et 
abjuratis  per  eum  ne  variare  posset,  —  concorditer  receperunt,  qui  et  postea  fer- 
venter  Ludovico  adhassit. 

'  Their  letter  to  the  Pope  of  March  27,  1338,  in  Schaten  Annall.  Paderborn. 
p.  287,  and  inOlenschlager  Urkundenbuch,  S.  186. 

"  The  archbishop  of  Mentz  being  under  sentence  of  excommunication,  the 
ambassadors  received  only  verbal  answers  from  the  Pope,  which  were  afterwards 
comnuinicated  to  the  archbishop  of  Cologne  (Raynald,  ann.  1338,  no.  3),  namely, 
that  the  absolution  of  Lewis  was  hindered  only  by  the  sudden  departure  of  his 
ambassadors,  impatientes  adhibendse  in  tanto  negotio  debitas  gravitatis,  that  the 


30  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

decrees  of  the  Pope  against  the  emperor  void  and  without  effect.^ 
From  hence  the  electors  repaired  to  Rense  (July  15,  1338),  and 
there  solemnly  declared  that  the  king  of  Rome  received  his  power 
and  dignity  wholly  from  the  choice  of  the  electors, i^  which  declara- 
tion was  soon  after  made  tlie  law  of  the  realm. ^^  The  defenders  of 
the  imperial  cause  now  ventured  to  resume  their  pens,  especially 
William  Occam  and  Leopold  of  Bebenburg.i-     Public  opinion  was 

emperor  must  send  a  new  embassy,  but  especially,  quod  ilia,  per  quse  prfecipue 
reconciliatio  sua  poterat  impediii,  erat  assuniptio  f;uei'rE  —  contra  Kegem  FranciK, 
—  quod  nos  —  eundem  Regem  diniitfei-e  non  possemus,  —  cum  Reges  Franciae 
nunquam  diniiserint  ecclesiam.  On  the  other  hand,  it  is  related  by  Albertus 
Argent,  p.  127  :  Cum  Papa  Benedictus  nuncios  recepisset  benigne,  in  aurem 
nunciis  quasi  flens  conquerebatur,  quod  ad  Principem  esset  inclinatus,  et  quod  rex 
FraneiK  sibi  scripserit  certis  litteiis,  si  Bavarum  sine  ejus  voluntate  absolveret, 
pejora  sibi  fierent,  quam  Papae  Bonifacio  a  suis  prx'decessoribus  essent  facta. 

'  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  49  :  Qui  disculicntes  causas  et  moliva  singula  tarn  Papae 
quam  Imperatoris,  diligenterque  exaininantes,  et  acumine  intellectus  luce  clarius 
omnia  speculantes  et  perscrutanies  pei-  se,  principaliter  vero  per  Imperatoris  Legi- 
stas  et  Canonistas  valentissimos,  principalissime  autem  per  fratrem  Bonamgratiam, 
almarium  seu  scrinium  totius  juris,  consequenterque  per  cunctos  Pra;latos,  caste- 
rumque  Clerum  ibidem  congregatum,  repererunt,  Imperatorem  cuncta,  quas  debuit, 
sufiicienter  pei-egisse,  et  sibi  aditum  et  accessum  omnis  gratis  et  justitis  interclu- 
sum,  et  obstructum,  et  indiscrete  temereque  penilus  denegatum.  Sententia  erga 
matura  et  unanimi  Principes  etiam  jurejurando  praestito  determinaverunt,  omnes 
processus,  a  Domino  Papa  contra  Dominum  Imperatorem  latos,  indebitos,  et  prorsus 
nullius  fore  roboris  vel  mouienti,  sed  eos  irrifos  et  inanes,  et  ab  a^quitatis  lance 
penitus  alienos.  Adstruxeruntque  eodem  jurejurando  sententia  difiinitiva,  per 
totam  terram  Imperii  —  divinum  cultum,  diu  indebite — interdictum  et  suspensum, 
legitime  liciteque  omni  scrupulo  conscientice  depo.si(o  debere  resumi.  Decreve- 
runt  nihilominus,  totum  Clerum  ubilibet  in  regno  seu  imperio  Imperatoris  consti- 
tutum,  qui  adhuc  non  resumpsisset  divina,  compellendum  ad  resumendum  cultum 
divinum  diu  intermissum,  et  si  renueret,  et  contumaciter  parere  despiceret,  tan- 
quam  hostis  Reipublica;  esset  acriter  puniendus. 

''^  The  first  Diet  (see  Gewold,  p.  146.  Olenschlagers  Urkundenbuch,  S. 
188).  The  electors  gave  the  Pope  notice  of  their  proceedings  (see  their  letter  in 
Herwart,  p.  744.  Olenschlager  Urkundenbuch,  S.  190),  and  at  the  same 
time  that  they  had  resolved  in  opposition  to  the  sententias  et  processus,  quos  Joan- 
nes P.  XXII.  de  facto  contra  Deum  et  justitiam  et  juris  ordineni  fulminavit :  quod 
vacante  Romano  Imperio  is,  qui  eligitur  concorditer,  vel  a  majori  parte  Piincipum 
Electorum,  pro  Rege  Romanorum  ab  omnibus  est  habendus.  Et  quod  nee  nomi- 
natione,  approbatione,  confirmatione,  consensu,  vel  auctoritale  Sedis  Apostolicaj 
super  administratione  bonorum  et  jurium  Imperii  indiget,  sive  titulo  Regis  assu- 
mendo,  quodque  jura  et  bona  Imperii  administrare  et  gubernare  poterit,  et  de  jure 
et  consuetudiiie,  nulla  Sedis  Apostolicaj  super  hoc  licentia  habita  vel  obtenta.  For 
the  history  of  this  Diet,  see  especially  Pfeffingeri  Vitriarius  illustratus,  T.  I.  p. 
667  seq. 

''  On  the  8th  of  August,  1338,  the  emperor  passed  two  laws.  In  the  first  Licet 
jura  utriusqiie  (in  Leibnitii  Cod.  jur.  gent.  P.  I.  p.  148.  Pfeffinger,  1.  c.  p.  668. 
Olenschlagers  Urkundenbuch,  S.  189),  he  confirms  the  declarations  of  the 
electors;  in  the  second  (in  Freheri  Scriptt.  Rcr.  Germ.  T.  I.  p.  655.  Olenschlager, 
S.  193),  a  long  treatise  from  the  pen  of  Bouagratia,  he  declares  the  papal  senten- 
tias null  and  void,  and  forbids  their  observance.  These  imperial  ordinances  were 
confirmed  at  the  Diet  in  Frankfort,  in  March,  1339  ( Goldast  constitt.  Imper.  T. 
III.  p.  411). 

*"  Especially  Guil.  Occam  compend.  errorum  Joannis  P.  XXII.  (in  Goldasti 
Monarchia,  T.  II.  p.  957  seq.)  and  Lupoldi  de  Behenburg  (afterwards  bishop  of 
Bamberg,  'f  1363)  tract,  de  juribus  Regni  et  Imperii  ad  Balduinum  Archiep. 
Trevir.  (in  Schardii  syntagma  tractatuum  de  jurisdictione  imperiali.  Basil.  1566, 
and  Argent.  1609.  fob). 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  137S.     /.  Political  History.    §  97.      31 

now  entirely  in  Lewis'  favor,  and  those  of  the  clergy  who  wished  to 
observe  the  interdict  were  no  longer  able  to  retain  their  places.^^ 

But  all  these  advantages  were  lost  through  the  inconsistency  of 
Lewis.i4  He  first  allowed  himself  to  be  seduced  by  the  arts  of  the 
French  king  into  desertion  of  his  allies,  and  sued  once  more  for  the 
papal   forgiveness   (A.  D.    1341  ).ij     When   he   found   himself  again 


'3  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  49:  Exiit  ergo  edictum  a  Cffisare  Augusto  Ludovico,  ut 
universa  pars  orbis  sibi  subjecta  vel  subjicienda  sub  obtentu  gratia;  sua  divinum 
cultuin  resunieret  incunctanter ;  quod  sui  officiales,  presides,  advocati  sibi  seriosius 
cominendatum  ad  terras  suas  in  litteris  Iniperatoris  secum  deportantes,  fideli  exe- 
cutioni  luandarunt,  prajcipientes  singulis  civitatibiis  et  aliis  locis  advocatia;  sua;  vel 
jurisdictioni  subjectis  per  iiiinas  et  terrores,  jussionein  regis  urgenlem  per  omnia 
observari.  Quod  cum  clerus  aliquarum  civitatum  una  cum  civibus  effectui  manci- 
pare  aliquot  dierum  spatio  niinime  curasset  vel  sprevisset,  tandem  cives  habito 
consilio  super  hoc,  ad  corredeimtes  vel  recognoscentes  durum  fore  contra  slimulum 
calcitrare,  valenter  jubebant  per  civitates  proclamari :  quicunque  clericus  tarn 
religiosus  quam  sa?cularis  divinum  cultum  apertis  januis,  pulsatis  campanis  habere 
vel  resumere  contemneret,  extra  civilatem  in  perpetuum  vel  ad  tempus  fieret, 
vel  si  quis  animo  fugiendi  divina  civitatem  exiret,  usque  post  decennium  se  sciret 
irremediabiliter  exterminatum  ab  ilhi  civitate,  oppido,  villa,  coenobio  vel  loco  quo- 
cunque;  relinqucntes  tamen  et  indulgentes  clericis  octo  dierum,  vel  citra  manendi 
vel  recedendi,  deliberandi  spatium.  Mulli  igifur  diversorum  ordinum  clerici  et 
panel  sa;culares,  aliis  cantantibus,  de  locis  suis  discedebant,  hinc  inde  vagantes,  et 
in  locis  aliorum  dominorum  ad  divina  resumenda  non  coactis  se  recipiebant,  et'  ibi 
nomen  psallentium  in  tantum  maculaverunt,  ut  more  stercoris  vel  luti  foelidi  abji- 
cerentur,  et  ipsorum  comniunio,  familiaritas,  conversatio,  missa,  orafio,  pra^dicatio 
absolutio  et  qusque  clavium  auctorilas  execrabilis  haberetur.  E  contrario  rema- 
nentes,  et  Domino  prajcinentes,  tacentes  et  recedentes,  tanquam  vecordes,  erro- 
neos,  pertinaces,  fatuos  et  rebelles  occulte  et  manifeste  persequebantur,  et  eos 
coram  hominibus  vitandos  et  detestandos  tanquam  perversores  et  dilaniatore's  latere 
nihilominus  tanquam  venenatos  et  contagiosos,  et  adinstar  canis  rabidi  fuo-iendos 
afiirmarunt.  Utraque  pars  alteram  dei-ipientem,  vel  una  alteram  scismaticam 
rumpentem  et  scindentem  tunicam  Christi  integram  et  inconsutilem  judicabant' 
Multi  vero  de  numero  exeuntium  dacti  post  medium  annum  poenitentia  locum 
suum_  ardenfi  desiderio  repetebant,  sed  indultum  eis  non  erat,  quia  fere  tota  univer- 
sitas  juramenta  in  eorum  exitu  in  contrarium  emiseriint,  videlicet  ut  nullus  eorum 
facultatem  vel  possibilitatem  regrediendi  haberet  ante  tinem  termini  eis  super  hoc 
pra-fixi :  unde  factum  est,  ut  invifi  cum  amaritudine  maxima  mentis  extra  remane- 
rent,  qui  voluntarie  ac  improvide  exicrunt.  —  Muta  diu  labia  in  vocem  cantus  et 
iKtitiK  cultus  divini  sunt  resoluta,  et  organa  per  multa  annorum  curricula  suspensa 
relaxata  sunt  in  melodiae  ac  psalmodix  harmoniam. 

'*  How  little  assistance  he  rendered  the  English,  see  in  Olenschlao-er  S  300 
Jo.  Vitoduranus  ad  ann.  1339  et  1340,  p.  55  :  si  Impeiator  promissun?  suum  ex- 
hibitum  Regi  Angha;  servasset,  —  contra  Regem  Francis  praliafurus  procedendo 
et  regnum  ejus  intrando,  procul  dubio,  ut  verisimile  est,  regnum  Francia?  cum 
Rege  suo  pemtus  debellasset,  et  civitates  imperiales  imperio  recuperasset  et  con 
sequenter  Papam  Benedictum  XII.  tunc  Ecclesia;  pr^sidentem  benev'olum  et 
propitium  ad  Perficiendum  omne  voluntatis  sua;  desiderium  invenisset.  Nam  Rex 
Francis  —  Papam  sibi  subactum,  quam  diu  in  Avenione  demoratur,  cohibet  et 
refrenat,  ne  Imperatori  aliqualiter  condescendat,  ne  bona  Imperii  surrepta  et  sibi 
usurpata  (see  note  4)  eum  amiltere  contingat.  Cum  autem  Ludwicus  ut  suora 
dixi,  remissus  et  negligens,  pavidusque  existat  ad  prsliandum  contra  suum  adver- 
sarium,  — bonum  taliter  suum  et  imperii  consequenter  neglexit :  maluit  enim  in 
Alemania  sibi  valde  subdita  confessor  esse,  quam  in  Francia,  ut  timuit  martyr 
fieri.  Fortunatus  enim  valde  erat,  et  multa  bona  sine  pralii  certamine'  adeotua 
erat,  etc.  *^ 

'*  Alb.  Argentin.  p.  128:  Post  hcee  misit  Francus  nuncium  et  literas  Impera- 
trici,  filiae  sororis  sue,  quam  dominam  Alemannis  scripsit,  ut  inter  ipsum  et  Prin- 


32  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

deceived,  he  seemed  determined  to  cut  off  all  hopes  of  reconciliation 
by  an  encroachment  on  the  acknowledged  rights  of  the  Pope.  In 
order  to  bring  Tyrol  into  his  own  family,  he  dissolved  the  marriage  of 
Margaret  Manltasch  by  his  own  authority, i'^  and  bestowed  her  on  his 
son  Lewis,  Margrave  of  Brandenburg  (February,  1342),  giving  him- 
self the  necessary  dispensation  on  account  of  their  too  near  consan- 
guinity.'^ 

Notwithstanding  all  the  learning  ^^  with  which  this  step  was  de- 
fended, such  an  interference  in  the  rights  of  the  church  lost  for  Lewis 
the  confidence  of  the  people,'^  whilst  it  drew  upon  hitn  the  envy  and 
jealousy  of  the  princes  by  the  increase  of  his  family  influence.-*' 
Thus  new  weapons  were  put  into  the  hands  of  the  ambitious  Clement 
VI.,-1   an  ancient  enemy  of  Lewis,^^  who  had  now  succeeded  the 

cipeni  concordiain,  si  posset,  ordinaret,  et  sibi  nuntium,  de  quo  Princeps  confideret, 
de  Concordia  atlentanda  deslinaret.  Et  missis  hinc  inde  pluries  nunciis et  litteiis  inter 
Principem  et  Francuni,  interposilis  juranientis  et  confcctis  litteris  liga  perpetua  est 
firmata,  in  qua  ipse  Francus  Principem  cum  sede  apostolica  reformare  juravit.  Et 
sic  Princeps  per  Fi-ancum  et  in  tota  Francia  post  ha'c  et  Parisiis  scriptus  est  et 
nominatus  Imperator.  —  Missis  swpius  nunciis  Imperatoris  una  cum  iegatis  et 
Uteris  Franci  ad  Papam  pro  reformatione  Pi-incipis,  Papa  Benedictus  nunquam 
Ludovicum  principem  ad  Arbitrium  Franci  nunc  ha;reticum,  nunc  christianissi- 
mum  haberi  debere,  respondit.  Et  protracto  variis  occasionibus  negotio  Francus, 
ut  credebatur,  quod  noluisset,  simulavit  se  velle ;  Benedictus  vero,  quod  voluisset, 
simulavit  se  nolle. 

'"  See  the  document  in  Goldasti  Monarchia,  T.  II.  p.  1383.  Freheri  Scriptt. 
Rer.  Germ.  T.  I.  p.  620. 

"  The  document  in  Goldast.  1.  c.  p.  1385;  in  Freher,  1.  c.  p.  621.  e.  g.  Papa 
Romanus  super  impediniento  atfinitatis  sanguinis  per  dispensationem  tollendo  —  ad 
suam  auctoritateni  asserit  pertinere  :  ac  in  falibus  matrimoniis  pluries  dispensave- 
runt  de  facto  prsteriti  quidam  Pontifices  Romanorum.  Quod  si  talis  gradus  affini- 
tatis  sanguinis  matrinionium  legitimum  impediret  legis  divinae  seu  Christianaj 
praecepto,  non  posset  aliquis  hominum,  quinimo  neque  angelus  de  coelo,  dictum 
impedinientum  per  dispensationem  aliquo  raodo  amovere.  —  Ex  quibus  quidem 
manifeste  apparet,  ac  fateri  cogitur  Romanus  Episcopus,  —  quod  si  gradus  affinitatis 
sanguinis,  quamquam  licitum  matriinonium,  impediat  fieri,  lioc  tantum  factum  esse 
prsecepto  sive  statuto  legis  humanas,  de  cujus  siquidem  legis  praceptis  sive  statutis 
dispensare  solummodo  pertinet  ad  auctoritatem  Imperatoris  seu  Principis  Roma- 
norum. 

"*  Guil.  Occam  tract,  de  jurisdictione  Imperatoris  in  causis  matrimonialibus  in 
Goldasti  Monarchia,  T.  I.  p.  21 ;  and  Marsilli  Patavlni  tract,  de  jurisdict.  Imp. 
in  causis  matrimon.     Ibid.  T.  II.  p.  1383. 

"*  Alb.  Argent,  p.  129 :  Sicque  Ludovicus  princeps  filium  Joannis  regis  Bohe- 
mia uxore  et  dominio  spoliavit,  inconsuetum  et  horribile  facinus  uttentando. 
Filium  namque  ad  hoc  maleficii  genus  induxit  invitum,  quod  videlicet  uxoi-em  sui 
consanguinei  in  tertio  gradu,  non  separatam  ab  ullo  judice  ecclesiae,  ipsamque  suam 
consanguineam  non  uxorem,  sed  mcecham  traduxit.  —  O  idolorum  servitus  avaritia, 
qua?  tantos  principes  confudisti,  ex  quibus  iterum  inter  Bohemos  et  Principem  et 
filios  suos  non  immerito  livor  edax  et  odia  suscitantur.  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  58  : 
tota  terra  illud  matriinonium  muUifariam  multisque  modis  diris  vocibus  inculpavit. 

20  Olenschlager,  S.  318  ff. 

2'  Matteo  ViUani  III.  c.  43  (Muratori  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  T.  XIV.  p.  186): 
Cestui  fu  natio  di  Francia,  e  Arcivescovo  di  Ruem  (Rouen),  c  grande  amico  e 
protettore  del  Re  Filippo  di  Francia,  e  per  lui,  innanzi  al  Papato,  e  poi  che  fu 
Papa,  assai  cose  fece.  —  Huomo  in  di  convenevole  scienzia,  molto  cavalleresco, 
poco  religioso.  Delle  femmine,  essendo  Arcivescovo,  non  si  guardo,  ma  trapasso 
il  modo  de'  seculari  giovani  Baroni :  e  nel  Papato  non  se  ne  seppe  contenere,  ne 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.  I.  Political  Historrj.  §  97.    33 

good  Benedict  (May  7,  1342).  The  first  attempt  to  renew  negotia- 
tions with  him  ended  in  another  bull  of  excommunication,  April  12, 
1343.-'^  The  effect  of  this  was  so  apparent  in  Germany,  that  Lewis 
resolved  to  comply  with  all  the  requisitions  of  the  Pope  ;  but  his  offer 
to  this  effect  was  answered  by  new  requisitions.-^  That  these  demands 
were  inconsistent  with  the  imperial  rights  was  readily  conceded,--^  but 
the  willingness  with  which  his  subjects  had  once  espoused  the  cause 
of  their  emperor  had  now  given  place  to  a  general  disaffection  towards 
a  prince  whose  personal  character  seemed  to  be  the  cause  of  all  their 

occultare :  ma  alle  sue  camere  andavano  le  grandi  Dame,  come  i  Prelati,  e  f'ra 
I'altre  una  Contessa  di  Torenna  fu  taiito  in  suo  piacere,  che  per  lei  f'aceva  i;i-an 
parte  delle  grazie  sue.  Albertus  Argentin.  p.  133  :  Hie  ab  antecessoiis  sui  mori- 
bus  multuin  distans,  mulicrum,  honorum  et  potentia;  cupidus  —  ipse  Francus 
Franco  ferventer  adhaesit. 

^^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  133  :  Qui  cum  adhue  esset  Rotomagensis,  Parisiis  in 
prJEsentia  Franci  et  Bohemi  publicum  sermonem  faciens,  ipsos  contra  Principem, 
quem  nominavit  Baurum,  animavit,  interpretans  nomen  baurus  i.  e.  nesciens 
tergere  barbam,  quia  tantam  dixit  esse  feditatem  oris  sui,  quod  ipsam  abjicere  non 
valeret.  Instead  of  Baurus  should  be  read  Bavarus  which  he  derived  from  bava, 
French  bave,  slaver,  as  bavara  is  a  bib. 
^  Raynald.  ann.  1343,  no.  43  seq. 

^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  133 :  Missisque  iterum  per  Principem  Uteris  et  nunciis  ad 
Curiam  et  ad  Francum  ad  sciscitanduin  causam  impedimenti  reformationi^,  cum 
ipse  paratus  esset  oiimia  facere,  qua;  sibi  injungercntur  a  Papa  :  datoque  response 
per  Francum,  quod  diceretur  per  Papauj,  quod  non  peteret  eo  modo  gratiam,  quo 
deberet ;  nunciisque  (prout  in  mandatis  habebant)  dicentibus,  quod  daretur  eis 
forma  procuratorii  Papa;  placens,  secundum  quam,  qualiscunque  esset,  se  petituros 
dicebant :  conceptum  est  procuratorium  turpissimum  et  rigidissimum  (the  same  is 
related  by  Gewold,  p.  181.  Olenschlagers  Urkundenbuch,  S.  226),  quod  non 
credebant  Ludovicum  sigillaturum,  etiamsi  captus  fuisset.  Dabatur  enim  in  eo 
potestas  Humberto  Delphino,  avunculo  Principis,  item  Augustensis  et  Babenber- 
gensis  ecclesiarum  prspositis,  item  M.  Ulrico  cancellario  suo,  in  solidum  confitendi 
omnes  errores  et  hsereses;  item  resignandi  Imperium,  nee  resumendi,  nisi  hoc 
fieret  de  gratia  Papae,  et  se  ac  filios  suos,  ac  bona  ac  statum  suum  in  manus  et 
voluntatem  Papse  ponendi,  et  multa  insolita  faciendi.  Verum  Princeps  mandatum 
hujusmodi  non  solum  sigillavit  (see  the  document  of  IS  Sept.  1343,  in  Gewold, 
p.  173.  Olenschlager,  S.  234),  sed  etiam  coram  tabellione,  misso  per  Papam,  se 
servaturum  nee  revocaturum  juravit.  De  quo  Papa  ipse  et  Collegium  mirabantur, 
dicentes  inti-a  se  :  iste  homo  diffidentia  est  j)erplexus.  Illisque  quatuor  procura- 
toribus  juxta  formam  mandati  jurantibus,  ac  pro  articulis  injunctionis  et  pcEnitcntise 
denuo  instantibus,  nee  sine  articulis  abire  volentibus,  tandem  Papa  de  consilio 
Collegii  articulos,  quos  Piincipem  facere  voluit,  qui  non  tangebant  personam  ejus, 
sed  statum  Imperii,  assignavit.  Amongst  these  articles  (see  Geivold,  p.  19,5. 
Olenschlager,  S.  241)  we  find:  Concedit  suis  Procuratoribus  potestatem  pronun- 
ciandi,  confitendi,  nulla  et  falsa  —  omnia  dicta  et  gesta  sub  Imperatorio  aut  Regio 
titulo  ;  —  item  ejusmodi  facta  et  negotia  omnia,  et  unumquodlibet  horum,  tanquam 
injnste  facta  et  gesta,  revocandi,  annullandi,  —  item  promittendi  sua  vice,  et 
nomine  ejus  et  pro  se,  quod  nihil  f\iciet,  ordinabit,  aut  mandahit  sub  Imperatorio 
titulo  aut  Regali,  aut  quivis  alius  illius  vice,  absque  speciali  concessione  Sedis 
Romanae  ;  —  item  promittendi  sua  vice,  —  quod  non  veniet,  nee  intrabit  in  terras 
Italias,  nee  quidquam  in  illis  mandahit  nee  ordinabit  —  sine  speciali  concessione 
sedis  Romanse  ;  —  item  dicendi  ac  promittendi,  quod  si  in  pra^scriptis  articulis  — 
aliquid  esset  dubium  aut  incertum, — quod  tunc  V.  S.  et  successorum  vestrorum 
jnterpretationem  admittet,  et  sicut  V.  S.  intellexeiit,  et  pronuntiabit  quomodo 
intelligi  debeat,  huic  inviolabiliter  et  cum  effectu  stabit. 

^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  134  :  illos  articulos  in  perniciem  et  destructionem  Imperii 
esse  conceptos. 

VOL.   III.  5 


34  Third  P triad.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

troubles.^G  The  Pope  could  tluis  reckon,  in  a  degree,  on  the  support 
of  Lewis'  own  subjects,  and  he  soon  tried  the  experiment.  The 
emperor  having  proposed  an  expedition  into  Italy  in  conjunction  with 
Lewis  of  Hungary,  to  assist  that  prince  in  revenging  the  death  of  his 
brother  Andrew,  king  of  Naples,  who  had  been  murdered  by  his 
queen,  the  Pope  took  the  guilty  Joanna  under  his  protection, -'''  and 
hurled  the  thunders  of  excommunication  at  tlie  unfortunate  emperor 
(April   13,   1346),  calling  on   the  electors   for   a   new  choice,-^  and 

*«  Immediately  after  the  Diet  of  Frankfort  the  electors  assembled  for  further 
consultation  at  Rense  (Albert.  Argent.  1.  c.) :  where  all  voices  were  raised  against 
Lewis.  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  75  :  Alii  famant,  quod  Piincipes  magnain  displicen- 
tiain  propter  nimiaiu  sui  (Ludovici)  huiniliationem  erga  Papam  conceperunt,  quia 
culniini  Kegalis  luiperialist]i)e  celsitudinis  derogaret:  et  idco  expresse  sibi  in 
facieni  rostiterunt  non  a^wentiendo  sed  contradicendo  aperte  sua;  excessiva;  ac  inde- 
bitffi  erga  Papam  hunuliationi.  Fertur  quoque,  quod  iideiii  Principes  asgre  ferentes, 
et  amaro  animo  sustinentes  remis.-ionem  et  negligentiam  IiTiperatoris,  tanquam 
causam  destructionis  Imperii,  ab  eo  seriosc  postulabaut,  ut  lilium  Regis  Boemiae 
[Caroluin  Marchgravium  Moraviffi]  sibi  subrogaret  in  Regem  Alemania?.  Quem 
i-ecusaus,  iilium  Alarchgravium  Brandenburgensem  pro  Rege  praisentavit :  quem 
ipsi  similiter  abjicieutes  ab  eo  indigiianter  discesserunt.  Regnuin  tantum  peiiit  et 
debilitatum  est  sub  te  Bavaro,  dixerunt  ad  invicem,  quare  summopere  pra;caven- 
dum  est,  ne  deinceps  ad  Bavaros  transferatur.  Tamen,  antequain  ab  invicem 
divellerentur,  quemadmodum  fama  communis  me  insti-uxit,  decreverunt  concorditer 
cum  Imperalore,  quod  ultra  a  Papa  gratiam  qusrere  non  attemptaret,  quam  totiens 
irrationabiliter  sibi  senserat  deuegatam. 

^^  Joanna  was  generally  considered  guilty  of  the  murder,  or  at  least  of  having 
been  accessary  to  it.  Compare  the  contemporary  Doniinicus  de  Gravina  de  rebus 
in  Apulia  gestis  (in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  It.  T.  XI I).  Jo.  Villani,  Lib.  XII. 
c.  50.  Heinr.  de  Rebdorff  ad  arm.  1345. — Albert  Argent,  p.  130,  says  even  : 
De  quo  crimine  non  solum  uxor  et  princeps  Taranti,  sed  et  Papa  et  aliqui  Cardina- 
lium  teuebantur  suspecli ;  and  .Martinus  Minorita  (in  Eccard  corpus  hist,  medii 
aevi,  T.  I.  p.  1635) :  Hoc  ilagitium  multi  a;muli  Papae  et  IV  Cardinabilus  suis  impin- 
gunt;  Papa  vei-o  in  die  sanctK  CoenEe  publice  in  Consistorio  se  de  hoc  crimine  ex- 
purgavit,  etc.  This  suspicion  seems,  however,  to  have  grown  out  of  the  course 
pursued  by  the  Po])e.  In  the  investigation  which  he  instituted,  Joanna  interfered 
vehemently  in  behalf  of  some  of  the  accused,  so  that  the  Pope  himself  complains 
prajtermissum  aliquorum  sontium  supplicium  ( Raynald.  ann.  1346,  no.  51)  :  he 
had  promised  the  king  of  Hungary  to  institute  a  strict  inquiry  into  Joanna's  con- 
duct ;  but  the  legate  who  was  sent  for  the  pui])ose  was  sent  back  by  her  (no.  58) 
without  any  punishment  following  on  the  part  of  Clement.  On  the  other  hand, 
he  threatened  the  king  of  Hungary  with  excommunication,  if  he  should  conmience 
hostilities  against  Naples  (no.  56). 

^  Act  of  excommunication  of  the  loth  of  Apr.  in  Raynald  ann.  1346,  no.  3  seq. 
Sane  considerantes  altentius,  quod  pra;decessor  noster  in  processibus  suis  Ludovi- 
cum  declaravit  schismaticum  et  ha-rcticum  manifestum,  —  declarans  eundem  in 
omnes  pcenas  inflictas  schismaticis  et  ha^reticis  per  sacros  canones  et  catholicorum 
principum  leges  incidisse  (§  96,  note  23)  :  —  aliquas  ex  poenis  ipsius  tenore  prae- 
sentium  ad  cautelam  duximus  expi'imendas.  Siquidem  secundum  condcmnatio- 
nem  —  praedecessoiis  ejusdem  prajfatus  Ludovicus  infamis  existit,  nee  ad  publica 
officia,  vel  ad  eligendos  aliquos  ad  ea,  aut  ad  testimonium  perhibendum,  vel  ad 
ha;reditatem  seu  successionem  alicujus  est  aduuttendus,  ncc  testament!  habet  libe- 
ram  fuctionem ;  nullusque  i])si  supei- quocuncpie  negotio,  sed  ipse  aliis  est  respon- 
dere  cogendus:  nullae  causa;  ad  ipsius  sunt  audicntiam  deferend:E :  sententis 
quoque  per  eum  latae  nullaiii  obiinent  firmitatem  :  nuUus  advocatus  in  causis  ejus 
patrocinium  pra'stai-e,  nullusque  notarius  pro  factis  sive  causis  ipsius  publica  debet 
conhcere  instrumenta.  Onmis  andicntia  est  ipsi  in  quocumque  ncgolio  deneganda, 
omnisque  proclamationis  et  appellatiouis  beneficium  ei  est  specialiter  interdictum  : 
universa  ejus  bona   sunt  [)eipetuo  confiscata,  ejusque  filii  et  nepotes  ad  nullum 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  137S.  /.  Political  History.  §  97.    35 

recommending  to  them  the  son  of  the  king  of  Bohemia,  under  the 
name  of  Charles  IV."-^     In  order  to  secure  for  him  the  majority  of 

sunt  unquam  beneficium  ecclesiasticiini,  nullumque  piiblicum  officiuni  adinittendi. 
Cunclis  lidelibus  cum  dicto  Ludovico,  nisi  pro  ipsius  conversione  et  animarum 
salute,  est  couimunio  interdicta;  ipseque  moricns  carere  debet  ecclesiastica  sepul- 
tura.  Omnes  ssculares  polestates  ipsum  Lndovicum  de  teriis  eorum  juiisdictioni 
subjectis  pro  viiibus  exterminare  jubentur.  Tben  follows  tbe  feailul  curse  : 
divinam  suppliciter  imploramus  poteiitiaiii,  ut  Ludovici  praefati  confutet  insaniam, 
depriinat  et  elidat  superbiam,  et  eum  dexterae  suee  virtute  prosteniat,  ipsumque  in 
manibus  ininiicorum  suoiuin  et  eum  persequentium  concludat,  et  tradat  corruen- 
tem  ante  ipsos.  Veniat  ei  laqueus  quein  ignorat,  et  cadat  in  ipsum.  Sit  maledic- 
tus  ingrediens,  sit  maledictus  egredien's.  Peicutiat  eum  Uominus  amentia,  et 
ca»citate,  ac  mentis  furore.  CkIuui  super  eum  fulgura  mittat.  Omnipotentis  Dei 
ira  et  beatorum  Petri  et  Pauli,  quorum  ecclesiam  prassumpsit  et  prffisuniit  sno 
posse  confundere,  in  hoc  et  futuro  sa-culo  exardescat  in  ipsum.  Orbis  terrarum 
pugnet  contra  eum  :  aperiatur  terra,  et  ipsum  absorbeat  vivum.  In  generations 
una  deleatur  nomen  ejus,  et  dispereat  de  terra  memoria  ejus.  Cuncta  elenienta 
sint  ei  conlraiia.  Habitatio  ejus  fiat  deserta,  et  omnia  Sanctorum  quiescentium 
merita  ilium  confundant,  et  in  hac  vita  super  eum  apertam  vindictam  ostendant, 
filiique  ipsius  cjiciantur  de  habitationibus  sui*,  et  videntibus  ejusoculis  in  manibus 
hostium  eos  perdeniium  concludantur.  Porro  quia  Romanum  Imperium  — jam 
per  longa  tempora  dignoscitur  vacavisse  ;  —  nos  hoc  ulterius  tolerare  nolentes, — 
omnes  et  singulos  principes  ecclesiasticos  et  sasculares,  ad  quos  Regem  in  Impera- 
torem  postmodum  promovendum  juspertinet  eligendi,  priesentium  tenure  apostolica 
auctoritate  monemus,  districtius  injungenfes  eisdein,  quatenus  sine  morae  dispendio 
pro  electione  Regis  in  Imperatorem  postmodum  pjomovendi  de  persona  idonea 
facienda  conveniant,  et  ad  electionem  ipsam  piocedere  non  postponant.  Alioquin 
sedes  ipsa,  a  qua  jus  et  potestas  electionis  pranlictce  ad  principes  pervenit  eos- 
dem,  super  hoc  de  opportuno  remedio  providebit.  A  particulai-  call  on  the  elec- 
tors dd.  28  Apr.  1346,  ibid.  no.  9  seq.  In  this  de  declares  Lewis,  Margi'ave  of 
Brandenburg,  incapable  of  taking  part  in  the  election  :  but  to  the  other  electors 
he  says  :  illi  ex  vobis,  qui  propter  favorem  —  Ludovici  essent  forsitan  praedictis 
excommunicationum  sententiis  innodali,  dummodo  ab  illis  desistant,  —  ne  dictum 
negotium  (electionis)  impediri  valeat  propter  hoc,  absolventur  juxta  formam  Ec- 
clesise  consuetam. 

23  During  a  residence  of  two  years  in  Paris  Charles  had  been  in  habits  of 
intimacy  with  Clement,  at  that  time  Abbas  Fiscanensis  and  counsellor  of  the 
king:  he  relates  himself  in  the  Commentarius  de  vita  sua  in  Freheri  Rerum  Boh. 
Scriptt.  Hanov.  1602.  fol.  p.  89  :  me  multum  caritative  ac  paterne  confovebat  de 
sacra  scriptura  me  sa?pius  informando.  Afterwards  on  a  visit  to  Avignon  he 
resided  with  Clement,  who,  in  the  mean  time  Imd  become  cardinal  and  arch- 
bishop of  Rouen  (Ibid.  p.  103)  :  dixitque  una  hora  mecum  existens  in  domo  sua  : 
tu  eris  adhuc  rex  Romanorum.  Cui  respondi :  tu  eris  ante  Papa.  Quod 
utrumque  secutum  est,  prout  infra  describetur.  See  the  conditions  to  which 
Charles  had  to  agree  in  Avignon  on  the  22d  of  April,  in  Raynald.  ann.  1346,  no. 
19  seq.  e.  g.  promitto  et  juro,  quod  omnes  processus  factos,  —  et  quscunque  alia 

—  gesta  per  Ludovicura  de  Bavaria,  per  Ecclesiam  de  ha;resi  et  schismate  justo 
judicio  condemnatum  — nulla  esse  ac  cassa  et  irrita  pronuntiabo  et  declarabo,  ilia 
etiam,  quatenus  processerunt  de  facto,  annullando  et  penitus  revocando.  He  then 
secures  to  the  church  all  its  possessions,  also  regna  Sicilis,  Sardinia;  et  Corsica;, 
quae  de  directo  dominio,  jure  et  feudo  ejusdem  Romanae  Ecclesias  esse  noscuntur  : 

—  nee  aliquod  dominium,  jurisdictionem,  superioritatem,  servitutem,  potestariam, 
capitaneatum,  vel  aliud  officium,  quocunque  nomine  censeatur,  accipiam  vel  ven- 
dicabo  —  in  praedicds  Roma,  regnis,  provinciis,  ducatibus,  comitatibus  —  ct  terri- 
toriis  supradiclis.  —  Promitto  ul  supra,  quod  ante  diem,  mihi  pro  coronatione 
imperiali  praefigendam,  non  ingrediar  uibem  Romanam,  quodque  —  ipsa  die,  qua 
coronam  hujusmodi  recepero — dictam  urbem  —  exibo  cum  tota  —  gente  mca,  et 

—  extra  totam  terram  Romana;  Ecclesias  me  recto  gressu  transferam  versus  teiras 
imperio  subjectas,  nunquam  postmodum  ad  urbem,  regna  prffidicta  SiciliiE,  Sar- 
diniae,  Corsica;,  —  vel  alias  terras  Roman*  Ecclesia>,  nisi  de  speciali  licentia  Sedis 


36  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

the  electors,  he  removed  Henry  of  Virneburg  from  the  archbish- 
opric of  Mentz  (April  7),  and  bestowed  it  on  Gerlach,  count  of 
Nassau.30  With  the  other  electors  every  art  was  put  in  requisition 
to  secure  them.^i  and  so  successfully  that  Charles  was  really  chosen, 
having  received  five  electoral  votes  at  Reuse,  on  the  11th  of 
July.^=^  This  disgraceful  proceeding  only  confirmed  the  rest  of  the 
electors  in  their  adherence  to  Lewis,-'^  who  had  so  decidedly  the 
advantage  that  the  priest's  emperor  ^^  had  to  take  refuge  in  France.^^ 
And  even  after  the  death  of  this  noble  emperor  (October  11, 
1347),^'^  Charles  was  by  no  means  at  once  successful.  The  papal 
absolution    which   he    brought   with  him  for  the  German  nation  to 

Apostolicfe  accessurus.  —  Item  si  per  Henricum  Imp.  avum  meum,  vel  per  jam 
dictum  Ludovicum,  seu  per  quemcunqiie  aliuin  —  fueiint  aliqua  ad  jurisdictionem 
pertiiientia  attentata  in  Roma,  rcgnis,  etc.  pioinitto  et  jiiio,  quod  ilia  omnia  decer- 
nam  et  pronuntiabo  nulla  :  quodque  si  aliqua?  fidelitates,  homagia  —  donationes  — 
seu  concessiones  qualescunque  a  praedictis  domino  Henrico  et  Ludovico — factae 
fueiint  vel  recepta;  pro  Roii'ia,  regnis,  etc.  ilia  omnia  nulla  fore  pronuntiabo,  et 
quatenus  processei-unt  de  facto,  totaliter  revocabo.  —  Pionutto  etiam  bona  tide, 
quod  intrusos  in  ecclesiis  infia — imperium  consistentibus,  ?i  —  super  hoc  per  vos 
doininum  nostrum  Papam  —  fuei-o  requisitus,  expellam  ac  pro  posse  faciam  expelli 
de  illis:  et  provisos  per  sedem  Apostolicam  juvabo  et  faciam  juvari,  ut  ad  eccle- 
sias,  quibus  de  eis  per  sedem  Apostolicam  provisum  est  vel  fuit,  in  futurum  realiter 
admiltantur. 

^°  Documents  in  Raynald.  ann.  1346,  no.  12  seq. 

^'  Jllh.  Argent,  p.  135:  pro  quo  facto  prasdicti  Coloniensis  et  dux  Saxoniae 
magna  pccunia  sunt  coi'rupti.  cf.  Schaten  Ann.  Paderborn.  p.  310.  That  this  is 
not  a  calumny,  as  is  maintained  by  Raynald.  ann.  1346,  no.  31,  is  now  clear  irom 
two  documents  of  John  of  Bohemia,  in  Jun.  1346.  In  one  he  promises  the  elec- 
tor of  Cologne  tor  his  vote  various  grants  from  the  emperor,  namely,  100,000 
marks  of  silver,  and  as  a  pledge  therefor  the  city  and  free  county  of  Dortniund, 
and  the  bailiwick  of  Essen,  see  Bodmann  codex  epist.  Rodolti  I.  Lips.  1806.  8. 
p.  339:  in  the  second  he  promises  to  pay  40,000  reals  (Ibid.  p.  383).  —  The 
electors  received  also  absolution  from  the  Pope.  Baynald.  ann.  1346,  no.  31. 
As  to  that,  liovvever,  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  78,  relates  as  early  as  A.  D.  1345: 
Tunc  temporis  religiosi  et  saeculares  Clerici,  qui  divinum  cultum  in  locis  Imperia- 
libus  vel  aliis  intei-dicto  suppositis  resumpserant,  absolutionem  ab  hoc  a  Romana 
Curia  impetrarunt,  aliis  Clcricis  in  eisdem  locis  libere  et  absque  pavore  in  celebra- 
tione  persistentibus.  Hujusmodi  autem  absolutio  pro  uno  tloreno  facillime  obtine- 
batur.  O  quam  lamentabilis  et  execrabilis  scissura  et  difibrmitas  Ecclesiae  illis  in 
temporibus  facta  est !  Hoc  verbum  Evangelii :  gratis  accepistis,  gratis  date, 
iriitum  visum  est. 

■*^  The  summons  to  the  Diet  was  issued  by  the  new  Elector  from  Mentz  on  the 
20th  of  May,  see  the  document  in  Bodmann,  p.  382.  Concerning  the  election 
itself,  see  Alb.  Argent,  p.  135. 

33  Alb.  Argent,  p.  139. —Jac.  v.  Konigshoven,  S.  180. 

■''■'  Jo.  Villani  XII.  c.  59  :  per  dispetto  della  detta  elezione  per  li  piu  si  chiama 
lo'mperadore  de'  preti. 

3=  Jo.  Vitoditraniis,  p.  80  :  pcrtcrritiis  a  ccepto  itinere  et  opere  resiliens,  ad 
Regem  Franciae  protinus  refugiebat. 

38  It  is  remarkable  that  several  of  the  later  Popes,  e.  g.  Eugenius  IV.,  Inno- 
cent VIII.,  Alexander  VI.,  also  the  council  of  Basle,  speaks  of  him  as  Divas 
memorias  Ludov.  Rom.  Imperatorem,  see  Heru-art  praef  p.  VIII.  He  is  most 
abused  by  Bzuvivs  Ann.  Eccl.  T.  I.  P.  I.  p.  412  seq.,  who  was  answered  by 
Herwart  and  Gewold,  and  compelled  by  Duke  Maximilian  of  Bavaria  to  retract 
(see  Bayle  Diet.  art.  Bzovius).  But  Baynald,  and  even  Muratori  Annali  d'ltalie, 
T.  Vin.  mark  the  years  1314-1346  as  vacante  Imperio. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  A.  D.  1378.  /.  Political  History.  §  97.  37 

secure  their  favor,  only  awakened  their  contempt.^"  They  wanted 
no  emperor  who  was  to  be  the  minion  of  the  popes,  but  one  who 
would  teach  them  to  keep  within  their  proper  limits.-*^     The  Bavarian 

•'^  Albert.  Argent,  p.  142  :  Venit  autem  Rex  Basileam  in  vigilia  Thomae,  anno 
Doin.  1348,  ubi  interdictum  Papale  diu  servatiim  fuit,  nee  Basilienses  eum  recipere 
intenderant,  nisi  divina  rehaberent.  Et  ecce  in  sero  venit  Marquardus  de  Ran- 
decke  praepositus  Babenbergensis  de  Curia  Avinionensi,  ferens  commissionem 
factam  Babenbergensi  Episcopo,  et  absolutionibiis  et  relaxationibus  impendendis. — 
Suinma  autein  commissionis  Babenbergensi  Episcopo  factaj  talis  erat :  Cum  multi, 
qui  senfentias,  processus  et  i)anas  Joannis  Papce,  inflictas  adharentibus  quon- 
dam Ludovico  de  Bavaria  Jiceretico  et  de  hceresi  damnato,  [inc'ur7-eru7it],  redire 
cupiant  ad  ecclesicB  unitatem:  commiltimus  tibi,  ut,  qui  confessi  fuerint  errores 
suos  confessatos  et  non  confessatos,  et  pcenas,  quas  inciderunt  explicite  vel  im- 
plicite,  et  juraverint,  deinceps  fidem  catholicam  habere,  et  fideles  fore  sedi 
ApostoliccB,  et  nuUi  deinceps  hceretico  vel  schismatico  favere,  et  credere,  quod  non 
spectat  ad  Imperatorem,  Papani  deponere,  et  alium  creare,  sed  hoc  hceresim  esse 
damnatam :  et  quod  nullum  pro  Imperatore  habebunt,  nisi  per  sedem  Apostoli- 
cam  probatum,  nee  relictte  (widow)  et  liberis  ipsius  Ludovici  favebunt ,  nisi  cum 
ecclesia  reformentur,  et  Carolo  Romanorum  regi  per  sedem  approbato  parebunt ; 
ab  hujusmodi  sententiis  et  panis  absolvas,  ect.  (cf.  Raynald.  ann.  1349,  no.  15). 
Visa  autera  foi'nia  hujusmodi  dura  omnibus  displicente,  aliqui  consuluerunt,  eam 
non  acceptandam  esse  per  Regem,  sed  occultandam,  et  pro  alia  forma  Papce  scri- 
bendum.  Sed  quia  timer  erat,  Basilienses  non  juraturos  Regi,  nisi  reformarentur 
divina,  rescriptum  oportuit  exhiberi.  Cum  autem  cives  nee  errores  vellent  I'ateri, 
nee  secundum  Ibrmam  jurare  ;  clerus  autem  quasi  poenitens  quod  cessavit,  etsi  non 
tam  occasionem  quajreret  celebrandi,  animo  nunquam  mandata  similia  receptandi : 
ecce  comparuei-unt  Magisti'i  et  Consules  Basilienses  coram  Rege,  et  prtedictis 
Episcopis;  —  coram  quibus  Chunradus  de  Berenvels  magister  civitatis,  nomine 
universitatis  vulgariter  coram  tabellione  proposuit  in  ha;c  vei-ba  :  Doraine  Bamber- 
gensis,  sciatis,  quod  nee  fateri  nee  credere  volumus,  quod  quondam  dominus  noster 
Ludovicus  Rom.  Imp.  unquam  fuerit  hajreticus.  Quemcunque  etiam  nobis  dede- 
rint  Principes  Electores,  vel  major  pars  ex  eis,  pro  Romanorum  rege  vel  Impera- 
tore, ilium  pro  tali  habebimus,  etiamsi  nunquam  Papam  requireret ;  nee  quicquam 
aliud  faciemus,  quod  sit  contra  jura  Imperii  quovis  modo.  Sed  si  habetis  potestatem 
a  domino  Papa,  quod  vultis  nobis  remittere  omnia  peccata  nostra,  placet.  Et  con- 
vertens  se  ad  populum,  dixit:  Datis  mihi  et  Chunrado Monacho  potestatem  petendi, 
ut  absolvamini  a  peccatis  vestris  ?  Qui  dicebant :  placet  nobis.  Nee  aliud  pro- 
curatorium  habuerunt.  Qui  duo  milites  seorsum  coram  Secretario  Papse,  Joanne 
de  Pistorio  prasente,  juraverunt  secundum  mandati  fbrmam,  sicque  relaxatis  pro- 
cessibus  divina  publice  sunt  reassumpta,  civesque  regi  solitum  prsestiterunt  jura- 
mentum.  —  Civitates  autem,  prjesertim  Argentina,  exaspei-atse  fuerunt  propter 
formam  hujusmodi.  —  AVhen  Charles  came  to  Worms,  where  the  Interdict  had  not 
been  observed,  the  clergy  accepted  the  offered  absolution,  and  then  wanted  to 
refuse  to  conduct  public  worship  :  however,  factus  est  tumultus,  clausisque  portis 
omnibus  populus  ad  hospitium  Regis,  ad  quod  Bambergensis  confugerat,  armatus 
accessit,  ipseque  Bambergensis  mandante  Rege  territo  omnem  clerum  et  populum 
Wormatiensem  sine  omni  conditione  et  juramento  absolvit.  —  Post  hsec  Rex  ivit 
Moguntiam,  ubi  sub  pacto  ne  introduccret  Gerlacum  provisum  Papae,  vel  aliquas 
legi  literas  permitteret,  honorifice  est  receptus. 

^®  This  is  seen  in  the  expectation,  now  more  lively  than  ever,  of  the  return  of 
Frederick  II.  to  life  (see  §  87,  note  26),  as  described  by  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  85, 
ad  ann.  1348,  with  which  he  closes,  therefore  from  personal  observation  :  In  his 
temporibus  apud  homines  diversi  generis,  immo  cuncti  generis  multos  valde  asser- 
tissime  vulgabatur,  Imperatorem  Fridericum  secundum  hujus  nominis  ad  refor- 
mandum  statum  omnino  depravatum  Ecclesis  venturum  in  robore  maximo  poten- 
tatus.  Adjiciunt  quoque  homines  pradicta  senfientes,  quod  necesse  sit  eum  venire, 
si  in  mille  partes  secatus  esset,  immo  si  in  pulverem  per  combustionem  redactus 
foret,  eo  quod  divinitus  sit  decretum  ita  debere  fieri,  quod  immutari  impossibile 
est.  Secundum  igitur  istam  assertionem  cum  resuscitatus  ad  Imperii  sui  culmen 
reversus  fuerit,  puellae  vel  foeminae  pauperi  in  matrimonio  junget  virum  divitem,  et 


38  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

party  set  up  a  rival  candidate,  Guntlier  of  Schwarzburg,^^  Charles 
was  forced  to  make  every  kind  of  concession  for  the  sake  of  peace,'"' 
and  submitted  even  to  be  chosen  and  crowiied  anew  (July,  1349).''i 
In  the  mean  time  Joanna  of  Naples  sold  the  county  of  Avignon  to 
Clement  (A.  D.  1345),  in  order  to  get  money  for  the  war  against  the 
king  of  Hungary. "^^  Both  parties  at  length  consented  to  submit  to 
the  decision  of  the  Pope.  He  decided  in  favor  of  Joanna,  and  she 
once  more  ascended  the  blood-stained  throne  (A.  D.  1351  ).'^-^ 

e  conver?o ;  moniales  et  sorores  in  sseculo  degentes  maritabit,  monachos  uxorabit ; 
pupillis,  orphanis,  viduis  omnibus  et  singulis  spoliatis  res  ablatas  restituet,  cunc- 
tisque  faciet  justiliai  complemcntum.  Clericos  persequetur  adeo  atiociter,  quod 
coronas  et  fonsuras  suas  stercore  bovino,  si  aliud  teguiiientum  non  habuerint, 
obducent,  ne  appareant  tonsorati :  religiosos,  qui  denunciando  processus  Papales 
contra  euni,  pra'cipue  fratres  minores,  ipsum  de  Iniperio  repulciant,  de  terra 
fugabit.  Post  resuniptuni  Impei-ium  justius  et  gloriosius  gubernatum  quam  ante, 
cum  exercitu  copioso  transfi-etabit,  et  in  nionte  Oliveti,  vel  apud  arborem  aridam 
(Matth.  xxi.  19)  Imperium  resignabit. 

'9  Alb.  Argent,  p.  145-152. 

'"'  Amongst  others  (Jo.  Vitodur.  p.  48)  relaxatio  interdict!,  dispensaliones, 
absolutiones  ab  excommunicationihus,  suspensionibus,  irregulaiitatibus  contractis 
et  ab  aliis  censuris  ecclesiaslicis.  Hfec  beneficia  adniinistrabant  hominibus  Pralati 
plures  in  diversis  partibus  terras  Teutoniae,  quibus  Papa  ea  commisit.  Has  autem 
gratias  tantum  impertiebantur  hominibus  Regi  jurafis  a  Prfelatis.  Even  the  Mar- 
grave Lewis  of  Brandenburg  was  gained  at  last,  Heinr.  de  Mebdorff  sni  ann.  1349  : 
comitatum  Tirolis  et  oninem  terram  quam  tenuit  in  Alpibus  concessit,  et  apud 
dominum  Papam  obtinere  promi^it  dispensafionem  super  matrimonio  cum  tilia 
Ducis  Carinthiae  —  per  ipsuin  deCacto  contracto ;  —  ac  multos  alios  casus  apud 
sedem  Apostolicam  et  alios  terminare  promisit.  This  last  promise,  however,  was 
not  so  easily  performed  :  it  was  not  till  1359  that  Lewis  received  absolution,  and 
then  only  on  confession  (Rnynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  7  seq.). 

■i'  Olenschlagers  Staatsgeschichte,  S.  411. 

••2  The  licentious  Joanna,  without  waiting  for  the  papal  dispensation,  had  married 
her  near  relative,  Lewis  of  Tarentum,  on  the  20th  of  Aug.  1347  (see  Jo.  Villani 
XII.  c.  98,  in  Muratori  XIII.  p.  976.  Matth.  Palmerius  de  vita  Nicol.  Accia- 
joli.  Ibid.  p.  1207),  and  having  been  driven  from  Naples  by  the  king  of  Hungary, 
came  nosv  to  Avignon  to  ask  for  aid.  She  still  resisted  every  attempt  to  investigate 
the  murder  of  hei-  husband  (Raijnald.  ann.  1348,  no.  11);  but  the  sale  above- 
.  mentioned  was  thought  sufficient  to  justify  the  Pope  in  bestowing  the  dispensation 
for  her  marriage:  Tertia  vita  Clementis  VI  ( Baluz.  Vita?,  PP.  Aven.  T.  I.  p. 
292) :  Regina  autem  cum  filio  Principis  'I'arentini  matrimonium  propria  auctoritate 
contraxit,  qui  se  secundo  gradu  consanguinitatis  attingebant.  Tandem  ad  Koma- 
nam  curiam  venientes  pro  dispensatione  obtinenda,  obtinuerunt.  Ipso  vero  multum 
gravati  super  expensis,  non  inveniebant  consilium  de  quo  possent  ad  locum  pro- 
prium  [redire].  Quod  dictus  Pontifex  circumspcctus  et  providus  velut  Argus 
advertens,  tanquam  ille  quem  zelus  domus  Domini  comedebat,  opportunis  exquisi- 
tis  tractatibus  et  cautis  interniediis  viis,  civitatem  Avenionensem — omni  mode 
juris  meliori  quo  potuit  emit  a  Regina  pradicta  pro  pretio  invicem  concordato.  Et 
sic  Regina  et  ejus  socius  per  venditionem  hujusmodi  pecunia  redundantes  simul  in 
regnum  redierunt.  Matth.  Palmerius,  p.  1208  :  jura  Doiiiinatus,  qus  Regina  in 
civitatem  populumque  Avenionensem  habebat,  Romano  Pontifici  vendidit,  et  ab 
eodem  tunc  primum  Pontifice  Ludovicus  tilulos  Regies  accepit.  The  price  was 
80,000  gold  guilders,  the  document,  dated  9th  Jun.  1348,  in  JBzovii  Ann.  Eccl.  ad 
h.  a.  no.  10.     Leibnitii  Cod.  jur.  gent.  P.  I.  p.  200. 

«  Matth.  Villani  II.  c.  24,  41,  65.  Raynald.  ann.  1350.  no.  27;  1351,  no.  32; 
1352,  no.  1. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.  §  98.       39 


^  98. 

INNOCENT  VI.  (December  18,  1352  -  September  12,  1362),  urban  v. 
(October  28,  1362  -  December  ID,  1370),  Gregory  xi.  (December 
30,  1370  -  March  27,  1378). 

Though  the  long-continued  contest  between  the  popes  and  Lewis 
of  Bavaria  had  spread  abroad  much  sound  knowledge  concernino-  the 
church  and  its  concerns, ^  there  was  still  a  great  want  of  concert, 
and,  for  the  most  part,  of  firmness  amongst  its  opponents  ;  whilst,  as 
yet,  there  was  no  common  centre  of  union,  nor  any  feeling  of  security 
and  strength.  Hence  we  find  that  even  during  the  contest  the  better 
convictions  of  the  understanding  were  not  unfrequently  sacrificed  to 
political  considerations,  and  its  issue,  apparently  so  entirely  favorable 
to  the  popes,  seemed  to  warn  the  princes  anew  that  the  time  for  the 
final  struggle  had  not  yet  arrived.  On  the  other  hand,  the  popes 
began  to  feel  that  the  chief  prop  of  their  power,  public  opinion,  was 
undermined.  And  we  see  the  influence  of  this  feeling  on  their  con- 
duct. They  no  longer  treated  royal  sinners,  as,  for  example,  Peter 
the   Cruel,   king  of  Castile,^   with   the  same   implacability  they  had 

*  Especially  in  France.  It  was  there  the  universal  opinion,  since  the  time  of 
Philip  the  Fair,  that  the  church  had  no  power  over  the  prince,  which  was  shown 
in  full  1370,  by  Raoul  de  PrcBlles,  Conseiller  et  Mai.stre  de  Requestes  at  the  com- 
mand of  Charles  V.,  in  the  Tract,  de  potestate  pontiticali  et  imperiali  seu  re2;ia  (in 
Goldasti  Monarchia,  T.  I.  p.  39).  Still  more  to  the  purpose  is  the  Somnium 
Vii-idarii  de  jurisdictione  regia  et  sacerdotali,  dedicated  to  Charles  V.  by  a  contem- 
porary, (a  Latin  translation  in  Goldasti  Monarchia  I.  p.  58  ;  the  French  original 
in  the  Tiaitez  des  Droits  et  libertez  de  Teglise  Gallicane,  T.  II.  p.  1),  in  which 
the  usurpations  of  the  Pope  and  the  clergy  are  attacked  by  a  soldier,  and  defended 
by  a  priest.  The  views  of  the  former,  who  even  goes  so  far  as  to  maintain  the 
original  equality  of  all  bishops,  and  the  gradual  growth  of  the  papal  power,  ac- 
cording to  Marsilius  Patavinus  (see  above,  §  96,  note  13),  are  plainly  those  of  the 
author,  and  are  supported  by  altogether  the  strongest  arguments.  It  is  true  that 
at  the  end,  the  Souuiians  leave  all  to  the  judgment  of  the  Roman  church:  illud 
credo,  teneo  et  firmiter  profiteer,  quod  ipsa  sacrosancta  eccl.  Romana  credit,  tenet 
atque  profitetur  :  necnon  et  illud  teneo  et  credo  verum,  quod  ipsa  duxit  statuendum 
in  Extravagant!  quas  incipit  Unam  sanctam :  but  the  mention  of  the  bull  Unam 
sanctam  to  a  king  of  France,  seems  almost  like  irony. 

^  Who,  it  is  true,  offended  against  the  laws  of  God  more  even  than  the  interest 
of  the  Pope.  This  monster,  whose  whole  reign  was  a  series  of  crimes,  set  aside 
his  wife  Blanca  very  shortly  after  their  union,  tor  the  sake  of  a  mistress.' Maria  de 
Padilla  (13.53),  but  soon  after  was  divorced  from  this  last  also,  by  two  of  his 
bishops,  and  married  again  (Raynald.  1354,  no.  21).  This  brought  upon  him  an 
act  of  excommunication  (Ibid.  1355,  no  29)  :  and  this  being  followed  by  serious 
troubles  amongst  his  subjects,  Peter  again  took  Blanca  to  his  bed,  but  only  to  put 
her  away  again  immediately  (Ibid.  no.  31).  The  tyrant  now  heaped  murder  upon 
murder. — The  Pope  contented  himself  with  remonstrances  as  far  as  concerned 
Blanca  (Raynald.  1356,  no.  38),  but  grew  more  in  earnest  when  Peter  proceeded 

to   confiscate  the    estates  of  some    of  his   cardinals   (Ibid.   1356,    no.    40). He 

directed  his  efforts  chietiy,  however,  to  delivering  his  vassal,  Peter  of  Arragon, 
from  the  CastiUan  yoke.  A  truce  was  effected  by  the  interference  of  a  legate! 
This  having  been  broken  by  Peter,  he  came  under  the  ban  (Ibid-  1357)  :  but 
the  Pope  nevertheless  continued  his  efforts  to  induce  him  to  make  peace  with 
Arragon  by  means  of  a  new  legate  (Ibid.  1359).     Peter  listened  to  his  propositions 


40  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

shown  towards  Lewis,  but  were  ready  to  be  satisfied  with  the  mere 
appearance  of  expiation. 

In  Italy,  where  the  religious  respect  for  the  popes  had  long  been  declin- 
ing, they  seemed  now  to  have  none  but  a  political  consideration.  Most 
of  the  cities  of  the  papal  territory  having  renounced  their  allegiance, 
the  warlike  Cardinal  Giles  Alborno  was  sent  thither  (A.  D.  1353) 
to  reduce  them.-^  Charles  IV.,  who  was  at  that  time  on  his  expedi- 
tion to  Rome,  might  easily  have  embraced  such  an  opportunity  of 
reviving  the  imperial  rights  in  Italy  ;  but,  true  to  his  promise,  he  was 
content  with  the  empty  splendor  of  two  crowns,  without  attempting  to 
assume  the  power  which  those  crowns  should  have  given  him."*  The 
warlike  prelate  could,  therefore,  prosecute  his  undertaking  unhinder- 
ed. But  in  the  attempt  to  complete  his  undertaking  by  regaining 
Bologna  from  the  powerful  Bernabo  Visconti,  the  tyrant  of  Milan 
(A.  D.  1360), 5  he  roused  an  adversary  who  was  unrestrained  by  fear  of 
church  or  pope.*'  Urban  V.  did  indeed  hurl  against  him  the  thunders 
of  excommunication,  accompanied  by  the  darkest  accusations,  and 
preached   against  him  a   crusade  (A.  D.    1363),^  but  he  soon  after 

only  to  gain  time  to  make  head  against  the  Moors.  The  Pope's  request  that  he 
would  receive  again  his  tiist  wife,  he  answered  by  causing  her  to  be  poisoned 
(Ibid.  1361,  no.  6).  The  peace  with  Arragon  he  soon  broke,  and  massacred  the 
inhabitants  of  Calatajuba  for  refusing  to  surrender  to  hiin  immediately.  The 
excommunication  which  ensued  was  soon  forgotten  (Ibid.  1362,  no.  18)  ;  and  Ur- 
ban IV.  loaded  him  with  praises  for  otTering  his  assistance  against  the  robber-bands 
by  which  Avignon  was  threatened  (Ibid.  1365,  no.  7)  ;  although  all  the  attempts 
of  the  popes  to  bring  about  a  peace  between  him  and  Arragon  {Ibid.  1364,  no.  18) 
still  continued  unavailing. 

3  Concerning  which,  see  especially  Matteo  Villani,  from  lib.  III.  c.  84. 

*  The  disappointment  of  the  Italians  seen  in  Petrarchm  Epistt.  3-5  (in  Goldast 
Monarchia  II.  p.  1350  seq,).  Ep.  III.  :  Ergo  tu  Ctesar,  quod  avus  tuus  innu- 
merique  alii  tanto  sanguine  qua-sierunt  tantisque  laboribns,  sine  labore  adeptus 
complanatam  apertamque  Italiam,  patens  limen  urbis  Roma;,  sceptrum  facile 
imperturbatum  ac  paciticum  Imperium,  incruenta  diademata,  —  hasc  linquis,  et  — 
ad  barbarica  rursum  regna  revolveris  .'  Non  audeo  clare  tibi  dicere,  quod  mens 
resque  exigunt,  ne  te  verbo  contristem,  qui  me  ct  mundum  facto  contristas  tuo.  — 
O  si  in  ipsis  Alpium  jugis  avus  tibi  nunc  paterque  tiant  obvii,  quid  dicturos  putas  .'' 
—  Profecisti  eximie,  ingens  Caesar,  hoc  tuo  per  tot  annos  dilato  in  Italiam  adventu, 
et  festinato  abitu  refers  demum  istud  ferreum,  illud  aureum  diadema,  simul  ac 
sterile  nomen  Imperii.  Ep.  IV.  :  vereor,  ne — jam  Pontifex  Romanus  Principem 
Romas  esse  vetuerit,  quod  et  fama  loquitur,  et  fuga  Caesaris  indicio  est,  qui  non 
cupidius  Italiam  petit,  quam  reliquit. 

^  In  A.  D.  1352  Clement  VI.  had  been  forced  to  give  up  Bologna  to  John  Vis- 
conti, archbishop  of  Milan,  and  his  family  for  twelve  years  (Raynald,  ann.  1352, 
no.  7  seq.).  The  legate  got  it  again  from  Bernabo  before  the  expiration  of  this 
term  by  craft  (Matteo  Villani  IX.  74  seq.     Raynald,  ann.  1360,  no.  6  seq.). 

^  See  Jacob  v.  Konigshoven,  S.  203. 

''  See  the  Bull  of  November  30,  1362,  in  which  Bernabo  is  summoned  befoi-e 
the  Pope,  filled  with  the  bitterest  accusations  (Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  12),  e.  g. 
Robertum  Archiepiscopum  Mediolanensem,  pro  eo  quod  quendam  monachum  — 
noluerat — ad  ordinem  promovere,  ad  suam  prajsentiam  accedere  compulerat, 
omnique  revcrentia  Dei  ct  officii  pontificalis,  abjecta  eidem  Archiepiscopo  sernio- 
nibus  contumeliosis,  multis  ibidem  pi-a;sentibus,  dixerat :  Gennflecte  ribalde  ;  et 
cum  sic  genutlexus  existeret,  adjecerat :  jyesci.s,  jruUrone,  quod  ego  sum  Papa 
et  Imperator  ac  dominus  in  omnibus  terris  meis,  et  quod  nee  Imperator,  immo 
nee  Deus  posset  in  terris  meis  facere,  nisi  quod  vellem  ?  —  ipsumque  Archiepv- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.     §  98.       41 

found  it  expedient  to  make  peace  with  the  reckless  Italian  on  equal 
terms  (A.  D.  1364)^3  At  length  Urban  conceived  the  hope  of  bnng- 
ing  the  affairs  of  Italy  into  order  by  his  presence  in  Rome  and 
repaired  thither  AD.  1367.  But  the  French  cardinals,  for  the  most 
part   remained  at  Avignon,9  whither  Urban   himself  ver}  soon  saw  fit 

Ittrckfo  th  ''''V\  ■'■'''  '^^T''^^^  ^^-^b^  V-«"^'  to  new 
attacks  on  the  papal  dominions.     Gregory  XI.  put  to  the  ban  both 

legato  de  ahqu.bus  -  rcspondere,  aut  dare  consilium,  auxilium  vel  favo,;™     auod 
Apos  ohcas    et   legatorum   Apostolics   sedis   ac    inquisitorum    hire   cT  prav  taiil 

Christifidelibus  evitandum.     cf.  AMTeoViLnixTc   4?  %1     Tu^'^r  °"'"'''"' 
sade  appeared  in  July  (RaynaldX c   no  %  ''  ^""  ^"'  "  '='■"- 

sessions  in  Bologna,  Modena,  and  Romandida  •  buMht   P        ,!  /'^^  "P  ^''  P"'*' 
500,000  guilders  as  compensation  '  ^  ^°P^  ^""^  to  promise  him 

^  Only  five  cardinals  accompanied  him  rSecnnHa  Vif,  tt„k    i-    •      ^   , 

R»..,'L».  ,,,.1  c.e4o:;^rrSe:pT:^« -ezrre=;:s 

'"  As  he  himself  tells  the  Romans  riJounaW  nrn   no   ^Q^ 
solum  utilibus  pro  universali  Ecclesi V  sp/^h;      ^*^'*^' '?°-  ^^)'  ^^  certis  causis  non 
«i^,  1.  c.)  states  distinctlv  that  ?hl       '  T  "'"S'^^fibus  ;  but  Petrarch  ^iJayn- 

^         ;  distinctly  that  the  cause  was  the  urgency  of  the  French  cardinals 


42  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

him  and  his  brother  Galeazzo  (A.  D.  1372), ^^  but,  unfortunately,  his 
long  contest  with  the  house  of  Arragon  in  Sicily,  ending  just  at  this 
time  in  his  acknowledging  Frederick  III.  as  king  of  Trinacria,^^ 
gave  his  opponents  fresh  proof  that  the  terrors  of  the  church  were  not 
irresistible  even  in  Italy.  The  discontented  and  oppressed  cities  of 
the  papal  territory  soon  renewed  their  declaration  of  independence, 
and  formed  an  alliance  with  the  Florentines  and  Visconti.^-^  Whilst 
Charles  IV.  was  humbly  acknowledging  the  newly-usurped  rights  of 
the  popes  over  the  imperial  power,!''  Gregory  was  shut  out  from  his 
undisputed  rights  in  Italy,  ip  spite  of  all  the  terrors  of  excommunica- 
tion ^^  and   his  own   personal  return  to  Rome  (A.  D.  1377). ^^     At 


'*  Raynald,  ann.  1372,  no.  1  seq. 

1*  Boniface  VIII.  had  bestowed  the  island  on  Frederick  II.  only  for  his  life-time 
(see  §  59,  note  30)  ;  but  P'rederick  had  nevertheless  caused  his  son  Peter  to  be 
crowned  as  his  successor  (Raynald,  ann.  1321,  no.  40).  Frederick  II.  was  put 
under  ban  and  interdict  on  account  of  his  connexion  with  Lewis  of  Bavaria  (1.  c. 
1329,  no.  88)  ;  and  this  continued  under  Peter  II.  (1337-42),  Lewis  (to  1355), 
and  Frederick  III.,  on  account  of  their  having  no  right  to  the  crown;  though 
without  producing  the  desired  etfect.  Joanna  of  Naples  now  made  peace  with 
Frederick  (Raynald,  ann.  1372,  no.  5),  and  the  Pope,  with  some  conditions,  con- 
firmed it  (ibid.  no.  7  seq.)..  Frederick  was  to  hold  the  island  with  the  title  of 
king  of  Trinacria,  from  Joanna  as  a  fief,  and  from  the  Pope  as  the  superior  et 
directus  dominus,  and  take  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  both. 

'^  Prima  vita  Gregor.  XI.  in  Baluz.  I.  p.  434  :  Lodem  tempore  communitas 
Florentina  contra  dictum  Gregorium  Papam  et  Romanam  Ecclesiam  insurrexit, 
doloseque  et  malitiose  operata  est,  quod  fere  omnes  civitates  et  loca  alia,  quae  ad 
dictam  Ecclesiam  in  Italia  pertinebant,  ei  se  confoederaverunt  et  colligaverunt,  in 
unumque  convenerunt,  ut  amodo  excusso  a  se  quocunque  alio  superiori  vel  domino, 
in  sua  liberiate  viverent  et  permanerent ;  factoque  vexillo,  in  quo  solum  magnis 
litteris  crat  descripta  Lihertas,  ordinaverunt  magnam  gentem  armigeram,  quae 
cum  vexillo  hujusniodi  dictse  ligse  adha;rere  volentes  confoveret,  resistentes  vero  vi 
et  potentia  ad  eam  sectandam  comprimeret  et  arctaret. 

'*  He  begged  permission  from  the  Pope,  on  the  6th  of  March,  1376,  to  have  his 
son  Wenzel  chosen  king  of  Rome,  cum  ad  hujusmodi  electionis  celebrationem 
nobis  viventibus  procedi  non  valeat  sine  vestris  beneplacito,  assensu  et  gratia  ac 
favore  ;  and  Gregory  answered  on  the  3d  of  May  :  ut  electio  pra°dicta  modo  prne- 
misso  hac  vice  dumtaxat  valeat  celebi'ari,  nostrum  beneplacitum  asscnsum  ac 
favorem  et  gratiam  auctoritate  apostolica  tenorc  praisentium  impertimur.  See 
Raynnhl,  1376,  no.  13.     Leibnitii  Cod.  jur.  gent.     Mantlsscs,  P.  II.  p.  260  seq. 

**  The  Bull  against  the  Florentines  of  March  31  (in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  1 
seq.)  gives  fresh  example  of  what  liberties  the  Italians  allowed  themselves  to  take 
with  church  and  Pope.  e.  g.  Inquisitorum  haeretica;  pravitatis  othcium  in  ipsius 
libera  executione  impedientes,  statuerunt,  quod  non  possit  in  eorum  civitate  —  et 
districtu  contra  hareticos  nisi  eerto  modo  procedi ;  nee  dicti  inquisitoris  familiares, 
nisi  ad  certum  numerum  et  habita  licentia  eorundem  officialium  temporalium  arma 
deferre  valeant  ordinarunt ;  quodque  priores  artium  et  vexillifer  dictce  civitatis  in 
principio  eorum  officii  de  observandis  iniquis  eorum  legibus  contra  dictum  inquisito- 
rem  el  ejusofficium  editis,  teneantur  prasstare  corporale  juramentum.  Ipsius  quoque 
inquisitoris  carcerem,  in  quo  ha'retici  ponebantur,  concitato  tumultu  populi  totali- 
ter  destruxerunt,  et  inquisitorem  qui  tunc  erat  expulerunt :  et  quamplurima  alia 
statuta  et  oidinationes  in  pra-jmlicium  inquisilionis  hujusmodi  haretica;  pravitatis  et 
hareticorum  favorem,  ac  in  ecclesia;  libertatis  pra-judicium  ediderunt,  et  ea  de 
facto  servare  non  vei-entur  ;  ac  etiam  ordinarunt,  quod  auctoiitate  literarum  Apo- 
stolicK  scdis  possessionem  alicujus  beneficii  occlesiastici  —  nullus  recipcre  audeat, 
nisi  prius  litera;  ips:e  prioribus  et  vexillifero  dicta?  civitatis  praesontentur,  et  licen- 
tiam  obtineant  al)  eisdom  ;  et  quod  quando  clericus  accusatur  coiam  judice  tempo- 
rah,  vel  ab  eo  aliquid  civiliter  pelitur,  et  ailegat,  privilegium  clericale,  quod  ex 


Chap.  I.    Papacy  till  1378.     /.  Political  History.    §  98.        43 

length  he  was  forced,  in  spite  of  his  boasted  plenitude  of  power,  to 
enter  into  negotiations  witii  his  opponentSj^"  by  which,  though  inter- 
rupted by  his  death,  peace  was  soon  after  restored. 

hoc  sit  extra  custodiam  dictae  civitatis,  ita  quod  quilioet  possit  eum  impune  ofFen- 
dere  et  occidere  ;  oninesque  allegantes  hujusniodi  privilegium  clericale  in  quodam 
libro  seu  chartulario  describuntur,  ut  pateat  omnibus  libera  licentia  ofTendendi  eos 
et  etiam  Decidendi.  Et  insuper  duduni  pi-ioies  et  vexillifer  dicta?  civitatis  Floren- 
tinas,  qui  tunc  erant,  ac  populus  et  coinniune  supradicti,  spiritu  furoris  accensi, 
quendam  Nicolaum  monachum  in  sacerdotio  constitutum  quibusdam  sceleratis 
viris,  cum  nullus  officialis  justitis  partitum  earundem  de  hoc  se  intromittere  vellet, 
torquendum  dederunt,  qui  monaclium  ipsum,  in  suas  religionis  et  ordinis  clericalis 
vituperium,  ad  ostendendum  eum  fore  sacerdotem  de  novo  radi  fecerunt,  et  eum  in 
quodam  curru  posuerunt,  et  cum  tenaculis  (liooks)  igneis  ipsius  carnes  evellentes, 
eas  canibus  projecerunt ;  et  sic  eum  per  civitatem  Florentinam  praedictam  transe- 
undo,  etiam  prope  ecclesiam  cathedralem  ad  majus  ordinis  clericalis  vituperium, 
usque  ad  locum  ubi  fures  suspenduntur,  deduxerunt :  ipsumque  coram  populo 
claniantem,  quod  a  sibi  inipositis  innocens  erat  penitus  et  immunis,  vivum  sepeliri 
fecerunt  atque  mori.  Then  of  the  incitement  of  revolt  in  the  papal  dominions.  Et 
a  clero  civitatis  et  dioecesis  Florentinae  et  aliarum  terrarum,  quas  tenent,  diversas 
pecuniarum  summas  importabiles,  etiam  omni  hunianitate  proi'sus  abjecta,  extorse- 
runt ;  ac  octo  viros  sceleratos,  —  quos  publice  octo  sanctos  appellant,  ad  rapien- 
dum  bona  ecclesiastica  deputarunt,  qui  ccclesias,  monasteria,  et  alia  pia  loca, 
eorumque  personas  bonis  suis  spoliant,  et  hujusniodi  bona  mobilia  et  immobilia 
vendunt  et  distrahunt  pro  libito  voluntatis.  Et  insuper  dilectum  filium  Lucam  de 
Florentia  ordinis  fratrum  Humiliatorum  professorem,  sacras  theologia?  magistrum, 
ad  revelandum  et  declarandum  quemdam  hominem,  qui  eidem  peccata  sua,  et  inter 
ca;tera  quaedam  furta  per  eum  commissa  confessus  fuerat,  sigillum  confessionis 
frangere  coegerunt :  ac  deinde  prsfatum  hominem,  cujus  peccata  fuerant  revelata, 
suspendi  et  mori  fecei-unt.  Ad  ha^c  priores  artium  et  vexillifer,  —  ac  populus  et 
commune  civitatis  Florentina"  venerabilem  fratrem  nostrum  Lucam  Episc.  Nar- 
niensem,  Apost.  Sedis  nuntium,  quem  specialiter  ad  partes  dicti  patrimonii  detesti- 
nabamus,  —  injuriosis,  violentis  et  sacrilegis  ausibus  capere,  et  captum  aliquandiu 
crudelissimo  carcere  detinere  miserabiliter  prjesumpserunt,  etc.  Besides  excom- 
munication and  interdict,  the  following  punishments  were  pronounced  upon  the 
Florentines  :  Et  ne  ipsorum  temeritas  transiret  pra;sumptoribus  in  exemplum  bona 
—  quorumcumque  Florentinorum,  ubicumque  consistentium,  immobilia  —  confis- 
cavimus  :  et  personas  ipsorum  omnium  et  singulorum,  absque  tamen  morte  seu 
membri  mutilatione,  exponimus  fidelibus  ut  capientium  fiant  servi,  et  bona 
eorum  mobilia  quibuscunique  fidelibus  occupanda.  Then  follow  the  other  pun- 
ishments usual  with  heretics,  infamy,  outlawry,  forfeiture  of  the  right  on  the  part 
of  their  posterity  to  hold  offices  of  honor.  Of  the  effects  of  this  Bull,  see  Prima 
vita  Greg.  XI.  in  Bnluz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  435:  Quorum  occasione  multi  tam  in 
Avinione  quam  aliis  pai-tibus  coUocati  cum  damnis  ct  detrimentis  innumeris  ad 
propria  redire  sunt  compulsi.  (According  to  Thomas  Walsingham  de  rebus 
Angl.  the  Florentine  merchants  in  England  were  made  slaves  and  their  estates 
confiscated.)  Ex  quibus  eorum  communitas  ad  coi'  miniine  reversa  est,  immo 
fortius  in  sua  malitia  extitit  indurata,  continue  pejora  prioribus  contra  dictara  Eccle- 
siam procurando  et  machinando,  libellos  etiam  diffamatorios,  falsa  tamen  et  erronea 
continentes,  contra  statum  ipsius  Ecclesia;  ct  personam  dicti  Papae  ubique  trans- 
mittendo. 

1®  Which  had  been  implored  long  before  by  St.  Birgitta  (>f  1373),  (Revelatio- 
num,  lib.  IV.  c.  139-143)  :  Now,  however  (Prima  vita  Greg.  XI.  1.  c.  p.  437)  : 
fuit  per  litteras  et  nuntios  speciales  insinuatum  dicto  Gregorio  Papas,  quod,  si  ipse 
personaliter  veniret  ad  Partes  Italiae,  confestim  prajdicta  omnia  recuperaret,  et  alia 
quaecunquae  praemissa  ad  statum  debitum  reducerentur.  Hence  the  success  of  the 
similar  sepresentations  of  St.  Catharine  of  Siena,  whose  attempts  at  mediation  had 
before  been  frustrated  by  the  obstinacy  of  the  Florentines  (Vita  S.  CathariniE  by 
her  confessor,  Raimundus  Capuanus,  P.  III.  c.  S,  in  Act.  SS.  April.  T.  III.  p. 
956  seq.).     See  Raynald,  ann.  1376,  no.  10. 

'^  The  first  attempt  was  made  in  Florence,  through  the  mediation  of  St.  Catha- 
rine, at  the  peril  of  her  life.     See  vita  s.  Cathar.  1.  c.  p.  957.     She  declared,  how- 


44  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 


II.      ECCLESIASTICAL     HISTORY      OF      THE     POPES    DURING 
THEIR    RESIDENCE    AT    AVIGNON. 

-§.  99. 

COMPLETION    OF    THE    CODE    OF    PAPAL    LAW. 

[  Compare  §  60.  ] 

From  the  canons  of  the  council  of  Vienna  and  his  other  decretals, 
Clement  V.  caused  tiie  V  Libri  Clementinarum  (Clementines),  the  last 
authentic  collection  of  the  kind,  to  be  compiled  (A.  D.  1318). ^  The 
later  decretals  have  been  only  here  alid  there  preserved  (Extravagan- 
tes)."2  The  usual  selection  of  them  placed  together  in  the  common 
editions  of  the  corpus  juris  canon,  (namely,  the  XX.  Extravagantes 
of  John  XXII.  in  14  Titles,-^  and  the  LXXIV.  Extravagantes  Com- 
munes in  5  books),'^  is  no  older  than  the  edition  of  John  Chapuis. 
Paris.  1500. 

ever,  p.  958,  se  non  posse  a  territorio  illo  recedere  quousque  pax  esset  prteconizata 
inter  patrem  et  filios,  sicque  dixit  se  habere  a  Domino  in  mandatis.  The  Pope's 
party  at  length  triumphed,  and  soon  after  the  accession  of  Urban  VI.  a  reconcilia- 
tion took  place.  Peace  had  already  been  made  with  Galeazzo  Visconti,  and  soon 
afterwards  with  Bernabo. 

1  Sexta  Vita  Clementis  V.  (in  Sahtz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  110)  :  Anno  1313,  12 
Kal.  April. — dictus  Papa  —  in  consistorio  publico  suas  constitutiones  decretales, 
quas  in  Concilio  Viennensi  oidinaverat,  publicari  fecit,  quse  hodie  Clementinae 
vocantur :  sed  postea  inlirmitate  pra?ventus  ad  studia  generalia  per  eum  transmissae 
non  fuerunt,  donee  per  suum  successorem  execulioni  demandatse  fuerunt.  Clement 
sent  them  to  the  university  of  Orleans,  which  he  had  himself  founded  (see  Boeh- 
mer  de  Clementinis,  §  IX.)  ;  but  that  he  did  not  send  them  to  the  other  principal 
universities  is  certainly  very  remarkable,  since  he  lived  a  year  after  their  publica- 
tion, and  other  reasons  are  given  for  it  besides  the  one  just  quoted.  See  Aventi- 
nus  Ann.  Bojoruni,  lib.  VII.  p.  462  :  quod  multa,  quae  simplicitati  Christians, 
libertati  religionis  imponerent  (comp.  §  95,  note  17),  ibi  continerentur  (Clemens), 
publicare  supersederat,  atque  animam  agens  aboleri  jusserat.  Hcec  a  IVilhebno 
Occomensi  accept.  It  was  not  till  1317  that  they  were  sent  by  John  XXII.  to 
the  university  of  Bologna,  as  the  fountain-bead  of  the  canon  law  ;  see  the  Bull 
prefixed  to  the  Clementines.  They  soon  received  a  gloss  and  commentary  (see 
Lang  Gesch  u.  Institutionen  des  Kirchenrechts,  Th.  1,  S.  264)  :  the  glossa  ordi- 
naria  is  by  Johannes  Andreae  (see  §  60,  note  11).  cf.  G.  L.  Boehmer  diatr.  de 
Clementinis  in  his  Observatt.  juris  canon.     Gcett.  1791.  no.  1, 

*  See  J.  W.  Bickell  Ober  die  Entstehung  u.  d.  heut.  Gebrauch  der  beyden 
Extravagantensammlungen  des  Corp.  juris  can.     Marburg.  1825. 

•'  Only  a  selection  from  the  Decretals  of  this  Pope,  which,  however,  received  a 
gloss  as  early  as  1325  from  the  hand  of  Zenzelinus  de  Cassanis,  in  Toulouse.  See 
Bickell,  S.  7  ff. 

*  In  the  editions  before  Chapuis,  there  are  but  few  of  the  Extravagantes  in 
various  quantities  and  different  arrangement.  See  Bickell,  S.  14  fi'.  Chapuis 
brought  all  the  more  usual  ones  together  (communes  i.  e.  tritae),  Bickell,  S.  34. 
The  oldest  amongst  them  is  by  Urban  IV.  1262,  the  latest  by  Sixtus  IV.  1483,  the 
most  by  John  XXII.  All  of  them  have  not  a  gloss.  The  most  distinguished 
commentators  of  this  period  are  :  Joannes  Monachus,  afterwards  cardinal,  Guilel- 
mus  de  Monte  Landuno,  abbot  in  Poitiers,  and  Zenzelinus  de  Cassanis,  canonist  in 
Toulouse. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  1378.   //.  Ecclesiastical  History.  §  100.     45 


^   100. 

ECCLESIASTICAL    USURPATIONS    OF    THE    POPES    DURING    THEIR    RESI- 
DENCE   IN    AVIGNON. 

The  idea  of  the  papal  power,  which  had  grown  up  in  the  preceding 
period  (see  §  61),  was  not,  indeed,  susceptible  of  further  exaggera- 
tion, but  it  was  now  carried  out  in   its  most  revolting  absurdity  ^  by 

'  e.  g.  Augustini  Triumphi  Summa,  Qu.  6.  Art.  1  :  Utrum  a  Papa  possit  appel- 
lari  ad  Deum  ?  —  Solus  Papa  dicitur  esse  vicarius  Dei,  quia  solum  quod  ligatur  vel 
solvitur  per  eum,  liabetur  solutura  et  ligatum  per  ipsum  Deum.  Sententia  igitur 
Papas  et  sententia  Dei  una  sententia  est,  sicut  una  sententia  est  Papa?  et  adiutoris 
ejus.  Cum  igitur  appellalio  semper  fiat  a  minori  judice  ad  superiorem,  sicut  nullus 
est  major  seipso,  ita  nulla  appellatio  tenet,  facta  a  Papa  ad  Deum,  quia  unum  Con- 
sistorium  est  ipsius  Papce  et  ipsius  Dei,  cujus  Consistorii  claviger  et  osliarius  est 
ipse  Papa.  Nullus  ergo  potest  appellare  a  Papa  ad  Deum,  sicut  nullus  potest  intrare 
ad  consistorium  Dei  nisi  mediante  Papa,  qui  est  aeternEe  vitae  consistorii  claviger  et 
ostiarius,  et  sicut  nullus  potest  appellare  ad  seipsum,  quia  una  sententia  est  et  una 
curia  Dei  et  Papas.  Qu.  19.  Art.  1  :  Utrurn  solus  Papa  sit  sponsus  Ecclesiae  .'  — 
Papa,  qui  ohtinet  vicem  Christi  in  tota  ecclesia,  universalis  ecclesias  sponsus 
dicitur.  Episcopus  vero  dicitur  sponsus  suas  dioecesis,  presbyter  autem  suae  paro- 
chiae.  Nee  tamen  propter  hoc  seq\iitur,  quod  sint  plures  sponsi  unius  ecclesiae  : 
quia  sacerdos  sicut  minister  cooperatur  Episcopo  tamquam  principali,  et  simul 
omnes  Episcopi  cooperantur  Papas,  et  Papa  Christo.  Unde  Christus,  Papa,  Episco- 
pus et  sacerdos  non  dicuntur  nisi  unus  sponsus  Ecclesiae.  Art.  4  :  Papa  succedit 
Christo  in  officio  et  universali  jurisdictione,  quia  Petrus  in  persona  omnium  sum- 
morum  Pontilicum  recepit  universalem  jurisdictionem  a  Christo.  —  Quantum  ad 
officium  et  universalem  jurisdictionem  Papa  est  Episcopus  universalis  ecclesiEe, 
sed  quantum  ad  personalem  administrationem  singulariter  est  Episcopus  urbis 
Eomas.  Art.  5  :  Utrum  Papa  possit  immediate  in  qualibet  dioecesi  et  parochia, 
quod  potest  Episcopus  vel  sacerdos  .'  —  Papa  tenet  locum  Petri  in  ecclesia,  Epis- 
copi vero  locum  Aposlolorum,  Presbyteri  vero  locum  LXXII  discipulorum.  Ab- 
surdum  autem  videtur,  quod  Petrus  non  potuisset  solvere  et  ligare  sine  auc- 
toritate  Apostolorum  vel  discipulorum,  etiam  in  provinciis  et  parochiis  eis  de- 
putatis,  cum  singulariter  Petro  fuit  dictum  :  dabo  tibi  claves,  et  ipsi  non  nisi 
per  usum  claviura  potestatera  ligandi  et  solvendi  haberent.  Eodem  modo  ab- 
surdum  est  dicere,  quod  Papa  non  possit  solvere  et  ligare  in  dioecesi  cujus- 
libet  Episcopi  et  parochia  cujuslibet  Presbyteri,  vel  absolulionem  et  ligationem 
committere  quibus  placet.  Potest  etiam  in  provinciis  et  parochiis  eis  deputatis 
omnia  facere  perseijtsum,  vel  per  commissionem,  qua  ipsi  Episcopi  vel  Pi'esbyteri 
facere  possunt,  et  adhuc  amplius.  —  Qu.  20.  Art.  3  :  Utrum  solus  Papa  habeat 
potestatem  clavium  ? —  Singulariter  solus  Petrus  dicitur  habere  claves  per  imme- 
diatam  commissionem,  per  immediatam  derivationem,  per  universalem  administra- 
tionem. Per  immediatam  quidem  commissionem,  quia  soli  Petro,  cujus  successor 
Papa  existit,  claves  sunt  commissi.  —  Per  immediatam  vero  derivationem,  quia 
potestas  clavium  ab  eo  tanquam  a  capite  in  omnes  Pr*latos  ecclesis  derivari  debet. 
—  Per  universalem  autem  administrationem,  quia  solus  ipse  in  tota  ecclesia  uni- 
versaliter  Christi  Vicarius  existit.  —  Qu.  64.  Art.  2:  sicut  Apostoli  missi  sunt  ad 
praedicandum  non  nisi  piassujiposita  auctoritate  Petri:  —  sic  Episcopi  admittuntur 
et  assumuntur  in  partem  sollicitudinis  non  nisi  prassupposita  auctoritate  Pap*,  qui 
sicut  dat  eis  auctoiitatem  exequendi  officium  receptum  super  tanta  vel  tali  materia, 
si  bene  utantur,  ita  culpa  exigente,  si  commisso  officio  abutuntur,  potest  eos  dicta 
executione  privare.  —  Qu.  65.  Art.  5 :  non  minoris  auctoritatis  est  Papa  in  tota 
ecclesia,  quam  quilibet  Episcopus  iu  sua  dioecesi,  immo  majoris,  cum  in  piopiia 
dicecesi  Episcopus  jurisdictionem  non  exerceat  nisi  auctoritate  Papae.  Sed  quilibet 
Episcopus  in  propria  dioecesi  potest  et  debet  relii;iosos  et  alios  idoneos  viros  ad 
sanctas  pradicationis  officium  assumere,  qui  vice  ipsorum  plebes  Christi  eis  com- 
inissas  asdificent  verbo  et  exemplo,  absque  omni  requisitione  presbyterorum,  in 


46  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

the  mendicant  orders,-  whose  often  contested  privileges  had  no  other 
foundation.  Nor  did  their  contemptible  flattery  blush  to  ascribe  to 
the  popes  little  less  than  divine  honors.-^     The  opposing  voices,  which 

quorum  parochiis  praedicant.  —  Ergo  similiter  Papa  potest  et  debet  in  tota  ecclesia 
aliquos  religiosos  et  idoneos  viros  ad  sancta;  prsEdicatioiiis  otficium  ordinare, —  qui 
in  qualihet  dicecesi  et  in  qualibet  parochia  —  absque  omni  requisilione  Episcopo- 
ruiii  et  Presbyterorum  possunt  piajdicare,  ct  alia  spiritualia  per  sedem  apostolicam 
eis  commissa  administrare. — Jilvari  Pelagii  de  plaiictu  ecclesiae,  Lib.  I.  c.  6  : 
Papa  super  omnia,  etiani  generalia,  concilia  est,  et  ab  ipso  ipsa  recipiunt  jurisdic- 
tionem  et  auctoritateni,  et  licentiam  congi'egandi  se.  c.l4:  Oninis  creatura  per 
eum  valet  judicari,  et  ipse  a  nulla  in  terris,  eiiam  universali  coiicilio.  c.  17  :  Plus 
potest  Papa  solus  in  iis,  qu.-e  non  sunt  contra  capitulos  fidei,  et  adjacentia  eis,  et 
sacramenta,  quam  lota  ecclesia  catliolica,  et  concilia  seorsum.  c.  29 :  unum  est 
consistorium  et  tribunal  Chiisti  et  Pap*  in  teriis.  c.  58:  Sciendum  est,  quod 
potentia  sunimi  l-'ontificis  et  Chiisti  vicarii  plena  dicitur.  Prime  quia  ab  hac 
potentia  nuUus  ad  ecclesiam  militantem  qualitercunque  pertinens  excipitur. — 
Secundo  quia  omnis  potestas  ad  gubernatiouein  lideliuiti  a  Deo  ordinata  et  homiai- 
bus  data,  sive  spiritualis,  sive  temporalis,  in  hac  potestate  comprehenditur.  — 
Tertio  quia  omnis  potestas  in  Ecclesia  ab  hac  potestate  derivatur,  et  ad  earn  ordi- 
natur,  —  quia  ipsa  principium  est  et  finis  cujuslibet  potestatis,  et  ideo  quaelibet 
potestas  humana  ei  jure  subditur.  Quaito  quia  a  nulla  potestate  humana  excedi- 
tur,  vel  superatur.  —  Quinto  quia  a  nulla  alia  potestate  puri  hominis  limitatur,  aut 
ordinatur,  aut  judicatur:  sod  ipsa  alias  limitat,  ordinal,  et  judical.  —  Sexto  quia 
ordine  polestalum,  aut  legibus  ab  ipso  positis  non  coarctalur :  potest  enim  agere  et 
mediantibus  aliis  poteslatibus,  et  non  mcdianlibus,  quando  viderit  expedire,  quia 
ordinarius  omnium  esl.  —  Potest  eliam  agere  ct  secundum  leges  quas  ponit,  et 
prajter  illas,  ubi  opportunum  esse  judicaveril.  —  Merito  ergo  in  summo  Ponlifice 
pleniludo  dicitur  exislere  potestatis:  unde  et  propter  hoc  dicilur  potestas  ejus  esse 
sine  numero,  pondere  et  niensura.  —  Est  enim  sine  numero,  quantum  ad  eos,  qui 
ejus  potestali  subdunlur,  qui  quoad  noslram  notiliam  sunt  innumerabiles.  —  Est 
aulem  sine  pondere,  quantum  ad  locum  :  pondus  enim  est  inclinalio  I'ei  ad  locum 
propiium  el  delerminatum  :  ha'c  aulem  potestas  non  determinalur  ad  unum  locum, 
vel  ad  unam  ecclesiam,  sed  ad  omnes  prorsus  ecclesias  in  quibuslibel  locis  positis 
extenditur.  Est  sine  mensura,  quantum  ad  actum  el  modum  agendi,  quia  quo- 
dammodo  immensa  esl  in  agendo  el  in  modo  agendi.  Unde  sicut  homini  Christo 
datus  esl  spirilus  non  ad  mensuram,  Jo.  iii.  34,  ceteris  aulem  dalur  secundum 
aliquam  mensuram  dotiationis  Christi,  Eph.  iv.  7;  Rom.  xii :  sic  vicario  Chrisli 
Pontifici  sunmio  data  est  potestas  non  ad  mensuram,  sed  in  quadam  immensilale  ; 
aliis  aulem  datur  potestas  secundum  mensuram  aliquam  participationis  hujus  im- 
mensas  potestatis.  Et  quum  sit  ipsa  potestas  vicarii  Christi  sine  numero,  pondere 
el  mensura,  imponil  lamen  el  determinal  aliis  poteslatibus  pondus,  numerura  et 
mensuram. 

^  Compare  Ihe  Augustine  monk,  Augustini  Triuwphi  Summa  de  potest  eccl. 
see  §  96,  note  14,  the  Franciscan  Jilvari  Pelagii  de  planctu  ecclesi*,  Libb.  II. 
Ibid,  note  15,  the  Dominican  Petri  Paludani  (about  1330,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem, 

fl342)  Iracl.  de  causa  inunediata  Ecclesiaslica;  potestatis,  ed.  Paris.  1506,  and  the 
ranciscan  Rogeri  C'onnovii    (or  Conway,   in  Oxford)  defensio  religionis  Men- 
dicanlium,  soon  after  1357  (in  Goldasti  Monarchia,  T.  II.  p.  1410  seq.). 

^  .Mugustini  Triumphi,  Qu.  IX.  Art.  1.  Ulrum  Papaj  debealur  honor,  qui 
debelur  Christo  secundum  quod  Deus  .'  Videtur :  —  quia  honor  debetur  potestali, 
Bed  una  esl  potestas  Christi  secundum  quod  Deus  el  Papa-  r  quod  probatur,  quia 
potestas  Christi  secundum  quod  Deus  esl  peccala  dimitlere  juxla  illud  Marc  ii. 
quis potest peccata  dimittere  nisi  solus  Deus?  istud  aulem  convenit  Papa3,  quia 
quodcumque  ligal  vel  solvit  super  terram,  esl  ligalum  vel  solutum  in  cailis. — 
Porro  latria  esl  servitus  soli  Deo  debita  :  —  sed  omnis  servitus  debetur  Papas,  ergo 
honor  qui  debelur  Deo  debelur  sibi.  —  In  contrarium  est,  quod  honor,  qui  debetur 
creatori,  sine  peccato  idololati-is  non  debetur  pura;  creatura'. —  K.  Dicendum, — 
quod  honor  potest  exhiberi  Deo  dupliciler.  Primo  ralione  communis  potestatis, 
cum  qua  convenit  cum  creaturis  convenientia  cujusdam  analogicoe  univocationis. 
Convenit  ergo  creatori  el  creaturae  potestas  et  dominalio,  et  multa  alia,  ul  bonilas. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  VS78.   11.  Ecclesiastical  History.  <^  100.     47 

were  heard  on  the  side  of  Lewis  of  Bavaria  (from  the  Minorites), 
made  no  general  impression,  and  died  entirely  away  on  Lewis'  death, 
when  the  victory  was  so  decidedly  with  tlie  papal  power.  In  France, 
it  is  true,  under  Philip  the  Fair,  sounder  views  were  very  generally 
prevalent  amongst  the  clergy ,-*  but  as  the  French  kings  had  no  incli- 
nation to  oppose  the  extension  of  the  papal  power  as  long  as  it  was 
wholly  subservient  to  themselves,  no  opposition  was  made  from  this 
quarter. 

In  these  new  ecclesiastical  usurpations  we  trace  the  most  revolting 
union  of  narrow  selfishness  and  low  rapacity  with  the  most  undis- 
guised neglect  of  the  wants  of  the  church.  The  papal  court  at 
Avignon  was  distinguished  by  a  recklessness  and  luxury  hitherto 
unexampled,^  whilst  the  rich  revenues  from  the  papal  territories  in 

scientia  et  justitia,  quas  attiibuuntur  Deo,  tainen  conveniunt  creaturEe,  Deo  quidem 
essentialiter,  creaturae  vero  participative  et  ministeiialiter  vel  instrunientaliter  :  et 
ratione  istorum  quidam  honor,  et  qiiEedam  seivitus  inipenditur  Deo,  quK  sine 
peccato  potest  exliiberi  creaturae,  ut  thuriticatio  et  fjenuflexio  et  alia  servitus,  quae 
graeco  nomine  dulia  appellatur.  Qua-darn  vero  servitus  Deo  impenditur  ratione 
ejus  singularis  niajestatis, —  ratione  cujus  singulare  genus  servitii  sibi  exhibetur, 
quod  latria  appellatur.  —  Sacrificium  est  ille  singularis  honor  et  ilia  singularis 
servitus,  qua  sic  debetur  Christo  secundum  quod  Deus,  non  debetur  Papte,  nee 
alicui  purae  creaturae. — Ad  primum  er^o  est  dicendum  :  — in  Christo  secundum 
quod  Deus  invenitur  dominatio,  qua;  est  summa  potestas,  et  ideo  servitus  summa 
sibi  debetur,  quas  latria  appellatur  :  in  Papa  autem  non  invenitur  nisi  participative 
et  ministerialiter,  etc.  —  Art.  3 :  It  is  shown  that  the  same  honor  is  due  to  the 
Pope  as  to  the  saints,  (honor  Paps  exhibetur  ratione  potestatis  et  auctoritatis : 
verum  quia  potestas  talis  est  ordinata  potissime,  quia  est  a  Deo  sibi  tributa,  et  quse 
a  Deo  sunt,  ordinata  sunt,  sic  dicit  Apost.  ad  Rum.  xiii  :  ideo  includit  talis 
potestas  vita;  sanctitatem  et  doctrine  veritatem.  —  Propter  quod  licet  honor  sit  sibi 
exhibendus  ratione  potestatis,  non  est  sibi  subtrahendus  honor,  qui  debetur  Sanctis 
ratione  sanctitatis  et  doctrinse  veritatis.)  and  Art.  4 :  As  to  the  angels,  (exhibebatur 
honor  angelis  per  patres  veteris  Testamenti,  quia  in  eis  repra;sentabatur  Deus  per 
subjectam  creaturam  de  acre  vel  undecunque  visibiliter  ab  eis  assumptam  :  sed 
longe  melius  Deus  repra;sentatur  per  Papam,  et  quantum  ad  naturae  conforinitatem, 
quia  Dei  filius  nunquam  angelos  apprehendit,  sed  semen  Abraha-  in  unitatem  per- 
sona;, et  quantum  ad  officii  potestatem,  quia  nulli  angelorum  concessit  claves 
ligandi  et  solvendi  in  ccelo  ct  in  terra,  sicut  concessit  PeFro  et  successoribus  ejus). 
—  Zenzelinus,  A.  D.  1.325,  in  his  gloss  to  Extravag.  Jo.  XXII.  Tit.  XIV.  c.  4 
in  fine  says:  Credere  autem  Dominuni  Deuin  nostrum  Papam,  conditorem  dictaj 
decretalis,  sic  non  potuisse  statuere,  prout  statuit,  hsreticum  censeretur.  So  also 
in  the  Lyons  editions  of  1584  and  1606,  and  in  the  Paris  editions  of  1585,  1601  and 
1612  :  in  the  later  editions  the  De.um  is  left  out. 

*  See  §  63,  note  22.  Compare  §  98,  note  1.  This  is  especially  seen  in  the  con- 
troversies of  the  university  of  Paris  with  the  Mendicant  Orders,  see  below  &  109 
note  3.  '  :*         » 

*  Francesco  Petrarca  (f  1374),  vpho  was  for  a  long  time  at  the  papal  court  in 
Avignon,  gives  a  shocking  desciiption  of  the  prevailing  corruption.  Epistolarum 
sine  titulo,  Lib.  Ep.  10,  he  calls  Avignon  the  third  Babylon,  and  the  fifth  Laby- 
rinth :  quam  juste  autem,  qui  noscere  cupit,  hue  properet.  Non  hie  career  hor- 
rendus,  non  tenebrosas  domus  error,  non  fatalis  urna  humani  generis  fata  permis- 
cens,  denique  non  imperiosus  Minos,  non  Minotaurus  vorax,  non  damnata;  Veneris 
monimenta  defuerint :  sed  remedia,  sed  amor,  sed  charitas,  sed  promissorum  fides 
sed  arnica  consilia,  sed  fila  perplexum  iter  tacita  ope  signantia,  sed  Ariadna,  sed' 
Da'dalus.  Una  salutis  spes  in  auro  est,  aiiro  placatur  rex  ferus,  auro  immane  mon- 
strum  vincitur,  auro  salutare  lorum  texitur,  auro  durum  limen  ostenditur,  auro 
vectes  et  saxa  franguntur,  auro  tristis  janitor  mollitur,  auro  caelum  panditur,  quid 
multa  ?  auro  Christus  venditur.     Compare  Epist.  14  and  15,  especially  Epist.  18. 


48  I'hird  Period.     Div.  III.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

Italy  had  either  ceased  entirely,  or  were  at  best  very  uncertain. 
Other  sources  of  su[)[)ly  must,  therefore,  be  sought.  The  search  was 
soon  successful,  but  the  most  insatiable  avarice  was  now  awakened, 
and  a  course  of  oppression  followed  altogether  intolerable.  The  ill- 
gotten  gains  were  either  hoarded  in  Avignon,  or  converted  to  political 
uses,  or  squandered  in  licentiousness  and  debauch. 

Of  all  these  abuses  the  most  pernicious  was  the  extended  Reserva- ■ 
tion  of  ecclesiastical  offices,  by  means  of  which  even  bishoprics  came 
to  be  bestowed  on  laymen  (as  commendams),  and  were  thus  held  by 
the  most  unworthy  characters.  This  began  as  early  as  Clement  V., 
who  exercised  the  right  of  Reservation  over  a  great  number  of 
churches  (which,  in  France,  he  was  forced  to  bestow  according  to 
the   royal   will),^   g^-ve   away   many    benefices  in  commendam,'  and 

Omne  boaum  ibi  perditur,  sed  primum  omnium  libertas,  mox  ex  ordine  quies, 
gaudium,  spes,  fides,  charitas,  animae  jacturae  ingentes.  Sed  in  regno  avaritiK 
nihil  damno  adscribituc,  modo  pecimia  salva  sit.  Futura;  tibi  vita?  spes  inanis 
quredam  fabula,  et  quas  de  inf'eri?  nan-antur  fabiilosa  omnia,  et  resurrectio  carnis  et 
mundi  iinis  et  Christus  ad  judicium  venturus  inter  naenias  habentur.  Veritas  ibi 
dementia  est,  abstinentia  vero  rusticitas,  pudicitia  probrum  ingens  :  denique  pec- 
candi  licentia  magnanimitas  et  libertas  eximia,  et  quo  pollutior  eo  clarior  vita,  quo 
plus  scelerum  eo  plus  gloriae,  bonum  nomen  coeno  vilius,  atque  ultima  mercium 
fama  est.  —  Taceo  haereditatem  Simonis,  et  illam  haei-esis  speciem,  non  ultimam, 
spiritus  sancli  dona  mercantium.  Taceo  mali  illius  avaritiam  matrem,  quae  idolorura 
servitus  ab  Apostolo  dicta  est.  Taceo  utriusque  pestis  artifices,  et  concursantes 
Pontificum  thalamis  proxenetas.  Taceo  crudelitatem  humanitatis  immemorem,  et 
sui  ipsius  oblitam  insolentiam,  atque  illos  vanis  tiatibus  tensos  utres.  Taceo  denique 
ilia  prodigia,  —  quorum  moesta  nimis  et  severa  narratio :  ad  ridicula  simul  atque 
odiosa  festino.  Quis  eniin  oro  non  irascatur  et  rideat  illos  senes  pueros  coma  Can- 
dida, togis  amplissimis,  adeoque  lascivientibus  animis,  ut  nihil  illuc  falsius  videatur, 
quam  quod  ait  Maro :  Frigidus  in  Venerem  senior  7  Tam  calidi,  tamque  prae- 
cipites  in  Venerem  senes  sunt,  tanta  eos  setatis  et  status  et  virium  cepit  oblivio,  sic 
in  libidines  inardescunt,  sic  in  omne  ruunt  dedecus,  quasi  omnis  eoi-um  gloria  non 
in  cruce  Christi  sit,  sed  in  comessationibus,  et  ebrietatibus,  et,  quas  has  sequuntur 
in  cubilibus,  impudicitiis :  sic  fugientem  manu  retrahunt  inventam,  atque  hoc 
unum  senectutis  ultimae  lucrum  putant,  ea  facere,  quae  juvenes  non  auderent.  — 
Mitto  stupra,  raptus,  incestus,  adulteria,  qui  jam  pontificalis  lascivia;  ludi  sunt: 
mitto  raptarum  viros,  ne  mutire  audeant,  non  tantum  avitis  laribus,  sed  finibus 
patriis  exturbatos,  qua;que  contumeliarum  gravissima  est,  et  violatas  conjuges  et 
externo  semine  gravidas  rursus  accipere,  et  post  partum  reddere  ad  alternam 
satietatem  abutentium  coactos.  Qua;  omnia  non  unus  ego,  sed  vulgus  novit,  etsi 
taceat,  quamvis  ne  id  ipsum  taceat  jam  major  est  indignatio  quam  metus,  etc. — 
of.  JYicolaus  de  Clamengis  de  i-uina  ecclesiae  (written  1414),  c.  42,  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Concil.  Constant.  T.  1.  P.  III.  p.  45:  Ex  illo  plane  suam  cladem  imminere  prs- 
nosse  debuit  (Ecclesia),  ex  quo  propter  suas  fornicationes  odibiles  Romuli  urbe 
relicta  Avinionem  confugit.  Ubi  quanto  liberius,  tanto  apertius  et  impudentius 
vias  sua*  Simoniae  et  prostitutiones  exposuit,  peregrinosque  et  perversos  mores, 
calamitatum  inductores,  in  nostram  Galliam  invexit,  rectisque  usque  ad  ilia  tem- 
pera moribus  frugalibus  disciplina  instante,  nunc  vero  luxu  prodigioso  usque  adeo 
golutam,  ut  merito  ambigere  possis,  utrum  res  ipsa  audita  mirabilior  sit,  an  visa 
miserabilior. 

6  Thus  Clement  writes  to  Philip,  A.  D.  1306  (Baluz.  PP.  Aven.  II.  p.  65)  : 
De  Ecclesiis  vero,  de  quibus  nobis  tua  sercnitas  scripsit,  scire  te  volumus,  quod 
nos  earum  provisiones  hac  vice  nobis  duximus  reservandas.  Quibus  Ecclesiis  de 
personis  Deo,  nobis  ac  tibi  gratis  et  Ecclesiis  ipsis  utilibus  curabimus  —  providere  : 
and  Philip  thanks  him,  p.  87,  for  the  promotio  per  ubcrem  gratiam  cleinentiae 
vestras  facta  do  dileclis  et  fidelibus  clericis  nostris.  The  Pope  at  length  was  tired 
of  being  thus  the  mere  instrument  of  the  king,  and  when  Philip,  A.  D.  1309,  re- 


Chap.  L  Papacy  till  1378.  II  Relations  to  the  Church.  §  100.    49 

drew  upon  himself  the  imputation  of  Simony.^     But  this  was  nothing 

quested  of  him  to  bestow  the  archbishopric  of  Sens  upon  the  bishop  of  Cambray,  he 
wrote  him,  p.  145  :  considerantes  attenliiis,  quod  super  translatione  hujusmodi  per 
alium  moilum  non  poteranuis  decenter  sati.sfacerc  votis  tuis,  provisioneni  ipsius 
Ecclesiaj  Senoiiensii,  quamvis  reservationes  hujusmodi  nieiiti  nostra  displiceant, 
prout  nos(i,  hac  vice  dispo.Mtioni  nostra; —  duximus  reservandam  : —tuam  celsitu- 
diuem  exhortantes,  ut  nos  super  siinilibus  reservationibus  faciendis,  qua  nostrae 
voluntati  redduntur  contrarise,  saltem  absque  magna  causa  non  infestes. 

'  On  the  20th  of  Feb.  1307,  Clement  issued  a  Constitution  (Extrav.  Comm.  Lib. 
III.  tit.  2.  c.  2.  Raynald.  1307,  no.  28),  in  which  he  says,  that  in  the  beginning- 
of  his  administration  he  had  bestowed  many  benefices  at  the  instance  of  those  high 
in  temporal  and  ecclesiastical  dignity  :  ad  eorum  importunas  et  multiplicatas  pre- 
cum  instantias  nonnullis  clericis  —  patriarchates,  archiepiscopales  et  episcopates 
Ecclesias  ac  monasteria  —  sub  commenda;  vel  custodia-,  sen  cur*,  vel  guardia;,  aut 
adrainistrationis  titulo —  duximus  —  committenda.  Super  iis  autem,  an  tales  videli- 
cet et  tantas  gratias  pei'  nos  tieri  decuisset,  variorum  et  arduorum  negotiorum  mul- 
tiplicitate  distracti  usque  ad  tempus,  quo  infirmitate  satis  periculosa  nos  iis  diebus 
Deus  visitavit  omnipotens,  nequivimus  plenarie  cogitare.  Verum  in  debilitate  ipsius 
aegritudinis  constituti,  et  a  negotiorum  utcumque  discussione  semoti,  ad  ha;c  sub 
diligenti  e.xamine  direximus  aciem  nostrse  mentis,  demumque  prospeximus  eviden- 
ter,  quod  Ecclesiarum  et  monasteriorum  eorundem  cura  negligitur,  bona  et  jura 
dissipantur  ipsorum,  ac  subjectis  eis  personis  et  populis  spiritualiter  plurimum  et 
temporaliter  derogatur.  — Volentes  opportunum  et  debitum  in  hac  parte  remedium 
adhibere,  omnes  et  singulas  commissiones  hujusmodi  per  nos  —  factas  quibuscum- 
que  cujusvis  ordinis,  dignitatis,  aut  status,  si  etiam  s.  Romana;  Ecclesia;  Cardinali- 
bus^factaj  noscantur,  auctoritate  Apostolica  —  cassaraus  et  annullamus.  How 
far  this  Constitution  was  acted  upon,  may  be  seen  at  the  council  of  Vienna,  1311. 
Gull.  Durandus  complains  in  his  work  written  at  that  time,  de  niodo  celebrandi 
generalis  concilii,  P.  II.  Tit.  21  :  domini  Cardinales  in  grave  animorum  ipsorum 
periculum  et  universalis  Ecclesia;  dispendium  multa  m'illia  florenorum  —  sibi  et 
niultis  pestifera  adinventione  super  Ecclesias  etiam  Parochiales  et  Curatas  f\iciunt 
cunuilari,  et  Ecclesias  etiam  cathedrales  et  ultramarinas  sub  diversis  coloribus  com- 
mendari,  et  certas  sibi  solvi  ab  illis,  qui  eorum  promoventur  auxilio,  pensiones, 
qua;  nunquam  in  Romana  Ecclesia  moriuntur,  sed  ab  uno  Cardinali  in  alium  vel 
in  ejus  vel  Domini  Papa;  propinquum  vel  nepotem  detinentur.  Ex  quibus  sequi- 
tur,  cum  sibi  vendicent  universa,  infelix  quod  Clericus,  qui  de  pra;dictis  beneticiis 
sustentari  et  eis  personaliter  deservire  debuerat,  mendicat  in  plateis.  —  Ex  hac 
peste  etiam  noviter  introductum  est  contra  jura,  quod  Prioratus  Conventuales,  et 
alia  beneticia  ecclesiastica,  consueta  regi  per  Monachos  et  alios  Regulares,  domini 
Cardinales — sibi  et  suis  faciunt  assignari,  quamquam  non  efliciantur  Monachi. — 
Ex  quibus  in  dicfis  Prioratibus  et  beneticiis  Regularium  periit  in  totum  regularis 
obscrvantias  disciplina,  cum  non  sit  inter  eos,  qui  corrigat,  etc.  Similar  complaints 
from  a  bishop  at  this  council  (Raynald.  1311,  no.  59)  :  Quia  multi  vita  et  moribus 

detestabiles   de  diversis    mundi    partibus  ad    sedem  Apostolicam    concurrentes 

beneticia  cum  ctn-a,  vel  sine  cura  quotidie  impetrare  noscuntur,  —  et  a  PrEelatis 
veneranter  instituti  vel  admissi  ita  delestabilem  vel  deformem  vitam  ducunt,  quod 
ob  hoc  ecclesia;  destruuntur;  —  Praelati  non  possunt  hodie  bonis  personis  de  bene- 
ticiis—  obstante  numerosa  multitudine  clericorum  impetrantium  providere.  —  Heu 
miltuntur  ad  Ecclesias  vel  persona;  inutiles,  peregrins  lingua;,  barbara  nationis; 
vel  si  sunt  bonae  personre  et  utiles,  nunquam  in  eisdem  resident  Ecclesiis,  sed  in 
Romana  curia,  aut  Regis  aut  Principum  curiis  commorantes  per  privilegia  fructus 
beneficiorum  percipiunt,  qui  eisdem  Ecclesiis  de  nihilo  serviunt.  — -Cum  tam 
secundum  jura  divina  quam  humana  singula  ecclesiastici  juris  ofhcia  sint  sino-illa- 
tim  singulis  committenda  personis;  —  hoJie  —  una  persona,  aliquando  nunus 
idonea,  quatuor  vel  quinque  in  diversis  ecclesiis  obtinet  beneticia,  —  quinimmo 
decem  vel  duodecim  —  et  aliquando  plures,  sicut  vidi.  Heu  aliquando  una  per- 
sona tot  obtinet  dignitates,  personatus  vel  officia,  quod  ex  eis  posset  quinquaginta 
vel  sexaginta  exercitatis  et  literatis  personis  sufiicientissime  provider!.  —  Quid 
autem  de  pueris,  qui  omni  discretione  carentes  —  tot  obtinent  dignitates  et  bene- 
ficia,  referam,  nescio,  etc. 

*  Jo.  Villani  IX.  c.  58:  questi  fu  huomo  molto  cupido  di  moneta  e  simoniaco, 
VOL.    III.  7 


50  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305—1409. 

compared  to  the  shameless  conduct  of  his  successor,  John  XXII, 
Without  considering  it  necessary  to  make  known  his  will  any  t'urtlier 
than  by  a  verbal  announcement  to  his  own  chancery,^  he  extended, 
in  various  ways,  the  right  of  bestowing  the  benefices  of  those  who 
died  at  Rome  (vacantes  in  curia), i"  and  claimed  the  right  of  dispos- 
ing of  the  more  profitable  places  in  the  cathedrals  and  colleges, ^i  as 
well  as  of  all  the  churches  in  the  north  of  Italy. ^^     Occasional  re- 

cbe  ogni  beneficio  per  nioncta  in  sua  corte  si  vendea,  e  fu  lusurioso,  che  palese  si 
dicea  che  tenea  per  aniica  la  Contessa  di  Palagoigo,  bellissima  donna.  —  E  lascio  i 
suoi  nipoti  e  suo  lignaggio  con  grandissinio  e  innuuierabile  tesoro. 

^  In  like  manner  he  published  his  Processus  by  placing  them  on  the  church 
door  at  Avignon.  See  above,  §  96,  note  6.  —  Bahiz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  722,  gives 
us  the  following  remarkable  document:  Anno  Dom.  MCCCXVI.  17  Kal.  Oct. 
Lugduni  sanctissimus  Pater  et  Dominus  Johannes  P.  XXII.  pontificatus  sui  anno 
primo  reservavit  su£e  et  sedis  Apostolica;  collationi  omnia  beneficia  ecclesiastica, 
quffi  fuerunt  et  quocunque  nomine  censeantur,  ubicunque  ea  vacare  contigerit  per 
acceptationem  alterius  beneficii  pra'textu  gratis  ab  eodem  Domino  Papa  factae  vel 
facienda;  acceptati ;  niihique  Gaucelmo  Vicecancellario  suo  piiEccpit  in  pra^sentia 
niagistri  Petri  Fabri,  quod  ha>c  ad  inenioriam  redigerem  in  scripturam.  This  is  the 
first  trace  of  the  famous  Regula;  cancellaria?.  Compare  Gesch.  d.  rom  Kanz- 
leyregeln,  in  Le  Brets  Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kirchengesch.  Th.  2.  S.  605  ff. 
Th.  3.  S.  1  ff. 

10  By  the  Decretal  Ex  debito  (Extravagg.  Comm.  Lib.  T.  Tit.  III.  c.  4)  A.  D.  1316, 
which  was  only  an  extension  of  the  Regulse  cancellariae  just  mentioned.  Hujusmodi 
autem  sedes,  monasteria,  ecclesias,  et  alia  pra?fata  benelicia  ecclesiastica  per  mor- 
tem vel  depositionem  ac  piivationem  eoi-um,  qui  ea  o'llinerent,  per  electionuni 
cassationem,  —  quorumlibet  provisionem,  translationem  —  vacare  apud  sedem  intel- 
ligimus  pralibatam.  Episcopales  insuper  vel  alias  dignitates  —  fratrum  nostrorum 
s.  Rom.  eccl.  Cardinalium  apud  dictam  sedem  per  eoruni  obilum  vacare  consemus, 
sive  inibi,  sive  alibi,  ubicumque  ipsos  migrare  contigerit  dc  hac  luce.  Et  hoc  idem 
in  dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  quibuslibet  —  officialium  nostrorum,  videlicet  vicecancel- 
larii,  ejusdem  ecclesia;  canierarii,  notariorum,  auditoris  contradictarum,  correctorum, 
scriptorum  litterarum,  ac  poenitentiariorum  nostrorum,  nee  non  abbreviatoi-um 
curia;  Romans  locum  sibi  volumus  vindicare.  According  to  these  principles  he 
got  into  his  power  by  the  Decretal  Execrabilis  (Extravagg.  Comm.  III.  Tit.  2. 
c.  4),  the  nomination  to  places  innumerable.  In  this  Decretal,  after  much  com- 
plaint of  the  avarice  of  those  who  held  several  benefices  at  once,  (cardinalibus 
taraen  s.  Rom.  eccl.  —  ac  regum  filiis  —  exceptis)  he  commands  them  to  choose 
one  cum  cura,  and  one  sine  cura,  and  give  up  the  rest.  Qua'  onmia  et  singula  bene- 
ficia vacatura  —  vel  dimissa  nostra  et  sedis  apostolics  di^positioni — I'eservamus. 

"  Jo.  Villani  XI.  c.  20  (Papa  Giovanni)  infino  I'anno  1319  puose  le  riservazioni 
di  tutti  i  benefici  collegiati  di  Christianita,  e  tutti  gli  volea  dare  egli,  dicendo  il 
facea  per  levare  le  simonie.  E  di  questo  trasse  e  raguno  infinito  tesoro.  Et  oltre 
a  cio,  per  la  detla  reservatione  quasi  mai  non  confcimo  eleltione  di  niuno  Prelato, 
ma  promovea  uno  Vescovo  in  uno  Arcivescovado,  e  al  Yescovado  del  Vescovo  pro- 
raosso  promovea  \\n  minore  Vescovo,  e  allora  avenia  bene  sovente,  che  d'una 
vacazione  d'una  Vescovado  grande,  o  Arcivescovado,  o  Patriarcato  faceva  sei  o  piii 
permutazioni ;  e  simile  d'altri  benefici :  onde  molte  e  grandi  piovisioni  di  moneta 
tornavano  alia  camera  del  Papa. 

»2  Bull  of  the  30th  of  Jul.  1322,  in  Raynald.  1322,  no  4,  complete  in  Ughelli 
Italia  sacra,  T.  III.  p.  18.5:  Statu  i'^clesiarum,  nccnon  —  monasteriorum  —  tain  in 
terris  Italia'  Ecclesia?  Roinnnae  immediate  subjcctis,  quam  in  patriarchatu  Aquile- 
jensi,  nee  non  Mediolancn-^i,  Ravennatc,  Januensi  et  Pisana  pi-ovincii^  con^isten- 
tium,  quas  et  qua;  —  inali'.ia  tcn^.poris  in  coruin  provisionibus  variis  noscitur  discri- 
minibus  subjecissc  (see  §  QQ,  note  4),  nostra;  mentis  obtulibus  occurrente;  ac 
propterea  similibus  in  posterum  obviare  periculis,  donee  —  sublata  procella  tenipo- 
ris  impacati,  eisdem  ecclesiis  —  plena  in  eligendo  securitas  ministretur,  solicitis 
aflfectibus  cupientes ;  provisiones  omnium  patriarchalium,  archicpiscopalium,  epis- 


Chop.  I.  Papacy  till  1378.  //.  Relations  to  the  Church.  §  100.  51 

monstrances  passed  unheeded, '^  and  how  he  disposed  of  all  these 
places  is  best  proved  by  the  immense  treasure  he  left  behind  him.^^ 
His  successor,  the  conscientious  Benedict  XII.,  recalled  the  commen- 
dams  granted  by  John,'^  but  confirmed  the  Reservations  of  his  pre- 
decessor.i**  These  he  used  himself,  it  is  true,  only  to  fill  the  various 
places  in  the  church  more  worthily, ^^  but  by  such  confirmation  he 


copalium,  et  aliaruin  quaruuilibet  ecclesiarum  coUegiatarum,  nee  non  abbaliarum, 
monasteriorum,  prioratuuru  et  alioriim  quorumcunque  pioruni  locoi-um  sKciilaiiiun 
et  regularium  —  consistentiuui  in  patriarchatu  et  provinciis  supradictis,  —  vacan- 
tium,  —  dispositioni  et  ordinationi  nostraj  et  sedis  Apostolicae — usque  ad  ejusdem 
sedis  beneplacitum  —  reservamus. 

'•*  Thus  the  kings  of  Castile  and  Portugal  complain  to  the  Pope  ( Raynald.  ann. 
1330,  no.  44),  that,  whilst  formerly  their  clergy  had  i-endered  them  important 
assistance  in  the  wars  against  the  Moors,  nunc  istis  (indigenis)  exclusis  pariter  et 
contemptis  alienigens,  qui  nee  zelo  tidei,  r^ec  devotione  aliqua  ad  prcemissa  invi- 
tantur,  sed  de  imbursanda  pecunia,  quam  de  ipsis  heneficiis  percipere  possunt,  ad 
alias  transferendi  partes,  continuam  gerunt  solicitudinem,  eisdem  ecclesiis,  mona- 
steriis,  personatibus,  dignitatibus  sunt  praelati.  Quare  supplicant  iidem  Reges 
humiliter  et  instanter,  quatenus  prcemissis  alienigenis  ad  alia  beneficia  in  aliis 
partibus  translatis  de  pra?latiis,  personatibus,  etc.  per  eos  detenlis  indigenis  regno- 
rum  pra;dictorum  dignetur  eadem  sanctitas  pi-ovidere.  In  Germany  there  was  a 
more  vigorous  resistance :  Heinricus  de  Rebdorff  ad  ann.  1333 :  In  Alemania 
magnum  schisma  est  in  clero  et  populo,  ex  provisionibus  sedis  Apostolicae  ad 
Episcopales  et  solemnes  praslaturas  et  alia  beneficia,  quas  idem  Ludwicus  in  odium 
sedis  ApostolicEe  fortiter  impedivit. 

'•*  According  to  Jo.  Villani  XI.  c.  20,  who  gives  the  same  on  the  authority  of 
his  brother,  a  merchant  in  Avignon,  who  had  it  from  the  papal  treasurers,  it 
amounted  to  18  millions  of  gold  guilders*  in  coin,  and  7  millions  in  jewels.  Be- 
sides this  his  court  also  had  grown  rich,  cf.  Quinta  vita  Benedicti  XII.  ( Baluzi 
PP.  Aven.  1.  p.  232) :  temporibus  retroactis,  quando  per  Papam  gratiae  seu  suppli- 
cationes  gratiarum  signabantur,  ipsae  supplicationes  prassentahantur  per  Camerarios 
Domini  Papse  aut  per  alios  de  ipsorum  mandato,  unde  frequenter  quaestus  illicitos 
ab  eis  fieri  contingebat. 

'•^  Secunda  vita  Bened.  XII.  (Baluz.  I.  p.  214):  Prslatos  omnes  ad  eorum 
Ecclesias  redire  coegit,  volens  eorum  ambiiiosis  pravitatibus  obviare  ;  et  commen- 
das  Ecclesiarum,  pra-terquam  Dominis  Cardinalibus  factas  (compare  the  bull  Exe- 
crabilis,  note  10),  expectationes  omnes  secundum  fbrmam  juris  canonici  revocavit, 
et  fugavit  realiter  simoniam. 

'®  In  A.  D.  133.5,  he  confirmed  the  Constitution  Ex  debito  (see  note  10)  by  the 
bull  Ad  regimen  (Extravagg.  Comm.  III.  II.  13). 

'^  Prima  vita  Benedicti  XH.  (Baluz.  I.  p.  209):  Quantum  in  ipso  fuit,  dedit 
operam  efficacem,  ut  in  beneficiis,  dignitafibus,  et  prslaturis  suo  tempore  vacanti- 
bus  ponerentur  et  prajficerentur  bonK  et  honestK  persons,  —  ac  sufficientes  in 
litteratura,  ac  maturas  in  moribus,  essentque  a^tatis  provecta?,  juxta  —  qualitatem 
beneficiorum, —  ad  quae  —  essent  assumcndas.  —  Et  in  hoc  multotiens  se  decipi 
formida\it.  Et  ob  hoc,  antequara  provideret  de  talibus  sua;  dispositioni  reservatis, 
inquirebat  sumina  cum  diligentia  de  meritis  et  sutficientia  illorum,  qui  ad  hoc 
sibi  nominabantur.  Et  cum  eos  non  reperiebat  juxta  gustum  suum  bene  idoneos 
et  sufficientes,  potius  volebat,  quod  vacarent  et  remanei-ent  in  manibus  suis,  quara 
si  aliter  provideret.  Propfer  quod  suo  tempore  multa  beneficia,  dignitates,  et 
prfplaturae  quamplures  diutius  in  vacatione  perinanserunt.  Dicebat  enim,  quod 
melius  et  securius  erat,  quod  vacarent,  quain  si  haberent  malos  vel  minus  idoneos 
prajsidentes.  Ipse  enim  de  suis  consanguineis  vel  propinquis  exaltandis  vel  pro- 
movendis  nullatenus  curavit.  How  the  corrupt  court  looked  on  these  proceedings 
see  in  Octava  Vita,  p.  240 :  Huic  Domino  Benedicto  maxime  insitum  cordi  fuit 
clericos  et  religiosorum  ordinum   professores  et  status  reformare,    et,  ut   dicatur 


*  The  gold  guilder  was  about  equal  to  a  ducat.     See  Convers.  Lexicon.  —  Tr. 


52  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305—1409. 

left  the  way  open  for  the  abuses  of  his  successor,  the  profuse  Clement 
Yl.^^  Treacling  in  tlie  steps  of  John  XXII.,  this  pontiff  disposed  at 
will  of  the  benefices  of  every  country, i''  and  bestowed  so  many  as 
commendams  on  those  around  him,  that  bitter  complaints  were  heard 
from  more  than  one  quarter,  and  Edward  III.  of  England  even 
resorted  to  more  serious  means  of  resistance.^"     Innocent  VI.^^   and 


verius,  infirmare.  Paucos  enim  vel  nullos  bonos  credebat,  et  omnes  a  via  manda- 
torum  Domini  et  consilioruin  semita  declinasse  dicebat.  —  Hie  Dominus  Benedictus 
Papa  avarus,  durus  et  teiiax,  in  conferendis  gratlis  remissus,  tardus  et  negligens  in 
providendo  statuin  Ecclesiarinn  supra  modum  I'uit ;  et  in  excusatione  duiitiae  suae 
paucos  ad  ha-c  dignos  vel  sutficientes  dicebat.  Omnes  Dominos  Cardinales  fore 
deceptores  sui  credebat.  Raro  supplicationes  ipsorum  reciperc  volebat,  ipsosque 
non  modicum  suspectos  habebat.  Oidines  mendicantium  supra  modum  per  facti 
evidentiam  exosos  liabebat.  Paucos  vel  nullos  de  ipsis  ordinibus  ad  pradationes 
promovebat.  Dissensiones  eorum  libenter  audiebat,  et  subdilis  contra  J'ra;latos 
favere  videbatur  mirabiliter.  At  his  death  the  following  vei-ses  were  written  on 
him  (Septima  vita;  p.  240)  : 

Iste  fuit  Nero,  laicis  mors,  vipera  clero, 

Devius  a  vero,  cuppa  (cask)  repleta  mero. 
i»  Prima  vita  Clementis  VI.  (Baluz.  I.  p.  264):  Habuit  banc  humanitatera  — 
ac  liberalitatem  generaliter  ad  omnes  ad  ipsum  recurrentes,  —  quod  nunquam  vel 
raro  aliquem  a  se  emiseritsine  consolatione  reali  aut  verbali,  sa-pius  tanien  ad  rem, 
quam  ad  verba  intendens. —  Suos  fratres,  nepotes, —  conipatriotas  et  servitores 
valde  dilexit.  Plurimos — in  aids  et  magnis  prxlaturis  et  dignitatibus  sublimavit, 
multos  vero  in  inferioribus  beneliciis  feie  ubique  terrarum  existentibus  collocavit. 
Et  quamquam  inter  eos  fuerint  niulti  idonei  et  sutficientes,  quia  tamen  quandoque 
ipsos  praitulit  ceteris  magis  aut  a;que  sufiicientibus,  alios  vero  sic  passim  et  indis- 
tincte  et  quasi  ubique  collocavit,  fortassis  aliquid  ultra  debitum  caro  et  sanguis  sibi 
revelasse  censentur,  etc.  Quinta  vita,  p.  .311 :  Ipse  sumptuossimum  tenuit  statum 
et  multum  pomposum  ac  sjecularem,  ut  audivi  et  pro  parte  cognovi. 

>3  Tertia  vita  {Baluz.  I.  p.  284)  :  volens  pauperibus  clericis  universis  de  eo 
quod  gratis  acccperat  gratis  dare,  bullam  gratiae  suae  clementer  aperuit,  ut  infra 
duorum  mensium  spatium  (anno  1342)  de  suse  clementiae  plenitudine  gratiam  pro 
gratia  cuncti  reciperent.  —  Eadem  a-state  pontiticatus  sui  prima,  cunctis  Ecclesiis 
catbedralibus,  coUegiatis  et  aliis,  quas  praedecessor  ejus  immediatus,  zelo  forsitan 
justitiae,  rectoribus  viduatas  dimiserat,  —  Episcopos  et  rectores  restituit, — quam- 
vis  lucide  nosceret,  quod  proventus  non  modicos  apostolicae  camera;  dcfalcabat. 
Benedicta  sit  igitur,  si  qua  fuerit  in  Benedicto  P.  XII.  pr^fato,  juslitia,  quae 
habenti  contulit,  et  abstulit  non  habenti,  quodque  tam  largo  tam  libero  donatori 
tantam  donandorum  copiam  conservavit.  —  labia  mca  laudabunt  te,  in  Clemcnte  VI. 
clementiam,  qus  per  ejus  praedecessorem  rigorose  retenta,  misericordis  liquore 
condita  dispergens  omni  petenti  se  tribuit  gratiosum,  etc.  —  Quinta  vita,  p.  310  : 
Qui  cum  eodem  anno  (1342)  circa  Pentecosten  faceret  gratias  generates,  in  Avi- 
nione  tanta  convenit  multitudo  clericorum  volentium  in  gratia  pauperum  impetrare, 
quod  numerus  clericorum  pauperum  tunc  in  examinationibus  diocesium  per  uai- 
versum  orbem  fuit  computatus  ad  centum  millia  clericorum,  prout  ego  personaliter 
ibidem  tunc  existens  veridicorum  relatione  intellexi.  Hie  Papa  cum  in  principio 
sui  pontiticatus  faceret  reservalioncs  abbntiarum  et  prffilaturarum,  electiones  con- 
ventuum  el  capitulorum  irritas  habens;  et  super  hoc  sibi  fuerit  intiniatum,  quod 
hujusmodi  reservationes  a  suis  prajdecessoribus  minime  fuerint  fact*,  ipse  fertur 
respondisse :  Prcedecessores  nostri  nesciverunt  ease  Papa.  These  reservations 
appear  to  have  been  made  on  the  strength  of  the  Regulas  cancellaria;.  How 
widely  they  extended  over  the  French  bishoprics  is  seen  from  the  documents  in 
de  Marc.a  de  concord.  Sac.  ot  Imp.  Lil).  VI.  c.  3.  §  14,  where  the  Pope  condemns 
the  Suffi-agans  of  the  archl^ishop  of  Narbonne,  who  refused  to  take  the  accustomed 
oath  to  their  metropolitan,  because  they  had  been  appointed  by  the  Pope. 

^  ThomeB  Walsingham  (about  1440)  bistor.  Angliae,  in  Anglica,  Hibernica  a 
veteribus  srripta  ex  Bihl.  Gull.  Camdcni.  Francof.  1602.  fol.  p.   161  :   Eodem  anno 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  1378.    //.  Relations  to  the  Church.  §  100.     53 


(1343)  Papa  Clemens  iterum  fecit  in  Anglia  provisiones  duobus  Cardinalibus  de 
beneficiis  proximo  vacaiitibus  prater  Episcopatus  ct  Abbatias  ad  extentarii  duarum 
niilUum  niarcarum.  Quod  rex  et  tota  regni  nobilitas  pati  noluit,  sed  procuratores 
dictorum  Cardinalium  sub  poena  carceris  Angliam  exire  coC=git.  The  Pope  com- 
plains bitterly  of  this,  and  explains  to  the  king  the  motives  which  had  actuated 
him  in  these  appointments,  in  a  letter  of  August  28  (p.  162)  :  Uudum  post  creati- 
onem  novorum  —  Cardinalium,  provida  et  mat\ira  deliheratione  proevia  per  nos 
facta,  honoribus  Dei  et  Ecclesia;  sua;  sancts,  ac  utilitati  reipublica;  convenire, 
quod  Cardinales  ipsi,  qui  super  expediendis  negotiis  ad  alveum  Apostolica;  sedis 
undique  confluentibus  nobiscura  labores  et  onera  partiuntur,  et  haberent  congrue 
unde  suis  valeret  necessitatibus  secundum  status  sui  decentiam  provideri ;  demuni 
excogitatis  viis  et  modis  licitis,  quibus  absque  minori  ecclesiarum  —  gravamina 
hujus  provisio  sequi  posset,  de  beneficiis  ecclesiasticis  tunc  in  diversis  regnis  — 
vacantibus  et  in  antea  vacaturis  usque  ad  certam  summam  pro  singulis  eorundem 
novorum  Cardinalium  —  prsefatis  Cardinalibus,  distinctis  eis  prout  expedire  vidimus 
provinciis,  gratias  fecimus  speciales.  Certum  est  autem,  quod  non  solum  in  regno 
et  terris  tuis,  imnio  quasi  in  omnibus  regnis,  —  ubi  Catholica;  fidei  viget  cultus, 
aliis  novis  Cardinalibus  consimilem  gratiam  fecimus,  in  quibus  rebellionem  aliquam 

—  nullatenus  audivimus  usquequaque.  To  this  Edward  answered  on  the  26th  of 
September  in  a  letter,  plena  fructu,  cui  pro  tunc  Papa  aut  Cardinales  respondere 
rationabiliter  nesciebant  (  Walsinghain,  p.  161.  Raynald,  ann.  1343,  no.  90). 
He  speaks  first  of  the  services  rendered  by  his  ancestors  to  the  church,  and  then 
complains  of  the  existing  corruptions,  dum  per  impositiones  et  provisiones  sedis 
apostolica;,  quae  solito  gravius  invalescunt,  ipsius  peculium — manus  occupant 
indignorum,  et  prffisertim  exterorum,  et  ejus  dignitates  et  beneticia  conferuntur 
pinguia  personis  alienigenis,  plerumque  nobis  suspeclis,  qui  non  resident  in  dictis 
beneficiis,  et  vullus  conunissorum  eis  pecorum  non  agnoscunt,  linguam  non  intelli- 
gunt,  sed  animarum  cuia  neglecta,  velut  mercenarii,  solummodo  teniporalia  lucra 
quffirunt,  et  sic  diminuitur  Chiisti  cultus,  animarum  cura  negligitur,  —  clerici 
dicti  regni,  viri  magnse  literature,  et  conversationis  honeslje,  qui  curam  et  regimen 
possent  sibi  salubriter  peragere,  —  studium  deserunt  propter  proniotionis  congruas 
spem  ablatam.  Jus  patronatus,  quod  nos  et  tideles  nostri  in  talibus  obtinemus 
beneficiis,  enervatur,  —  regni  thesaurus  ad  extraneos,  ne  dicamus  nostros  malevo- 
los  asportatur  : — quae  singula  —  fuerunt  nuper  coram  nobis  in  parliamento  nostio 

—  palam  exposita,  unanimi  —  pefilione  subjuncta,  ut  pra;dictis  dispendiis  —  celeri- 
ter  occurramus.  Nos  autem  —  ad  vos  successorem  Aposlolorum  principis,  qui  ad 
pascendum,  non  ad  tondendum  oves  doniinicas  —  mandatum  a  Christo  suscepit, 
ista  deferimus  votivis  affeclibus  supplicantes,  quatenus  —  veUtis  ut  pater  filiis 
thesaurizans  alleviare  dictarum  impositionum  et  provisionum  ac  onerum,  jam  per 
sedem  apostolicam  invalesceniium  gravitatem,  permittentes  ulterius,  ut  patroni 
patronatus  sui  solatium  non  amittant,  ecclesiseque  cathedrales  et  alife  dicti  regni 
liberas  electiones  et  earum  effectum  habeant,  quas  quidem  ecclesias  dicti  progeni- 
tores  nostri  dudum  singulis  vacationibus  earundem  personis  idoneis  jure  suo  regio 
libere  conferebant,  et  postmodum  ad  rogatum  —  dictae  sedis  sub  certis  modis  et 
conditionibus  concesserunt,  quod  electiones  fierent  in  dictis  ecclesiis  per  capitula 
earundem.  Sed  —  dicta  sedes  per  reservationes  et  provisiones  suas  dictis  capitulis 
electiones  adimit  supradictas,  et  nobis  jus  et  prwrogalivam,  qua;  —  nobis  compe- 
tunt  in  hac  parte,  propter  quod  juxta  legem  dicti  regni  nostri,  ex  quo  lex  in  con- 
cessione  posita  non  observatur,  concessio  revolvitur,  et  rei  status  revertitur  in  pri- 
maevum  super  prtemissis,  etc.  Clement  after  this  ventured  still  to  appoint  his 
Nuntio  in  England  to  the  see  of  Norwich,  and  Edward  for  this  time  allowed  it, 
but  not  only  renewed  his  request  to  the  Pope,  but  made  provision  by  law  for  such 
cases  in  future  :  Clemcntis  Epi';t.  ad  Eduardum  in  Raynald,  ann.  1344,  no.  55  seq. 
Ad  nostram  —  audientiam  —  pertulit  rumor,  —  quod  in  regno  fuo  edicta  et  brevia 
in  derogationem  et  enervationem  praedicta;  libertalis  ecclesiasticae,  primatus  ejus- 
dem  Romanas  ecclesioe  ac  auctoritatis  et  potestatis  ipsius  sedis  Apostolicse,  ad  diver- 
sas  partes  missa  fuerunt :  ut  de  captione  et  incarceratione  multarum  personarum 
ecclesiasticarum  sacrilega,  et  impedimentis  literarum  et  gratiarum  apostolicarum 
ibidem  appositis  taceatur  ad  pra;sens.  Immo  ad  tanta:  ferocitatis  in  regno  eodem 
audaciam  dicitur  fuisse  deventum,  quod  vix  aliquis  audet  ibidem  literas  apostolicas 
praesentare.  When,  therefore,  a  vacancy  in  the  Abbey  s.  Augustini  in  Canterbury 
was  filled  up  by  the  Pope,  without  any  regard  to  a  choice  which  had  already  been 


54  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

Urban  V.^-  imitated,  indeed,  the  more  worthy  conduct  of  Benedict, 
but  were  unable  to  remedy  all  the  ill-eftects  of  former  abuses.^^  gut 
Gregory  XI.  returned  to  the  old  course. ^^  Thus  in  the  use  of  the 
newly-assumed  right  the  evil  far  outweighed  the  good. 

Besides  all  this  the  churches  were  burdened  with  new  taxes.  From 
the  prelates  consecration  fees  were  demanded,'^'^  and  from  the  inferior 

made,  the  king  ordered  the  monks,  under  severe  penalties,  ne  ipsum  Prsefectum, 
quantum  in  vobis  est,  administrationem  seu  dispositionem  aliquain  de  terris, — 
bonis  seu  catallis  praidictis  absque  licentia  nostra  —  spcciali  aliqualiter  habere  per- 
mittatis,  see  Guil.  Thorn  (a  monk  in  the  convent  about  1380)  Chron.  de  gestis 
Abb.  s.  August.  Cantuar.  c.  38.  The  court  of  Rome  was  still  more  deeply 
offended  when  Edward,  during  his  wars  with  France,  took  possession  of  the  in- 
comes, which  the  cardinals  and  other  absent  ecclesiastics  drew  from  his  kingdom, 
Raynald,  ann.  1345,  no.  12  ;  1352,  no.  17  ;  which  exauiple  was  soon  followed  by 
his  opponent  Pbilip,  Buyn.  1346,  no.  39;  1347,  no.  24.  Edward  was  already 
threatened  with  excommunication  ( Rayn.  1352,  no.  17),  when  Clement  died. — 
Alphonso  of  Caslile  also  attempted  to  resist  these  usurpations  of  the  Pope,  but 
was  more  easily  appeased,  Raynald,  ann.  1344,  no.  54;   1348,  no.  14. 

2'  Tertia  vita  Innoc.  VI.  (in  Bahiz.  I.  p.  357) :  Hie  fuit  vir  Justus  et  durus  in 
concedendo  beneficia  et  jura  ecclesiastica.  Subito  post  suam  coronationeni  multas 
reservafiones  factas  per  Clementem  suum  prsedecessorem  suspendit,  et  constituit 
Praelatos  et  alios  beneficiatos  in  curia  tunc  morantes  unumquemque  ad  suum  bene- 
ticium  personaliter  applicare  et  ibi  residentiam  facere  sub  poena  excommunicatio- 
nis  :  quod  et  factum  est.  Hie  diminuit  expensas  et  familiares  suos  et  etiam  omnium 
Cardinalium.  He  himself  gives  as  tlie  ground  of  discontinuing  the  commendams 
(see  Raynald,  ann.  1354,  no.  31),  quod  occasione  commendarum,  —  sicut  experi- 
entia  docuit,  ut  plurimum  divinus  cultus  minuitur,  animarum  —  cura  negligilur, 
hospitalitas  consueta  et  debita  non  servatur,  minis  a?dificia  patent,  etc. 

^^  Prima  vila  Urb.  ( Baluz.  I.  p.  394)  :  Simoniacos  execratus  est.  Ementes 
enim  et  vendentes  beneficia  sive  spiiituales  gratias  —  puniri  mullimode  ordinavit, 
immo  et  eorum  quamplui-imos,  curiam  exire  coegit.  Beneficiorum  multiplicatio- 
nem,  praesertiin  incompatibilium,  iu  eandein  personam  concurrentium  invitissime 
tolei-avit,  immo  multos  ex  illis  qui  plurima  obtinebant  privavit,  relictis  eis  tantum- 
modo  iUis,  quK  suis  statui  et  sutficienlia  congrue  convenire  judicavit.  Super  quo 
etiam  constitutionem  edidit,  quK  incipit  HorribiUs ;  in  qua  quod  suo  tempore 
licere  sibi  non  passus  est  suis  successoribus  indicavit,  etc. 

^'  Even  Urban  V.  had  to  bestow  the  archbishopric  of  Cologne  on  Cuno,  arch- 
bishop of  Triers  A.  D.  1368,  for  some  years,  in  commendam.  At  the  same  time 
the  old  Reservations  were  still  continued. 

^  Prima  vita  Gregorii  XI.  (Balnz.  I.  p.  441)  :  Ipse  multum  dilexit  suos,  —  ac 
eoruni  con^ilio  et  instigatione  ac  favore  multa  fecit,  prasertim  in  promotionibus 
nonnullorum,  quibus  sufficientiores  in  moribus  et  scientia  forsitan  reperiri  potuis- 
sent. 

^  From  an  early  time,  taxes  for  consecration  had  been  sometimes  customary, 
and  sometimes  condemned  as  Simonj'.  See  de  Marca  de  Cone.  Sac.  et  Imp.  lib. 
VI.  c.  10  ;  in  Alexander  IV's  time,  about  1260,  they  had  been  partially  introduc- 
ed, being  paid  to  the  Pope  and  cardinals  under  the  name  of  Annatce  (because 
they  were  proportioned  to  the  yearly  income),  and  this  had  become  a  subject  of 
complaint  ( Ostiensis  comm.  in  Deer.  Greg.  I.  Tit.  32,  c.  15)  ;  under  Clement  V., 
however,  they  were  exacted  for  every  appointment,  whether  consecrated  at  the 
papal  court  or  not.  See  Chiil.  Durandus  de  modo  generalis  concilii  celebrandi, 
P.  II.  Tit.  20:  Cum  ilia  decreta,  in  quibus  agitur  do  simonia,  in  novo  et  veteri 
testamento,  in  Conciliis,  a  ss.  Patribus  et  Romanis  Pontificibus  danmata,  non  ser- 
ventur,  et  maxime  in  curia  Romana,  in  qua  etiam  coetus  Dominorum  Cardinalium 
vult  habere  una  cum  Domino  Papa  certam  portionem  a  Praelatis,  qui  promoventur 
ibidem  :  videi-etur  super  hoc  maxime  providendum.  cf.  Joannes  Andrea:  (above, 
§  60,  note  11)  comm.  in  Deer.  Greg.  I.  Tit.  32,  c.  15  :  Pluries  clamavi  in  tantum, 
quod  de  hoc  fuit  sermo  in  Concilio  Viennensi,  quod  optarem,  quod  curia  reciperet 


Chap.  I.  Papacy  till  1378.    //.  Relations  to  the  Church.  §  100.     55 

clergy  the  popes  not  un frequently  reserved  to  themselves  the  fruits  of 
the  first  year  (fructus  primi  anni).^^  Most  oppressive  of  all,  however, 
were  the  exactions  which  the  popes  were  incessantly  making,  either 
for  themselves  or  for  the  temporal  princes,  under  pretext  of  a  cru- 
sade.^^ 

vicesimam  redituum  clericorum  totius  orbis  ad  sustentationem  Papae  et  Cardinali- 
um,  et  nihil  exigi  posset  pro  servitiis  prEelatorum,  quos  promovet,  exceptis  laxatis 
salariis  laborantium,  puta  sciiptorum  et  siinilium  :  et  tunc  provideret  legafis  et 
nuntiis,  quos  mittit,  de  pifedicta  quota ;  abstineret  autem  ab  exactione  fructuum 
primi  anni,  exactionibus  deciiuaruni  et  similibus,  quse  nunc  pullulant. 

^^  At  an  earlier  period,  the  bishops  of  various  countries  had  succeeded  in  estab- 
lishing, with  respect  to  the  benefices,  to  which  they  had  the  right  of  appointing,  a 
jus  deportuum,  altogether  answering  to  the  jus  regalis  (see  above,  §  63,  note  6)  ; 
in  order,  however,  to  make  sure  of  their  share,  they  had  changed  these  vacantiae 
into  fructus  primi  anni,  so  that  even  in  case  of  another  change,  the  patron  might 
still  have  the  proceeds  of  the  first  year.  This  jus  deportuum  Clement  V.  now 
usurped  to  himself,  first  of  all  in  England  :  MatthcBi  Westmonasteriensis  (about 
1377)  flores  histor.  ad  ann.  1306  (ed.  Francof.  1601.  fol.  p.  454)  :  Ipse  vero  Papa 
videns  insatiabilem  quorundam  Episcoporum  Anglis  avaritiam,  importune  postu- 
lantium  primas  vacantes  ecclesias  per  annum  in  suis  dioecesibus  sibi  concedi, 
advertensque,  quia  quod  postulat  inferior,  potest  et  superior,  appropriavit  sibi  ipsi 
per  biennium  omnes  proventus  de  piimo  vacantibus  ecclesiis  in  Anglia,  videlicet 
de  primo  anno  primos  fructus,  tam  de  episcopatibus,  abbatiis,  prioratibus,  praeben- 
dis,  rectoriis  et  vicariis,  quam  de  ca-teris  minutis  beneficiis.  This  income  from 
England  was  drawn  still  by  John  XXII.  A.  D.  1317  (Raynald,  ann.  1317,  no. 
49)  :  but  soon  after  he  extended  this  right  to  the  whole  church,  reserving  to  him- 
self (see  the  bull  Cum  nonnulla?  A.  D.  1319,  Extravagg.  comni.  III.  11.  11,  an 
explanation  of  earlier  bulls,  no  longer  extant),  pro  ecclesias  Kom.  necessitatibus 
fructus,  reditus  et  proventus  primi  anni  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum,  etiam  [leg. 
et  jam]  vacantium,  et  qus  in  diversis  orbis  partibus  usque  ad  triennium  vacare 
contingeret,  with  exception  only  of  the  Archiepiscopales  et  episcopales  ecclesi£e,i 
ac  regulares  Abbatiae.  In  the  Declaratio  Nationis  Gallica;  in  Cone.  Const.  (1417) 
de  Annatis  non  solvendis,  cap.  2  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Concil.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  XIII.  p. 
764),  it  is  remarked  that  this  is  the  first  reservation  of  the  kind.  Deinde  postmo- 
dum  nonnulli  Romani  Pontifices,  ipsius  (Joannis  XXII.)  successores,  etiam  certis 
temporibus  similes  fecerunt  Reservationes,  certis  causis  expressis.  Quas  Clerus, 
Principes  et  populus  aliquo  tempore  tolerarunt.  Sed  postmodum  nimium  gravati 
ex  iis,  in  aliquibus  regnis  et  provinciis,  recusaverunt  solvere.  Prout  fuit  factum 
in  Anglia  et  quibusdam  aliis  locis.  That  these  reservations  differed  from  the  An- 
natae  is  shown  in  Boehmeri  observatt.  sel.  ad  de  Marca,  lib.  VI.  c.  10,  p.  153  seq. 
The  origin  of  these  last,  see  below,  §  102,  note  3. 

*'  Continuatio  Chron.  Guil.  de  Nangis  ad  ann.  1326  (in  d'Achery  Spicil.  T.  III. 
p.  86)  :  Papa  depauperatum  se  videns,  misit  nunlios  speciales  per  universas  pro- 
vincias  Regni  Francia;  ad  petendum  Ecclesiarum  —  subsidium  pro  guerra  sua  in 
Italia  prosequenda.  Quod  Rex  Franciae,  asserens  hoc  in  Regno  Francis  inconsue- 
tum,  prohibuit :  sed  domino  Papa  sibi  super  his  rescribente,  postmodum  Rex  con- 
siderans  Do  ut  des,  faciliter  concessit ;  unde  et  pro  duobus  succedentibus  annis 
Papa  Regi  biennalem  decimam  super  Ecclesiam  concessit ;  et  ita  dum  miseram 
Ecclesiain  unus  tondet,  alter  excoriat.  How  often  and  how  long  contributions 
were  levied  by  the  French  kings  on  this  pretext,  see  above,  §  96,  note  33  ;  §  97, 
note  1.  Thomassini  vetus  et  nova  Eccl.  discipl.  P.  III.  Lib.  I.  c.  43,  §  10;  they 
were  almost  constantly  granted  to  the  Spanish  kings  to  carry  on  their  wars  with 
the  Moors.  See  Thomassini,  1.  c.  c.  44,  §  3;  not  unfrequently  also  to  the  kings 
of  England,  thus  A.  D.  1306  for  two  years  ( Matth  Westmonaster.  p.  454),  \Z\1 
for  one  year  (Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  49),  1333  for  four  years  (Thomas  Walsing- 
ham,  p.  131),  etc.  Of  which  the  Minoiite  Johannes  de  Rupescissa,  1349,  says  "in 
his  Prophetia  (in  Edw.  Brown  Appendix  ad  Fascic.  Rerum  expetendarum  et 
fugiendarum.  Lond.  1690.  fol.  p.  495)  :  propter  impositionem  deciniarum  et  visita- 
tionum,  orationes  quJE  deberent  fieri  per  clerum  —  convertuntur  in  maledictiones 
et  lamentationes,  et  maxima  contra  illos,  qui  talia  imposuerunt,  quia  tanta  est  pau- 


56  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1805  —  1409. 

Thus  every  kind  of  oppression,  which  in  earlier  times  had  been 
resisted  to  the  utmost  vviien  attempted  by  tiie  secular  powers,  was  now 
practised  in  tlie  church  by  the  popes  themselves.  But  most  revolting 
of  all  was  the  base  flattery  of  those  who  attempted,  by  a  miserable 

pertas  in  clero,  quod  onera  non  possunt  supportare.  Et  quia  prsetextu  guci-rarum 
pi-Eedictaruiu  sunt  iinpoiita,  utinaiii  reducerentur  ad  mentem  verba,  qua?  ego  audivi 
a  domino  Uenedicto  (XII.)  sanctaj  meniori;e  super  t'actis  guenaruni,  quod  nun- 
quain  tuit  intentionis  faciendi  guerras,  etiani  pi-o  patrimonio  Ecclesia?,  nisi  cum 
arniis  spiritualibns  :  et  dicebat  etiam  quod  guerra?,  quae  t'uerunt  facta-  per  Ecclesi- 
am,  vol  iierent  in  futuruni,  sortientur  ti-isteni  effectuni ;  et  quod  plus  contidebat 
orationibus  et  lachryniis,  quam  inipositionibus  decimaruni  et  visitalionuni,  et  ideo 
nunquam  voluit  talia  concedere,  sed  cunctos  ab  onnii  gravaniine  conservabat ; 
tanien  dicta  ct  facta  sua  et  plurium  alioruni  Deuin  timcntiuni  reputantur  phan- 
tastica,  et  conversa  sunt  in  cantica  et  niusicum  carmen.  Under  Gregory  XI. 
A.  D.  1372,  the  chapters  and  convents  of  Mentz  united  to  resist  a  contribution  of 
this  kind  which  he  had  ordered.  See  the  Unio  in  Gudeni  codex  diplomaticus,  T. 
III.  p.  507  :  having  proved,  quahter  sanctissimus  in  Christo  Pater  et  Doniinus 
noster,  Dom.  Gregorins,  digna  Dei  providentia  Papa  modernus,  deciniam  omnium 
ecclesiasticorum  fi'uctuuin,  redituum  etproventuum  prcesentis  aimi,  per  Provinciam 
Maguntinam  et  nonnullas  alias  Provincias  Alemaniae  duxerit  imponenduin  ;  they 
first  enumerate  the  misfortunes  which  make  such  a  measure  impossible,  amongst 
which  usualis  monetas  debilitas,  qua;  lit  plurimum  ex  transportatione  florenorum 
harum  partium  ad  Romanam  Curiam  et  aliunde  facta  conuTuinitcr  accidisse  refer- 
tur.  This  had  already  gone  so  far,  quod  non  est  reperire  personam  ecclesiasticara 
civitatis  et  diocesis  Maguntina;,  quas  de  reditibus  ecclesiasticis,  deductis  omnibus 
debitis,  juxta  sui  beneticii  et  status  exigcntiam  valeat  sustentari.  —  Ex  ante  gestis 
tamen  verisimiliter  pi-a;sumimus,  —  quod  idem  S.  D.  N.  Papa,  quorundam,  a  quo- 
rum dextris  stat  diabolus,  prteferentium  cupiditatem  propriam  juri,  —  sinistris 
informationibus  fallacique  ingenio  circumventus  excusationes  nostras  —  non  admit- 
tet,  quin  immo  ad  solutionem — dicta;  deciniEE  nos  artare  et  compellere  curabit. — 
Ex  quibus  et  propter  exactiones  Papales  perplurimas  in  his  terris  Clei-ici  ad  niag- 
nam  paupertatem  redacti,  servis  immo  Judais  comparati,  detestabiliter  despiciun- 
tur,  et  a  Laicis  —  quasi  licite  capiuntur,  —  ipsorumque  bona  diripiuntur  et  ignibus 
devastantur,  ipsaque  sancta  sedes  et  nomen  Apostolicum — adeo  vilipensa  diffaman- 
tur,  quod  proinde  tides  catholica  magna  vaciliat  in  parte,  Laicis  videntibus  Clerico3 
—  per  sedem  Apostolicam  et  ejus  diversarum  impositionum  modos,  videlicet  ser- 
vitiorum  comniunium,  decimarum  papalium  et  iinperialiuin,  procurationum, 
Primanim,  Annatum,  subnentionum  nuntiorwn  Ajiostolicorum,  ecclesiastica- 
rum  reservationum,  ac  specialiter  decedentium  Proilatorum  continuis  extorsio- 
nibus  aliligi.  Et  exinde  diversa  et  gravissima  animaruni  pericula  et  schismata  — 
jam  insurgunt,  —  laicis  ipsis  clamantibus,  et  des])eclive  contra  Romanam  Ecclesiam 
invehentibus,  quod  sedes  ipsa  —  ad  partes  exteras  nunquam  his  temporibus  mittit 
prfedicatores  vel  vitiorum  correctores,  sed  quotidie  mittit  bene  pompizantes,  — 
pecuniai-am  pertissimos  exactoi-es.  Et  propter  haec  et  alia,  —  paucissimi  jam  in 
terris  istis  inveniuntur,  nisi  solo  nomine  Christiani.  They  therefore  unite,  ne 
quoque  nobis,  miserabilitcr  sicut  prasmittitur  atflictis,  intolerabilis  afflictio  superad- 
datur,  nosque  per  artationem  et  compulsionem  solutionis  hujusmodi  Decimarum  et 
aliarum  Collectarum,  (juocunquc  nomine  censeantur,  iniposterum  ut  verisimiliter 
prassumitur  imponendarum,  paulatim  et  successive  ad  extremae  exinanitionis  dis- 
pendium  deducamur,  they  agree  to  share  all  cost  and  danger,  sic  etiam,  quod 
talis,  quicunque  hujusmodi  rei  occasions  qualitercunque  gravatus  seu  damni- 
ficatus,  a  nobis  et  a  Clero  non  vitetur,  ncc  in  suis  Ecclesia  aut  Monasterio  —  ab 
aliquibus  actibus  excludatnr,  sed  quod  suis  prasbendis  ac  beneficiis  —  pacifice  gau- 
deat  et  fruatur,  ac  si  gravatus  nuUo  modo  fuisset.  Item  nullus  dictam  Decimam 
in  parte  vel  in  toto  solvat,  seu  se  soluturum  promittat,  aut  super  ea  componat  — 
absque  Nostrum  scitu  —  ct  assensu.  Et  si  aliqui  forsan  tenui  conscientia  tenti, 
trepidantes  ubi  trepidandum  non  est,  etiam  hujusmodi  Decimam  solverint,  vel 
super  ea  se  composuerint ;  —  praeter  perjurii  pcenam  quam  ipso  fiicto  incurrunt,  a 
perceptione  omnium  fructuum  —  beneficiorum  suorum  —  suspensi  maneant,  et  sint 
infames,  nee  ad  aliquam  dignitatem,  beneticium  seu  officium  aliquod  —  per  electi- 
onem  se  alterius  dispositionis  modum  uUatenus  admittantur. 


Cliap.  I.  Papacij  till  1378.  //.  Ecclesiastical  Histonj.  §  100.        57 

casuistry,  to  defend  these  manifest  abuses  of  the  popes,2S  not  except- 
ing even  their  Simony.-^ 


2s  e.  2;.  Augustinus  Triumphus,  Qu.  68,  Art.  1  :  Ufrum  Papa  po3sit  dispensare 
in  phiralitate  beneficioruni  ?  —  In  collatione  beneficiorum  aliquid  est  de  jure  divino 
et  naturali,  ct  aliquid  est  de  jure  po^itivo.  De  jure  nanique  naturali  et  divino  est, 
ut  beneficium  detur  propter  administralioneui  olficii.  —  De  jure  vero  positivo  est 
paucitas  vel  pluralitas  beneficioruni;  non  cnini  possunt  talia  cadere  sub  una  regula, 
quia  considerata  quandoquc  ecclesia;  necessitate  vel  persons  dignitate  plura  bene- 
ficia  conferenda  sunt  uni  quam  alteri.  Cum  igitur  Papa  non  solum  possit  ilia, 
qua;  sunt  juris  positivi,  veruni  etiam  supra  ipsum  jus  potest  dispensare  (Deer. 
Greg.  III.  8,  4.  See  above,  §  61,  note  8)  :  ideo  dicenduni  est,  quod  sicut  de  jure 
positivo  conununi,  cujus  Papa  est  conditor,  facia  est  talis  restrictio,  ut  nulli  liceat 
plura  beneficia  habere,  scd  quicumque  recipit  aliquid  beneficium  curam  habens 
animarum  annexam,  si  prius  tale  beneficium  habebat,  est  eo  ipso  jure  privatus  ; 
sic  Papa,  qui  est  supra  jus,  potest  talem  rcstrictionem  relaxare,  etc.  Qu.  72, 
art.  2  :  Utrum  Papa  peccet  providendo  compatriots  et  doinestico  magis,  quam 
extraneo  ?  Videtur, —  quia  bona  communia  sunt  communiter  dispensanda.  Porro 
in  provisione  spiritualis  beneficii  causa  spiritualis  debet  considerari,  sed  patria  vel 
i'amiliaritas  est  causa  carnalis,  non  spiritualis.  Porro  scandalum  multorum  Papa 
debet  niaxinie  vitare  ;  sed  multi  scandalizantur,  cum  compatriotis  et  fainiliaribus 
Papffi  vel  Pr*lati  providetur  magis  quam  aliis.  —  In  contrarium  est  Apostolus 
1  Tim.  5 :  Qui  suorum  et  maxime  domesticorum  cui-am  non  habet,  fidem  negavit, 
etestinfideli  deterior.  —  i?.  dicendum,  quod  in  provisione  ecclesiastici  beneficii 
vel  potest  attend!  beneficium  quod  coiiiijrtur,  vel  intentio  conferentis,  vel  locus,  in 
quo  confertur.  Si  vero  consideretur  beneficium,  quod  confertur,  cum  sit  spiritu- 
ale,  non  debet  dari  nisi  pro  olficio.  Quanto  ergo  quis  est  sulficientior  et  dignior 
in  officii  administratione,  tanto  citius  meretur  beneficii  provisionem.  Si  vero 
consideretur  intentio  providentis,  aut  providet  compatriotae  et  doniesdco  ex  aHqua 
causa  debita  magis  quam  extraneo,  utputa  propter  ejus  majorem  paupertatem,  vel 
propter  receptum  honestum  obsequium,  puto  quod  non  peccat.  Si  vero  faciat  hoc 
ex  causa  illicita  et  indebita,  ut  precise  propter  patrise  affectionem,  vel  consan- 
guinitatem,  vel   propter  cumulandas  ejus  divitias,  peccato  non  caret  provisio. 

2*  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  eccl.  lib.  II.  c.  14 :  Quasrendum  est,  an  Papa 
possit  committere  simoniam.  Et  tenet  Thomas,  quod  sic.  —  Quamvis  enim  res 
ecclesia;  sint  ejus,  ut  principalis  dispensatoris,  non  tanien  sunt  ejus  ut  domini  et 
possessoris.  Against  this :  Papa  legibus  loquentibus  de  simonia  et  canonibus 
solutus  est.  Credo,  quod  si  Papa  in  iis,  qua;  sunt  prohibita  quia  simoniaca,  ut 
vendere  sacramenta,  quorum  venditio  in  veteri  testamento  etiam  prohibetur, — 
pactum  vel  conditionem  vel  couventionem  apponeret,  committeret  simoniam.  — 
Secus  in  iis,  qua;  sunt  simoniaca,  quia  ab  ecclesia  prohibita,  ut  vendere  beneficia, 
sepulturas  et  similia,  —  quod  tunc,  etsi  peccet  malum  exemplum  dando,  —  si  tamen 
ex  certa  scienlia  hoc  faciat,  nolens  subjici  juri  positivo,  quo  solutus  est,  non  com- 
mitteret simoniam,  licet  ut  dixi  ilia  pactio  et  conventio  etiam  in  iis  de  se  grave 
peccatum  sit.  Sic  sentio. — Augustinus  Triumphus,  Qu.  5,  art.  3  :  Certum  est, 
summum  Pontificem  canonicam  simoniam  a  jure  positivo  prohibitam  non  posse 
committere,  quia  ipse  est  supra  jus,  et  eum  jura  positiva  non  ligant.  —  Potest 
tamen  forte  simoniam  committere  prohibitam  a  lege  natui-a-,  ut  quod  pro  re  tempo- 
rali  intenderet  spiritualem  tribuere. — Certum  est  similiter,  quod  summus  Pontifex 
pro  bono  publico  ab  Episcopis  et  aliis  Praelatis  ecclesiarum  accipere  potest  summam 
pecunis,  prout  secundum  Deum  et  rationem  videtur  sibi  expedire,  quod  alii  infe- 
riores  Prslati  facere  sine  peccato  non  possunt. 


58  Third  Period.     Div.    VI.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 


in.     HISTORY    OF    THE    PAPAL     SCHISM. 

Original  documents  in  iVAchery  Spicileg.  T.  I.  p.  763  scq.  Mariene  et  JDurand 
thesaur.  novus  Anecdotoruin,  T.  II.  p.  1073  seq.  Eorundem  Veterum  Scrip- 
torum  ampliss.  collect.  T.  Vil.  p.  425  .seq. 

Theodorici  de  JSlem  (writer  to  the  Roman  Popes  from  1378  -  1410,  then  appointed 
bishop  of  Verdun,  and  linally  of  Cambray,  f  1417),  libb.  III.  de  Schismate, 
and  a  continuation  with  (he  title  Nemus  Unionis,  published  together.  Basil. 
1566.  fol.  Argentor.  1608  and  1629.  8vo. 

Works :  Pierre  du  Puy  histoire  du  Schisme  (in  his  Traitez  concernant  I'hist.  de 
France,  k  Paris.  1700.  12mo.  a  Bruxelles.  1713.  8vo.).  Louis  Maimbourg 
hist,  du  grand  Schisme  d'Occident.  a  Paris.  1678.  4to.  Jaq.  Lenfant  hist,  du 
Concile  de  Pise  (T.  II.  Amsterd.  1724.  4to.),  liv.  I.  et  II.  The  Prafatio  to 
Martene  et  Durand  ampliss.  coll.  T.  VII. 

Roman  Popes:  Urban  VI.  (April  8,  1378 -October  15,  1389),  Boniface  IX. 
(November  2,  1389 -October  1,  1404),  Innocent  VII.  (October  17,  1404  -  No- 
vember 7,  1406),  Gregory  XII.  (December  2,  1406). 

French  Popes:  Clement  VII.  (September  20,  1378  -  September  16,  1394), 
Benedict  XIII.  (September  28,  1394). 

<§>  101. 

ORIGIN    AND    PROGRESS    OF    THE    SCHISM. 

Urban  VI.,  the  successor  of  Gregory  XI.  (t  April  8,  1378),i  of- 
fended the  cardinals  to  such  a  degree  by  his  severity,'^  that  the  great- 
est part  of  them  withdrew  to  Anagni,  declared  his  election  unlawful, 
as  having  been  compelled  by  the  disturbances  of  the  Roraans,^  and 


According  to  the  French  accounts  (see  Prima  vita  Gregorii  XI.  in  Baluzii 
PP.  Aven.  1.  p.  442,  and  Secunda  vita  ejusd.  ibid.  p.  456)  the  choice  of  an  Italian 
was  brought  about  by  the  popular  commotions,  which  is  likely  enough  (see  Balu- 
zii notK.  ibid.  p.  999  seq.)  :  but  according  to  the  Italian  accounts  (Tlieod.  a  JViem 
I.  c.  2.  Raynnld,  ann.  137S,  no.  2  seq. ;  1379,  no.  3  seq.)  the  choice  was  free, 
and  there  was  only  a  transient  tumult,  occasioned  by  a  misunderstanding,  which 
took  place  after  the  election  :  coiap.  Lenfant  hist  du  Concile  de  Pise  I.  p.  7  seq. 

^  Also,  it  is  true,  by  upbraiding  them  with  the  prevailing  abuses.  Thus  Theod. 
a  A'iem  I.  4  :  incepit  increpare  Episcopos,  —  dicendo  quod  omnes  essent  perjuri, 
quia  Ecclesias  suas  desererent  in  eadem  Curia  residendo.  He  then  preached  a 
sermon,  cap.  5  :  in  quo  etiam  mores  —  Cardinalium  et  Pra'latorum  incepit  redar- 
guere,  quod  ipsi  sgre  tulcrunt.  —  Veniens  etiam  illo  tempore  quidam  Collector 
iructuum  Camerae  Apostolical  dc  quadam  provincia  ad  pra?sentiam  dicti  Urbani,  ei 
quandam  pecunia;  summulam  ratione  sui  Collectanes  officii  ofTerebat :  cui  respon- 
dens  ait:  pecunia  tua  tecutn  sit  in  perditionem,  ac  illam  recipere  non  curavit. 
Similia  iiiulta  insolita  et  abusiva  de  die  in  diem  faciens,  per  qua;  pene  omnium 
Cardinalium  et  Prslatoruni  contra  se  magis  iracundiam  concitavit.  — Cap.  7  :  eum 
delirum  communiter  ip^i  Cardinales  judicabant.  —  Sed  paulo  post  suscitata  nimis 
pericuiosa  discordia  inlei-  ipsum  et  dictos  Caidinales,  praedictum  schisnia,  magis 
propterea  ex  rancore  mutuo  partium,  quam  allegata  impressione  in  electione  dicti 
Urbani  —  habuit  ortum. 

^  Their  proclamation  ad  universes  Chrislitideles  ed.  Anagnis  9  Aug.  1378,  in 
Secunda  Vita  Gregorii  XI.  in  Baluz.  I.  p.  465  seq.  cf.  Bulmi  hist.  Univ.  Paris. 
T.  IV.  p.  468  seq. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  III.  Schism.  §  101.   Origin  and  progress  of.    59 

on  the  20th  of  September,  1378,  chose  Clement  VII.  in  his  stead  at 
Fondi.  Joanna,  queen  of  Naples,  declared  at  once  in  favor  of  the 
new  choice,"*  though  the  prevailing  sentiment  in  Italy  was  in  favor  of 
Urban.^  Clement  betook  himself,  therefore,  to  Avignon,  where  he 
remained  under  the  protection,  and  entirely  under  the  influence  of 
France.'^  By  the  interference  of  the  French^  he  was  immediately 
acknowledured  in  Scotland,  Savoy,  and  Lorrain,  and  afterwards  in 
Castile  (aTD.  1381),«  Arragon  (13S7),9  and  Navarre  (I390).io — 
Germany,  England,  Denmark,  Sweden,  Poland,  and  Prussia,  on  the 
other  hand,  declared  for  Urban. ^^ 

■•  She  was  at  first  much  pleased  with  the  choice  of  Urban,  as  being  a  Neapoli- 
tan (Theod.  a  J\''iem  I.  6),  but  was  afterwards  alienated  by  his  arrogance  and 
refusal  to  comply  with  her  wishes  (Theod.  a  J\'"iem  1.  8.  Raynald,  ann.  1378, 
no.  46). 

5  The  two  St.  Catharines  were  in  his  favor.  St.  C.  of  Siena,  who  is  said  to  have 
foretold  the  schism  three  years  before  (Raymund  Capuan.  in  vita  s.  Cathar.  P. 
II.  c.  10,  i.  d.  Act.  SS.  Apr.  T.  lU.),  expressed  the  greatest  abhorrence  of  the 
revolted  cardinals  (Ep.  31  :  induti  humana  carne  dsmones  antipapam  daemonis 
gerentem  vices  elegerunt),  and  to  her  death  (f  1380)  was  a  zealous  partizan  of 
Urban's.  St.  C.  ot"^  Sweden,  a  daughter  of  St.  Birgitta,  was  called  as  an  eye- 
witness of  Urban's  election  (protocol  in  Raynald,  1379,  no.  20),  and  declared  it  to 
have  been  regular  and  not  controlled  by  the  populace  :  interrogata  qua;  luit  ergo 
causa  istius  schisinatis,  i-espondit  et  dixit,  quod  credit,  quod  ligor  justitias  domioi 
nostri,  qui  Cardinalibus  non  erat  blandus  in  eorum  petitionibus,  et  corrigere  eos 
optabat. — The  most  celebrated  jurists  of  the  time  declared  also  for  the  regularity 
of  the  election,  namely,  Joannes  de  Lignano,  papal  vicar  in  Bologna  (see  Raynald, 
1378,  no.  31  seq.,  and'in  App.  ad  T.  XVII.  p.  510.  Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  IV. 
p.  482),  Baldus,  then  Prof,  in  Perugia  ( Rayn.  1378,  no.  36  seq.,  and  in  App.  ad 
T.  XVII.  p.  497),  Jacobus  de  Sena,  Doctor  Bonon.  (in  Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris. 
T.  IV.  p.  485  seq.).  The  strongest  argument  against  the  revolted  cardinals  was, 
that  for  several  months  they  had  acknowledged  Urban  as  Pope. 

^  Charles  V.  declared  at  once  for  Clement,  on  political  grounds.  The  university 
of  Paris  did  not  decide  till  after  long  consultation,  on  the  22d  of  May,  1379  ( Btdcsi 
hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p.  566)  :  the  Natio  Anglicana  privilegiata  mansit  Parisius 
de  gratia  D.  Regis  sub  obedientia  alia,  namely  under  Urban  (Bula-iis  V.  p.  65). 
The  chief  work  in  defence  of  Clement  was  that  of  Cardinal  Petrus  de  Barreria, 
in  answer  to  Jo.  de  IJgnano.  See  BidcBus  IV.  p.  529.  Of  the  Pope's  depen- 
dence on  the  French  court,  see  below,  §  102,  note  1. 

">  Prima  vita  dementis  VII.  in  Baluz.  I.  p.  495  :  Rex  Francorum,  ut  per  agni- 
tionem  veritatis  et  justitiae  dicti  Clementis — schisma  sedari  posset  et  extingui, 
quamplures  ambaxiatores  fere  ad  omnes  Principes  et  regiones  universas  sspius 
destinavit.  —  Sed  heu  tanta  fuit  fere  ubique  obstinatio,  quod  —  quorumcunque 
missorum  per  dictum  Clementem  aditio  impedita  fuit.  See  the  instructions  given 
to  a  French  ambassador,  in  Bulceus  IV.  p.  520  seq.  cf.  Richardi  Ullerstoni 
(professor  of  theology  in  Oxford)  Petitiones  quoad  reformat.  Eccl.  (A.  D.  1408,  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  XXVI.  p.  1170)  :  Occasio  schismatis  et  fonien- 
tum  erat  discordia  inter  regna.  Quod  profecto  exinde  paluit,  quod  regna  inter  se 
prius  divisa  partibus  a  se  invicem  divisis  et  inter  se  de  Papatu  contendentibus  se 
parifbrniiter  conjunxerunt. 

*  Raynald,  13S1,  no.  29.  Baluzii  vita?.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  1281  seq.  Lenfant 
hist,  du  cone,  de  Pise  I.  p.  34. 

'  Peter  IV.  offered  his  allegiance  to  Urban,  but  on  such  terms  that  it  was  refus- 
ed (Raynald,  1383,  no.  5).  Hence  no  pope  was  declared  in  Arragon  till  John  I., 
immediately  after  his  accession,  declared  for  Clement  (Rayn.  1387,  no.  10). 

'"  Raynald,  1390,  no.  20. 

'*  The  decision  of  after  times  on  the  question  is  as  follows  :  The  two  historians 
of  the   fifteenth  century,  Antoninus,  archbishop  of  Florence  (in  Pagi  breviar. 


60  Tliird  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

The  contest  between  the  two  popes  was  carried  on  with  temporal 
as  well  as  spiritual  weapons.  Urban  deprived  Joanna  of  the  crown 
of  Naples,  and  bestowed  it  upon  Charles,  duke  of  Durazzo.  On  the 
other  hand,  Joanna,  with  the  aid  of  Clement,  adopted  the  Regent  of 
France,  Lewis,  duke  of  Anjou,  and  made  him  her  successor  (A.  D. 
1380).  Charles,  however,  had  already  overrun  the  whole  kingdom, 
taken  Joanna  prisoner  (1381),  and  put  her  to  death,  before  Lewis, 
whom  the  Pope  had  invested  with  various  high-sounding  titles, '^ 
appeared  with  his  army  (1382).  The  former  still  maintained  his 
advantage,  and  the  death  of  Lewis  (1384)  would  have  decided  the 
contest  as  far  as  the  possession  of  Naples  was  concerned,  but  for  the 
disputes  which  now  arose  between  Charles  and  Urban. ^-^  These  were 
carried  to  such  a  pass  during  a  visit  of  the  obstinate  pontiff  to  Na- 
ples, that  he  excommunicated  Charles,  and  was  shut  up  by  him  in  the 
castle  of  Nocera  (1385).  He  escaped  thence  to  Genoa  (September, 
133.5),  but  was  not  yet  brought  to  his  senses.  By  the  cruel  execution 
of  five  cardinals,  he  embittered  the  hatred  with  which  he  was  regard- 
ed ;  whilst,  by  refusing  to  invest  Charles'  son,  Ladislaus,  with  the 
kingdom  of  Naples,  he  had  nearly  brought  that  kingdom  once  more 
into  subjection  to  France.  The  capital  was  already  taken  by  the 
generals  of  the  young  Lewis  of  Anjou  (1387),  and  the  whole  king- 
dom would  have  fallen  into  his  hands,  but  for  the  death  of  Urban, 
and  the  vigorous  aid  rendered  to  Ladislaus  by  his  successor,  Boniface 
IX.  (1390).!^  In  order  to  secure  the  papal  territory  against  the 
attacks  of  Lewis,  Boniface  bestowed  many  of  the  cities  and  castles 
on  powerful  nobles  as  fiefs. i^  This  aroused  once  more  the  desire  of 
independence  at  Rome,  the  effect  of  which  was  to  exclude  the  Pope 
from  that  city  for  a  long  time.i*^  Still  he  gained  his  great  object. 
Lewis  was  forced  to  abandon  Italy  altogether,'^  and  Naples  remained 
subject  to  the  Roman  Pope. 

gest.  Pontiff.  Rom.  T.  II.  P.  II.  p.  145),  and  Werner  Rolewinck  (fasc.  temponim 
Act.  VI.  in  Pistorii  Scriptt.  Ear.  Germ.  T.  II.  p.  567),  leave  the  question  unde- 
cided. Since  that  time  the  opinions  out  of  France,  where  the  French  popes  have 
always  been  considered  the  true  ones,  have  been  mostly  in  favor  of  the  Italians. 
In  the  later  lists,  therefore,  the  French  popes  are  not  reckoned,  and  thus  we  have 
another  Clement  VII.  1523,  and  Benedict  XIII.  1724. 

>^  He  appointed  him  king  of  a  new  kingdom,  Adria.  See  Leihnitii  Cod.  juris 
gentium,  P.  I.  p.  239  (onsnes  —  singulas  terras,  quas  ad  prassens  nos  etEcclesia  Ro- 
mana  in  Italia  extra  regnum  Sicilia;  habemus  et  habere  debenius,  per  quoscunque 
et  quacunque  auctoiitate  possideantur  sen  detineantur  ad  praesens,  exceptis  dun- 
laxat  urbe  Romana  cum  ejus  districtu  et  provinciis  Patrimonii  sancti  Petri  in 
Tuscia,  Campania  et  maritima  ac  Sabina,  in  unum  Regnum  erigimus,  ipsas  pro- 
vincias  —  dignitate  regia  decoramus,  ac  Regnum  Adria-  ordinamus,  statuimus  et 
decernimus  perpi'tuo  nuncupari).  Also  gencralis  Capitaneus ,  ut  nedum  nomine 
proprio,  sed  etiam  Ecclesia;  et  suo  (Papai)  ad  negotia  procederet  supradicta  (Prima 
vita  Clementis  VU.  in  Baluz.  I.  p.  504). 

'•^  Of  which  and  what  follows,  see  Theodor.  de  .IViem  I,  c.  28  seq. 

'"  Raynald,  ann.  1390,  no.  10  seq. 

'*  Raynald,  ann.  1390,  no.  18. 

'6  Raynald,  ann.  1.393,  no.  5,  1395,  no.  17. 

*'  Raynald,  ann.  1400,  no.  11. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  III.  Schism,  ^^i  102.  Oppression  in  the  Church.  61 

«§>    102. 

OF    THE    OPPRESSIONS    IN    THE    CHURCH. 

By  diminishing  the  resources  of  the  popes,  while  it  increased  their 
expenses,  the  schism  aggravated  the  evils  which  had  already  been 
almost  intolerable. 

The  French  Pope,  Clement  VII.,  was  indeed  compelled  to  consult 
the  wishes  of  the  court  on  which  he  was  wholly  dependent,  in  the 
disposition  of  various  benefices, ^  but  otherwise  the  church  was  given 

'  JVicolaus  de  Clamengis,  Prof,  aitium  in  Paris,  de  ruina  Ecclesise  (in  the 
older  editions  entitled  de  corrupto  Eccl.  statu  (written  1.394),  c.  18  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.  T.  1.  P.  III.  p.  19:  Sed  me  prajteriie  non  decet,  —  quantam  et  quam 
abominabilem  fornicationem  Papa  et  hi  sui  fratres  cum  sa>culi  principibus  inierint. 
Namque  ut  sua  dominia,  imo  verius  ut  suam  tyiannidem,  omnibus  nee  injuria 
supra  modum  invisam,  inconcussa  stabilitate  confirjnare  possent,  sicque  tuto  quod- 
cunque  libitum  esset  peragere  :  temporalium  principatuum,  ad  quorum  se  imitalio- 
nem  componcre  atque  conformare  in  animum  induxerant,  captare  amicitias,  favo- 
resque  conquirere,  quacunque  possent  industria,  studuerunt :  nunc  multa  benefi- 
ciorum  his,  pro  quibus  exegissent,  largitione,  nunc  xeniis  et  donis,  nunc  promissis 
uberrimis,  soepe  assentationibus  et  gnathonicae  doctrinte  versutiis,  I'raudulentiis. 
Itaque  ne  longum  faciam,  adeo  se  et  Ecclesiam  universalem  eorum  arbitrio  subje- 
cerunt  atque  dediderunt,  ut  vix  aliquam  parvulara  prEebendam,  nisi  eorum  man- 
dato  vel  consensu,  in  provinciis  eorum  tribuere  ausi  essent.  Si  Episcopus  aliquis 
obierat,  si  Decanus  vel  Praepositus,  vel  alia  quslibet  persona  Ecclesiastica  ;  quis, 
in  demortui  locum  surrogari  appetens,  non  prius  ad  Regem  quam  ad  Papam  ibat  ? 
imo  vero  quis  ita  insanus,  ut  absque  regiis  literis  ad  Papam  postulaturus  accederet  ? 
Mirabile  dicturus  sum,  et  quanquam  vix  credibile,  verum  tamen.  Si  quis  Papas 
necessarius,  propinquus,  familiaris,  aut  quilibet  alio  titulo  dilectissimus  pro  sua 
apud  eum  proniotione  institisset,  regales  ante  omnia  ab  ipsomet  Pontifice  jubebatur 
literas  qusrere.  —  Quam  vero  importune,  quam  imperiose,  quam  manu,  ut  ita 
dicam,  ensifera,  terreni  ipsi  domini  per  suos  sollicitati,  Papam  per  suas  quotidianas 
literas  urgebant,  nequaquam  credibile  foret,  nisi  res  usu  assiduo  promulgata  certi- 
tudinem  faceret.  Plus  enim  praceptoriis  et  comminatoriis  scriptis  res  agebatur, 
quam  commendatoriis  vel  precatoriis.  Quibus  si  detrectassent  Pontifices  obtem- 
perare,  et  alteri,  quam  pro  quo  petebatur,  contulissent,  certum  erat  ilium  non 
recipi.  —  Cap.  42,  p.  46  :  Quid  Clemente  nostro,  dum  ad  vixit,  miserabilius  ?  Qui 
ita  se  servum  servorum  Gallicis  principibus  addiceret,  ut  vix  minas  et  contumelias, 
quae  illi  quolidie  ab  aulicis  inferebantur,  deceret  in  vilissimum  mancipium  dici. 
Cedebat  ille  furori,  cedebat  tempori,  cedebat  flagitantium  importunitati,  fingebat, 
dissimulabat,  largiter  promittebat,  diem  ex  die  ducebat,  his  beneficia  dabat,  ilhs 
verba :  omnibus,  quos  aut  ars  assentatoria  aut  ludicra  in  curiis  accepfos  fecerat, 
summopere  placere  studebat,  eosque  beneficiis  promereri,  quo  talium  patiocinio 
dominorum  gratiam  et  favorem  assequeretur.  His  itaque  et  juvenibus  nitidis  et 
elegantibus,  quorum  maxime  consortio  gaudebat,  singulos  fere  vacantes  Episcopa- 
tus  caeterasque  prascipuas  dignitates  impendebat.  Denique  ut  Principum  benevo- 
lentiam  facilius  assequeretur,  assecutam  foveret,  fotamque  conservaret,  conserva- 
tam  ampliticaret,  plurima  ultro  donaria  atque  xenia  illis  dabat ;  quascunque  super 
clero  exactiones  petere  voluissent,  annuebat,  ultro  s;«pius  etiam  ingerebat.  Sic 
omnem  clerum  secularium  magistratuum  dispositioni  ita  subjiciebat,  ut  Papa  magis 
quilibet  eorum,  quam  ipse  putaretur.  Also  Prima  Vita  Clem.  VII.  (in  Baluz.  I. 
p.  5.37)  :  Multis  etiam  sccularibus  tam  Principibus  quam  aliis  fuit  adniodum 
familiaris  et  gratus,  eorumque  contemplatione  et  amore  plures  episcopavit  et  alias 
promovit,  eis  aliquando  sufficientiores  et  idoneiores  —  poslponendo,  quandoque,  ut 
eorum  benevolentiam  et  favorem  sibi  et  EcclesiaD  acquireret,  quandoque  ut  ipso- 
rum  odium  et  indignationem  evitaret,  etc.  Tlieodor.  a  jYiem  de  schism.  II.  c.  4  : 
Clemens  multum  favebat  magnatibus  sive  nobilibus  :  unde  petentibus  ipsis  terras, 
castra  et  dominia  Ecclesiarura  cathedralium  et  monasteriorum  pro  modico  annuo 
eensu  ab  ipsis  solvendo  in  feudum  sine  difficultate  concessit,  etg. 


62  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

over  to  his  extortions  as  long  as  the  comphiints  were  not  too  loud.^ 
Tithes,  Vacances,  and  Annates^  became  now  standing  sources  of 
revenue.  Besides  these,  Clement  claimed  also  the  effects  (spolia)  of 
deceased  prelates.^  His  successor,  Benedict  Xlll.,  went  beyond  him, 
if  possible,  in  this  system  of  extortion.-' 

*  Chronique  saint  Denys,  A.  D.  1381,  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise 
Gallicane,  Chap.  XXII.  no.  6.  Cleinent  avoit  bien  trente-six  Cardinanx,  lesquels 
mens  de  grands  avarices  soustindrent  d'avoir  a  peine  tous  les  bons  benefices  de  ce 
Royaume  par  divers  moyens,  et  envoyerent  leurs  scrviteurs  parmi  le  Royaiime 
enquerans  de  la  valeur  des  Prelatures,  Prieurez  et  autres  benefices  :  et  usoit 
Clement  de  reservation,  donnoit  graces  expectalives  aux  Cardinaux  et  anteferri. 
Et  fut  la  chose  en  ce  poinct,  que  nul  hoiiime  de  bien  tant  de  I'Univei-site  que 
autres  ne  pouvoicnt  avoir  benetices.  Exactions  se  iaisoient  tant  de  vuqiians  que 
de  dixiesines,  et  d'arreraiges  des  choses  qu'on  disoit  esti-e  dedans  la  Chanibre 
Aposlolique,  et  poursuivoit-on  les  heritiers  des  gens  d'Eglise,  et  disoit-on,  que 
tous  lew  bieiis  devoient  estre  au  Pape :  et  sei-oit  cho-e  trop  longue  k  reciter  les 
maux  qui  se  faisoient,  et  les  inconveniens  qui  en  venoient:  et  tout  souflfroit  le  Due 
d'Anjou  Regent,  aussi  disoit-on  qu'il  en  avoit  son  bufin  :  et  estoit  grande  pilie  de 
voir  ies  Escojiers  a  Paris  et  Regens,  lesquels  s'en  alloient  comme  gens  esgai-ez  et 
abandonnez.  Some  restraint  was  imposed  by  the  royal  edict  of  the  6th  of  Oct. 
1.385,  contra  exactiones  Curias  Romans  et  Cardinalium.     ]bid.  no.  8. 

2  Of  the  origin  of  the  Annates,  see  Nationis  Gallicae  in  Cone.  Const.  (1417) 
declaratio  de  Annatis  non  solvendis,  cap.  2  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Concil.  Const.  T.  I. 
P.  XIII.  p.  764,  see  above,  §  100,  note  25)  :  De  vacantibus  veio  et  fructibus 
primi  anni  majnrum  Pralaturarxiyn,  Abbatialium  videlicet,  Episcopalium  et  supra, 
nullum  aliud  initiiim  i'uisse  invenitur',  quam  voluntaria  et  gratuita  oblatio  quoi-un- 
dani,  qui  in  discordia  electi  ad  Abbalialeni  vel  Cathedralem  ecclesiam,  duni  prose- 
querentur  in  Curia  per  appella'.ionem  ad  eam  factam,  per  eum,  qui  obtinebat 
finalem  victoriam,  et  promovebatur  sive  eligebatur.  Et  talis  oblatio  et  gratuita 
datiojuxta  vulgare  Italicum  dicta  fuit  sei-vilium,  et  secundum  Alemanos  propina 
dicitur.  Et  dicta  fuerunt  servitia  comniunia,  quia  communiter  inter  eos  divideban- 
tur,  eo  quod  singulos,  quibus  dare  volcbat,  non  coiivocal)at.  Et  singulis  dare 
fuisset  nitnium  onero-ium  his,  qui  tunc  agebiuit  in  publico  Consistorio.  Sed  post- 
modum  deductum  est  in  Consistorium  secretuin,  quod  tamen  fuerat  simoniacum. — 
Et  successivo  tempore  volentes  gratuite  dare  et  voluntarie  conferre  summam  cer- 
tam  vel  aliquid,  co  quod  tunc  nulla  certa  taxa  esset  in  Camera :  quoad  aliqua  ad 
tertiam  partem  valoris  Episcopatus,  Monasterii,  aliqua  vero  ad  mediam,  in  aliquibus 
etiam  taxa  dictum  valorem  excedit,  prout  in  libris  Cancellari^  scripts  sunt,  et 
ultra  pro  minuti?  servitii*;,  compulsi  sunt  dare,  ot  offerre  ad  solvendum  se  et  mona- 
sterium,  sive  etiam  obligare  per  suarum  literarum  retentionem.  Et  novissime 
additum  est,  et  compelhintur  per  eandcm  retentionem  se  obligare  ad  id,  quod 
reperiretur  esse  debilum  in  libiis  eorum  Camera?,  sive  dominorum  Cardinalium,  per 
oblationem  vel  obligationcm  alicujus  pra>decessoris  Monasterii  vel  ecclesiEe,  ad 
quam  assumitur  vel  transfertur.  —  Cap.  3 :  Non  pctuntur,  neque  exiguntur  ha 
annatcB  per  Cameram  Apostolicam  et  doniinos  Cardinales  ex  eo  quod  vacant,  sed 
quia  conferunt,  seu  quia  coliationi  et  promotioni,  qua>  fit  per  Papain,  assentiunt. 
Et  hoc  est  clare  secundum  canones  Simoniacum.  The  forma  obligafionis,  which 
the  newly  appointed  prelates  had  to  bind  themselves  to,  see  cap.  4.  p.  786  seq.  ; 
compare  an  anonymous  work  of  A.  D.  1418,  in  Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p. 
914:  Circa  modum  exactionis  istarum  vacantiarum  est  advertendum,  quod  ante 
tempora  schismatis  nulla  solutio,  aut  obligatio  exigebatur,  sed  habita  possessione 
Collectores  Apostolici  levabant  in  multis  et  prolixis  terminis  taxam :  ita  quod  taxa 
vix  tribus,  decern  vel  duodecim  annis  erat  levata,  et  communiter  remittebatur  pars, 
et  aliquando  totum  propter  paupertates  vel  alias  considerafiones. —  Post  vero  tem- 
pus  schismatis  ante  traditionem  bullarum  solvebatur  una  magna  pars, —  et  de 
reliqua  parte  recipiobantur  obligationes  formarum  in  durissima  et  cum  tot  censuris 
gravissiniis,  quod  pauci  fuerunt,  qui  non  inciderunt  in  illas. 

*  Compare  the  edict  mentioned  in  note  2,  of  Oct.  6,  1385:  nunc  ctim  Episcopura 
in  Regno  nostro  ah  hac  luce  migrare  contingit,  Collectores  et  Subcollectorea  summi 


Chap.  I.    III.  ScJiism.    §   102.    Oppression  in  the  Church.     63 
During  the  life  of  Urban  VI.  the  Roman  popes  were  favorably  dis- 

Pontificis  —  bona  mobilia  et  immobilia  ex  decessu  talium  Episcoporum  relicta  — 
capiunt.  —  Et  non  solum  bona  praedicta  Epi.-coporum  capiunt,  sed  etiam  Monaste- 
rioruin,  postquain  Abbates  viam  univeiss  carnis  sunt  insrressi,  licet  dicti  Abbates 
non  habeant,  nee  habere  possint  propriuui.  Of  the  oppressions  under  Clement 
generally,  see  Alcol.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  eccl.  c.  8.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone. 
Const.  T.  I.  P.  III.  p.  11:  Adjecerunt  autcm  summi  Pontiiices  pcrsonis  Ecclesia- 
rum  et  Ecclesiis  ipi^is  —  vectigalia  alia  ad  illam  suam  cameram,  iino  polius  charib- 
dini,  fulciendam.  Statuerunt  namque,  utquoiies  aliquem  virum  Ecclesiasticuni  — 
ex  isla  luce  migrare  conlingeret,  aut  suuiu  cum  altero  quovis  qualecunque  bene- 
ficium  penuutare,  toties  onines  proventus  primi  anni  secuturi,  certam  ubique  ad 
summam  suo  arbitratu  taxatos,  sua  meniorata  camera  accipcret.  —  Quid  Pia-lato- 
rum  spolia,  quid  creberrimus  decimas,  omnibus  Ecclesiasticis  indictas,  quid  anga- 
rias  alias  commemorein  ?  Quid  concessas  prhicipibvs  super  clero  universo  a 
Papa  et  Pontificibus  exactiones,  cum  seculari  in  illos  solvendi  coiircitione  ?  Quid 
retentas /)/-ocwra<(o«es,  et  sine  ulla  visitatione  ab  ipsis  Episcopis  et  Archidiaconis 
ubique  subtractas.'  —  Quid  infinita  alia  quotidiana  onera  tributorum,  ab  infortuna- 
tissimis  Ecclesiarum  ministiis  exacta,  quEe  longum  esset  exequi  particulatim, 
referam  ?  —  Cap.  9  :  Ad  haec  autem  omnia  exigenda  —  suos  per  onines  provincias 
collectores  instituerunt,  illos  videlicet,  quos  scirent  in  exlorquendo  argento  — 
acriores,  et  qui  nulli  omnino  parcerent,  nullum  eximeient,  sed  vel  ex  silice  aurum 
elicerent.  Quibus  et  aucloritatem  anniierunt,  quoscunque,  etiam  praelatos,  ana- 
themate  feriendi,  —  nisi  intra  pra;finitos  dies  de  postulata  pecunia  satisfacere  curas- 
sent.  Thus  these  Collectores  su?pensiones  a  divinis,  interdictiones  and  anathemata 
became  very  common.  Quis  nescit,  tot  ahbatibus,  totque  aliis  pralatis,  cum  deces- 
sissent  camera  prse  inopia  obnoxii,  negata  funeralia,  negata  excquiarum  solemnia, 
negatam  humationem,  nisi  forte  in  agris  aut  hortulis  aut  prophanis  aliis  sedibus 
clauculo  tumulali  sint.  Cap.  10.  Of  the  venalia  judicia  of  the  Court.  Cap.  14.  Of 
the  avarice  of  the  cai-dinals,  who  often  drew  the  income  of  400-500  benefices. 
Cap.  15.  Cernentes  igitur  inopes  alii  et  calami'.osi  Ecclesiastici,  nihil  se  posse 
consequi,  —  ad  hos  ip?os  (Cardinales)  se  conferunt,  et  aut  cum  siinoniaca  pravitate 
beneficia  ab  iis  mercantur,  aut  pensione  annua,  quod  aque  Simoniacum  est,  ab 
illis  redimunt,  etc. 

^  This  is  seen  from  the  Appella'io  interpo^ita  per  Univer?it.  Paiisiensem  a  Dom. 
Benedicto  dd.  6  Jan.  1406  in  Martene  et  Dvrand  thcsaur.  anecdot.  T.  II.  p.  1295 
seq.  and  the  royale  Ordonnance  dd.  IS  Febr.  1406,  in  the  Preuves  des  Lib.  de  I'egl. 
Gall.  Chap.  XXII.  no.  9.  in  this  Appellatio  we  read,  p.  1302:  Quantum  hoc 
illud  gravamen  est,  o  piissime  Jesu,  quo  (Benedictus  XIII)  sibi  beneticii  cujus- 
cumque  vacantis  unius  annifructuumperceptionem  usurpavit .'  Et  vere  omnium 
unius  anni  fructuum  in  non  taxatis  et  excmtis,  per  a;quiva!entiam  in  taxatis,  altera 
parte  penes  se  reservata,  altera  capellano  deputata,  sic  totum  convellendum  et 
secum  rapiendum  decrevit,  ut  plerumque  beneficio  atque  beneficiato  nihil  pcnitus 
remaneat.  Quantum  etiam  illud  gravamen,  et  quam  religioni  ac  moribus  nostris 
contrarium,  quo  visitandi  procurationes  praelafis  et  archidiaconis  ad  mores  refor- 
mandos  deputatas  —  sibi  duxerit  appropiiandas.  —  Nee  minus  est  onus  dechnarum, 
quibus  est  uti  solitus.  Nuper  unam  imposuit,  propter  quam  alma  mater  Univer- 
sitas  a  sermonibus  et  lectionibus  decern  septimanis  cessare  coacta  est.  Ab  hac 
pauperes  hujus  regni  sacerdotes  ita  fuerunt  oppressi,  ut  et  excommunicationem  et 
ab  officio  suspensionem  multo  tempore  passi  sint.  —  Illud  eliam  novum  et  pene 
Inauditum  mibi  gravamen  videtur,  quod  ecclesiastico  viro  mortuo  et  adhuc  efflante 
animam — spolia  ipsius  ac  universa  temporalia,  quae  siiccessori  vel  ecclesiEe  debent 
attribui,  per  suos  ministros  tarn  impie  rapiantur,  quo  tanta  crudelitas  sequuta  est, 
ut  inhumatus  evulso  monumento  atque  corrupto  corpore  suis  spoliis  effossus  priva- 
retur.  —  Non  contentus  vir  iste  fructibus  unius  anni,  quem  beneficii  vacantem 
appellant,  multo  tempore  beneficia  pinguia  vacare  perniittit,  et  eo  decursu  saspe 
duorum  vel  trium  annorum  et  amplius  spiritualium  fructus  vel  temporalium  rapi 
atque  comportari  suis  jubet  aptissimis  satellilibus.  —  .Sed  adhuc  istius  cupiditatis 
insatiabilis  ardor  non  quiescit,  petit  fructus  quos  appellat  ?nale  perceptos  :  —  petit 
vacantes  a  quadraginta  annis,  pro  quibus  solvendis  ecclesi«e  pluriraae  radicitus 
everterentur.     Talium  enim  summa  uiille  millia  transcendit.     An  etiam  omitten- 


64  Tliird  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

tinguished  in  this  respect  from  the  French.*^  But  Urban's  successor, 
Boniface  IX.,  imitated  all  the  extortions  of  his  rivals,  whilst  in  Si- 
mony, which  was  openly  practised,  and  even  defended  by  him  and  his 
court,''^  he  went  far  beyond  them.*^ 

dum  putatis,  quod  temporibus  fructuuin  a  suis  injuste  captorum  pensiones  ecclesia- 
ruiii  atqiie  debita  nullo  niodo  persolvunt,  quo  fit  ut  pro  talibus  oneribus  anni  fructus 
sequoiitis  non  sufficiant.  Exquisivit  vir  iste  moilos  alios  astutiores  congerendae 
pecunifE,  monetam  mutavit,  qua  sspe  pro  quatuor  millibus  quiiique  coUiguntur. 
—  Monetam  aureaiii  regni  recipere  nolunt  iidem  niinistii,  nisi  supra  proprium 
valorem  certam  summam  recipiant.  —  Litteras,  absolutiones,  quittancias  pretio 
taxant  intolerabili.  Excommunicant  sa'pe,  ut  absohitione  pauperes  spolient.  Re- 
laxant dumtaxat  quartam  unius  anni  pro  quatuor  francis.  —  Omilto  qujestus  pecunia- 
rum  insolitos  sub  officio  pietatis  et  indulgentiarum  colore,  quibus  fallaciter  lunu- 
meras  pecunias  a  simplicibus  exigunt,  ut  eos,  sicut  dicunt,  ad  statum  reducant 
innocentia;.  Concerning  the  protits  of  the  Annales,  see  Nationis  Gall,  in  Cone. 
Const.  Declaratio  de  Annatis  non  solvendis,  c.  4,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I. 
P.  XIII.  p.  780.  According  to  this  document  they  yielded  200,000  francs  yearly 
in  Fi'ance  alone. 

6  See  above,  §  101,  note  2.  Still  Urban  did  not  i-cstore  the  freedom  of  election, 
and  also  took  Annates.  Thus  Thorn.  Wahingham  hist.  Angl.  ad  ann.  1382 
(Anglica,  Hibernica  a  Veteribus  scripta  ex  bibl.  Camdeni.  Francof.  1602,  p.  289), 
relates  that  Urban  refused  to  confirm  the  choice  of  a  certain  abbot  of  Bury,  and 
appointed  another  in  his  place  ;  and  that  he  was  obliged  at  last  by  the  king  to 
admit  the  first  election,  yet  he  did  not  confirm  the  electionein  de  ipso  factam,  sed 
per  provisionem  concessit  Abbatiam,  ita  duntaxat,  ut  solveret  Romana;  curiee  dupli- 
cis  vacationis  censum.  In  A.  D.  1.389,  Richard  II.  forbad  the  archbishop  of  Can- 
terbury to  collect  the  new  contribution  levied  by  the  Pope  on  the  clergy,  see 
Thorn.  Rymcr  fcedera,  conventiones,  etc.  inter  Reges  Anglias  et  alios,  old  ed.  T. 
III.  P.  IV.  p.  47  seq. 

'  Theodor.  a  JViem  de  schism.  II.  c.  7:  Ipse  (Bonifacius)  reperit  plures  bonos 
et  leo-ales  Cardinales,  —  qui  simonias  vitium  detestabantur  omnino,  quorum  prse 
timore,  quoad  vivebant,  quasi  per  septcm  annos  non  audebat  simoniam  publice  ex- 
ercere,  attamen  per  aliquos  mediatores  secrete  —  exercebat,  intercedentibus  pactis 
clandestinis  de  promotionibus  per  ipsum  faciendis. —  Cardinalibus  autem  pio  niajori 
parte  successive  defunclis,  quos  ipse  simoniam  odio  habere  cognovit,  exhilaratus 
est  nimium,  quia  tunc  libcras  habebat  habenas  simoniam  pro  libito  etiam  publice 
exercendi.  (According  to  Raynald.  ann.  1392,  no  1,  he  had,  however,  in  this  very 
year  passed  a  deci'ee,  ut  I'edigendorum  ex  omnibus  sacerdotis,  quae  conferrentur  a 
sede  Apostolica,  vectigaVnim,  qum  prima  labente  anno  ohvenirent,  dimidia  pars 
in  fiscum  Pontificis  inferretur).  Sed  demum  circa  decimum  annum  sui  regiminis, 
ut  cautius  ageret  in  hac  parte,  palliaretque  simoniam,  quam  exercuit,  quodam 
necessitatis  coXore  primos  fructus  unius  anni  omnium  ecdcsiarum  cathedralium 
et  Abhatiarum  vacantium  sure  camera;  reservavit,  ita  quod  quicunque  ex  tunc  in 
Archiepiscopum  vel  Episcopum  aut  Abbatem  per  eum  promoveri  voluit,  ante 
omnia  cogebatur  solvere  primos  fructus  ecclesia;  vel  monasterii,  cui  praefici  voluit, 
etiamsi  nunquam  possessionem  ejusdem  consequi  posset.  De  quo  ipse  Bonifacius 
penitus  non  curabat,  imo  s*pedicebat:  ufinam  non  adipiscatur  possessionem  eccle- 
sice  vel  monasterii  hujusmodi,  ut  iterum  de  alio  rursus  pecunias  extorqueret.  Dicti 
autem  primi  fiiictus  per  ipsum  aestimati  fuerunt  ad  triplum  illius,  quod  in  Uteris 
camerce  Jlpostolica  pro  communi  servitio  solvendo  taxata  fiierunt.  Et  quia  non 
omnes  promovendi  venientes  ad  Curiam  sufficicntibus  pecuniis  cum  sacco  parati 
erant,  usura  in  Curia  —  tantum  invaluit,  quod  fcenus  amplius  non  reputabatur 
peccatum.  —  Ut  nihil  ipse  Pontifex  omitteret,  multas  uniones  ecdcsiarum  parochia- 
lium  et  aliorum  beneficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  simonia  intercedcnte  fecit.  Cap.  8  : 
Hie  Bonifacius  suique  secretarii  et  cubicularii  in  principio  sui  Pontificatus  unius 
anni  spatio  vol  plus,  primam,  qua;  erat  V  Id.  Nov.,  plus  offercntibus  vendiderunt 
tam  inverecunde  ac  frequenter,  quod  passim  devenit  in  derisioncm  etiam  populorura 
ilia  vendilio,  et  ibidem  Bonifacius  sub  pacto  qua;cunque  heneficia  ecclesiastica 
ubicunque  locorum  vacantium,  sivc  rcservata  essent  sive  non,  disposifioni  Aposto- 


Cluip.  I.     III.  Schism.  §  102.    Oppression  in  the  Church.    .  65 

Thus  at  the  end  of  this  period  both  divisions  of  the  church  groaned 
under  a  heavy  yoke. 

licfe  sub  dato  obitus  eorum,   qui  ea  vivi  po=isidebant,  vendidit,  et  ha>c  mercimonia 
publica  multis  aiinis  duraverunt  in  curia  Boniiacii.    Invenisses  ctiam  tunc  plerosque 
cursores  per  Loiiibardiam  et  alias  partes  Italia;  discurrere,  perscrutantes,  nuin  in- 
tii-marcntur  aliqui  pinguia  ecclesiaslica  benelicia  obtinentes,  et  si  aiiquos  invene- 
runt  Kijrotantes,  tunc  cui-rebantad  Roiuanaiii  Curiam,  et  mortem  talium  intimabant 
illis,  qui  super  hoc  ipsos  prctio  conduxcrunt.     8ed  Pontifex  ipse,  utpote  iniprobus 
mercator,  quandoque  eliam  sub  eodem  dale  unuin  et  idem  sacerdoliuni  plnribus 
vendens,  veluti  novum  pioclamabat  pro  secundo,  tertio,  vel  quarto  :   concurrenlibus 
simul  in  dato  super  uno  et  eodem  beneficio  sic  vacante, —  novas  gratias  posteriores 
in  dato  vendidit  cum  clausula  Antejerri,  per  multos  annos  et  tarn  diu,  donee  nuUi 
vel  pauci  illarum   gratiarum  deinceps  invenirentur  emtores.     Quod  videntes  ipsi 
proxenet:^,  ad  inauditam  prius  practicam  lucri  captandi  causa  se  improbe  converte- 
runt.     Ca]).  9  :    Finxerunt  enim   alias  novas   gratias   exspectativas,  quae    omnes 
gratias  illas  in  Dato  pra.'cedenti,  qua;  vocahantur  cum  clausula  Anteferri,  proster- 
nebant,  sed  ilia;  fuerunt  nimis  cara;,  quia  illae  cum  simplici  clausula  Anteferri  pro 
XXV  florenis  vel  circa,  sed  alia;  gratis  cum  antelationis  pra5i-ogativa  pro  L  ducatis 
communiter  vendebantur.     Simul  quod  ultima;  gratia;  per  multos  assidue  ambitiosos 
emerentur,  praifati  mercalores  seu  institores,  >it  plus  lucrarentur,  novas  cautelas 
invenerunt.     Fecit  enim  dictus   Pontifex  perquam  multas  regulas  cancellaria;  et 
alias  ordinationes,  per  quas  videbatur  se  hujusmodi  gratiarum  expectativarum  a  se 
tum  passim  venditarum  effrenatam   multitudinem   restringcie  velle.     Quod   cum 
multi  dictarum   gratiarum  sentirent  emtores,  novo  paclo  intercedente   pecuuiario 
qua^stu  impetrarunt  ab  ipso,  quod  sub  illis  declarationibus  non  comprehenderentur 
gratice  ipsis  facta;.  Beneticia  etiam  dispositioni  dicti  Pontificis  generaliter  reservata, 
et  ilia  potissime,  qua;  vacabant  in  Curia  pra;tata,  plus  offerenli  vendebant  sub  con- 
ditione,  quod  cmpiores  illorum  etiain  primos  fructus  eorundem  beneticiorum   in 
prompta  pecunia  ad  utilitatem  camera;  ApostolicEe  ante  oumia  solverent,  quo  facto 
tunc   primum    signabantur   supplicationes  pro    ipsis  emptoribus,   in    quibus  dicta 
beneticia  petebantur,  et  etiam  postquam  signatae  fuerunt,  si  alter  venissct  forte,  qui 
plus  obtulisset,  jam  signatae  supplicationes  hujusmodi  sa;pe  de  registiis  supplicatio- 
num  dicti  Bonifacii  cancellabantur,  et  superveniens   praeferebatur  pra;cedenti  in 
dato :  dicebat  enim  ipse  Bonifacius,  quod  illi,  qui  minus  obtulerunt,  cum  decipere 
voluissent.  —  Cap.  ]():   Pra;terea  dispensationes,  qus  petebantur  ab  ipso  antistite 
pro  quibuscunque,  dummodo  correspondeiet  pecunia,  quam  ejus  rei  causa  petebat, 
indifferenter  docto  et  illi  carius,  et  indocto  et  huic  remissius,  pacto  etiam  interce- 
dente, vendere  non  negavit.     Omnia  etiam  beneficia   in  ecclesiis  urbis  vacantia 
vendidit,  et  si  non  potuit  habere  pecunias,  res  alias  in  coinmutationem  recepit,  ut 
porcos,  sues,  equos,  granum  et  frumentum,  etc.  — Hie  eliam  Argus  antistes  libros, 
vestes,  utensilia  et  pecunias  suorum  Curialiiun  et  Pra;Iatorum  adhuc  quandoque 
ipsis  agonizantibus    per   quosdam   oiFiciales    sus  Curia;  ad  hoc  deputatos   pro  se 
recolligi  fecit  ad  instar  corvi  in  praedam  hiantis.  Cap.  11. — postremo  ad  profundum 
iniquitatis  descendens,  nullam   penitus   supplicationem  —  signare   voluit,  nisi  pro 
singulis  supplicationibus  —  siugulos  florenos  auri—  recepisset.    Cap.  12:  Prasterea 
idem   Bonifacius  circa  septimum  Pontificatus  sui  annum — ccrtam  ordinationem 
seu    regulam    sua;    Cancellaiia;    edidit,   continentem  in   effectu,   quod    quicunque 
Archiepiscopi,  Episcopi,  necnon  Abbates  per  eum  promoti  infra  annum  a  tempore 
promotionis — computandum   literas  ipsius  Bonifacii  super   eisdem    promotionihus 
usque  ad  Thesaurariam  expeditas  non  haberent,  caderent  a  jure  sibi  acquisito  ex 
promotionihus  ipsis,  ac  ecclesis  et  monasteria  ex  eo  per  annum  vacarent:  dicta;que 
litera;,  licet  solvissent  per  eum  promoti  aliquando  pro   majori  parte  expensas  et 
onera,  quae  de  novo  promotis  incumbunt,  non  dabantur  de  ipsa  Thesauraria,  nisi 
totaliter  persolvissent.  —  Et  licet  Innocentius  VII  —  dictam  ordinationem  tanquam 
injustissimam  et  nequissimam   in    pi-incipio    sui    Pontificatus  refutasset,  postremo 
tamen  ad  importunam  instantiam  aliquorum  lucri  causa  earn  circa  aiiquos  pi-slalos 
renovavit  in  principio  secundi  anni  sui  Pontificatus,    propter   quod   Dcus   subito 
punivit   eum,   ut  crcdilur,    etc.  —  Under  Boniface   multi    religiosi,    et   prassertim 
mendicantium    ordinum    fratres,    quod    possent   ecclesiastica  benelicia  regere,   et 
extra  eorum  ordines  et  loca  religiosa  morari,  ac  alia  similia  multa  impetrarunt,  nee 
potuit  adeo  quid  injustum  aut  absurdum  postulari,  quod  non  concederetur  interce- 
VOL.    III.  9 


66  Third  Period     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

«^   103. 

ATTEMPTS    TO    RECONCILE    THE    SCHISM. 

These  aggravated  evils  combined  with  religious  scruples  to  urge  on 
the  efforts  lor  a  reconciliation.  The  university  of  Parish,  in  particular, 
labored  with  unwearied  industry  to  this  end.^     After  waiting  long  in 

dente  sinioniaco  pacto  et  soluta  pecunia.  Compare  the  work  Matthm  de  Cracovia 
(from  1405  bishop  of  Worms,  *f  1409)  written  in  the  time  of  Boniface  IX.  de 
squaloribus  Rom.  Curias  (best  ed.  in  Walchii  Monim.  medii  aevi  fasc.  1)  e.  g.  c. 
11.  p.  48  :  Nee  solum  hoc  modo  destruuritur  ecclesias  et  monasteria :  sed  etiam 
per  hoc,  quod  dantur  Cardinahbus  vel  muheribus  in  commendas,  vel  assignantur 
et  committuntur  piioratus.  GobeUni  Persona;  Cosmodromii  JEt.  VI.  c.  84,  in 
H.  Meibomii  Kei-.  Germ.  T.  I.  p.  316. 

s  See  above,  §  100,  note  28.  Theod.  a  jYietn.  II.  c.  9:  Curiales  pro  majori 
parte  atfirmabant  talia  licite  fieri,  cum  Papa  in  talibus,  ut  dicebant,  peccare  non 
posset.  Cap.  32  :  Yivente  eodem  (Bonifacio)  quidam  integri  magistri  in  sacra 
theologia  et  ahi  in  scientiis  illurninati,  dolentcs  ita  communiter  et  aperte  simoniam 
committi  in  Curia,  et  quod  sic  fieri  posset,  multis  Juristis  et  aliis  pertinaciter  asse- 
rentibus;  in  contrarium  arguendo,  et  conclusiones  in  quateruas  et  codices  redi- 
gendo  determinarunt,  hcet  sub  magno  timore,  quod  Papa  vendendo  ecclesiastica 
beneficia  ex  pacto  intercedente  siinoniacus  esset,  quia  non  Ibret  constitutus,  ut  ilia 
venderet,  sed  ut  dignis  gratuito  dispensaret.  Of  the>e  works,  in  which  the  prin- 
ciple is  attacked,  that  the  Pope  could  not  be  guilty  of  ^•imony,the  most  conspicuous 
are  Matth.  de  Cracovia  de  squaloribus  Rom.  Curia  liber  (see  note  7)  cap.  11  seq. 
and  the  Speculum  aurcum  (written  1404.  According  to  the  ill-founded  supposi- 
tion of  Goldast,  in  his  Monarchia,  T.  II.  p.  1527  seq.  the  author  is  commonly 
called  Paulus  Anglicus,  but  according  to  Theodoriis  Engelhvshis  {'f  1434)  in 
Leibnitii  Scriptt.  Brvinsv.  vol.  II.  p.  1139,  it  was  Albertus  Engelstat  (s.  Engel- 
schalc)  Doctor  s.  theol.  Pragensis :  on  the  other  hand,  in  a  Codex  of  the  Speculi 
in  the  library  at  Bonn,  he  is  called  Petrus  Averu'nus :  the  best  edition  in  TValcliii 
Monim.  medii  aevi,  vol.  11.  fasc.  I.  p.  67  seq.),  see  Pars  II.  et  III.  p.  136.  cf.  P. 
II.  cap.  1  :  Video  tot  et  tantos  scribentes  in  jure  canonico,  et  summistas  simonis 
vitium  in  romana  curia  excusare.  Their  grounds :  Bernardus  (de  Botono)  in 
o-lossa  ord.  (to  Deer.  Greg.  I.  29,  12)  ponit  banc  communissimam  dislinctionem 
simoniae  dicens  :  quod  quwdam  sunt  simoniaca,  quia  prohibita,  scil.  constitutione 
ecclesis  :  qua;dam  prohibita,  quia  simoniaca  dc  sui  natura,  quae  scil.  sunt  novo  et 
veteri  testamento  prohibita,  ut  emere  vel  vendere  sacramenta.  —  Hanc  dislinctio- 
nem recipiunt  communiter  doctores,  scribentes  injure  canonico  et  summistae  —  . 
Simoniaca,  quia  prohibita,  dicuntur,  quas  solum  sunt  spiritualia  ex  constitutione 
ecclesias,  qu;e  antea  non  faerunt,  sicut  tiluli  beneliciorum  ecclesiasticorum  :  et 
dicunt,  talia  jure  positivo  introducta,  quia  tempore  Apostolorum  non  fuerunt  deca- 
natus,  archipresbyteratus,  canonicatus,  etc.  Sic  similiter  dicunt,  ea  vendere  vel 
emere  est  simonia  ideo,  (piia  constitutione  ecclesis  emptio  vel  venditio  talium  est 
prohibita.  —  Et  idco  dicunt,  —  quod  excusat  auctoritas  Papoe,  qui  habet  in  talibus 
dispensare.  —  Quis  enim  dubitat,  titulos  ecclesia-^ticos  jure  positivo  inductos  ?  Nam 
solus  Papa  facit  dignitates,  instituit  pra'lalos.  —  Unde  sola  voluntas,  tacita  vel 
'  expressa,  tollitjus.  —  Et  ideo  dixit  Goffr.  et  alii,  quod  simonia  non  habet  locum  in 
curia  Romana.  These  principles  are  vehemently  opposed  in  the  dialogue  by  Paul, 
till  Peter,  P.  III.  c.  1.  p.  189,  is  made  to  admit :  Jam  clare  video,  quod  excusato- 
ribus  simoniae  est  sublata  excusatio,  et  fundamentum,  quo  videbantur  innixi,  radi- 
citus  extirpatum.  lino,  ut  mihi  videtur,  ha*rcsis  est,  asserei-e,  quod  Papa  licite 
possit  pro  spirituali  tifulo  rccipere  pecuniam  :  et  multo  magis,  hoc  lacere  in  cfTectu. 
Propter  quod  videtur  niihi,  Paule,  quod  tota  Romana  Curia  est  in  via  damnationis, 
per  ea,  qua;  supriius  demonstrasti.  Omnis  enim  curtisanus  ipso  facto  sui  officii 
videtur  particeps  simoniae. 

'  The  university  had,  to  be  sure,  sufTered  particularly  during  the  schism,  sec  §  102, 
note  2.     The  first  steps  were,  therefore,  taken  in  resistance  to  oppression,  Bulcei 


Chap.  I.      Papacy.     HI.  Schism.    §  103.  67 

vain  for  some  compromise  between  the  two  Popes,-'  the  university  at 
leno-th  received  permission  from  the  court  to  give  an  opinion  on  the 
subject  (A.  D.  1394). ^  Benedict  XIII.  showed  even  less  disposition 
than  his  predecessors  had  done  (notwithstanding  the  promise  given  at 
his  election)  to  take  any  effectual  step  towards  a  reconciliation,''  and 


hist.  Univ.  T.  IV.  p.  .582  seq.  —  In  the  same  year,  however,  appeared  Hcnrici  de 
Lan^enstein, or  de  Hassia  (Vice-chancellor  of  the  university  of  Paris,  from  A.  D. 
1384^  professor  of  theology  in  Vienna)  Consilium  pacis  de  unione  ac  reformatione 
eccle'si*  in  concilio  univeVsali  quarenda  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  II.  p.  10 
seq. ;  and  in  Jo.  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin,  T.  II.  p.  809  .seq.) ;  and  the  professor 
of  theoloo-y,  Petrus  de  Alliaco,  also  recommended  a  general  council  to  the  duke  ot 
Anjou,  a's  the  best  means  of  reconciling  the  schism,  and  assured  him  that  such  was 
the  opinion  of  the  university  (Jo.  Launoji  hist.  Regii  Navarra;  Gymnasii,  Paris. 
P.  III.  lib.  1.  c.  4). 

2  According  to  Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p.  618,  Clement,  in  a  letter 
written  as  eaHy  as  A.  D.  1387,  to  all  princes  and  prelates,  declared  himself  ready, 
se  Concilii  generalis  auctoritati  et  detinitioni  libenter  submissurum  imo  cessurum, 
si  sic  Ecclesis  videretur  expedire.  The  Roman  Pope,  Urban,  however,  in  answer 
to  the  German  princes,  who  attempted  to  prevail  on  him  (  Theod.  a  A'lein  I.  66), 
ut  unionem  faceret  cum  Clemente,  persisted  in  maintaining,  quod  ipse  esset  verus 
Papa,  nee  expediret  illud  in  dubium  vertere.  His  successor,  Boniface  IX,  offered 
duke  Stephen  of  Bavaria,  to  appoint  his  rival,  if  he  would  yield  his  pretensions  to 
the  papal  crown,  to  be  cardinal  in  partibus  ultramontanis,  quas  Gallias  et  Hispanias 
appellant,  etc.  —  and  Apostolicas  sedis  legatus  et  pro  Ecclesia  Romana  in  tempora- 
libus  generalis  Vicarius  for  life. 

3  This  opinion,  dated  6  Jun.  1394,  is  in  Bulmus  IV.  p.  687  seq. ;  in  d'.^chery 
Spicil.  I.  p.  776.  The  university  proposes  tres  vias  ad  pacem  in  P^cclesia  obtinen- 
dam,  namely,  cessionis,  which  it  recommends,  compromissionis  and  Concilii  gene- 
ralis', aut  secundum  formam  juris  ex  Prelatis  tantummodo  celebrandi,  aut  quia 
plures  eorum  satis,  proh  pudor !  hodie  illiterati  sunt,  pluresque  ad  alterutram 
partem  inordinate  affecti,  mixtis  una  cum  Prelatis  ad  aeiiualem  eorum  numerum 
Mao-istris  et  Doctoribus  thcologia;  ac  Juris  de  studiis  solemnibus  utriusque  partiiim 
antiquitus  approbatis. —  Si  alter  dissidentium  aut  utcrque  vias  tres  expositas  inire 
obstinatius  refugerit,  —  eura  velut  schismaticum  perlinacem,  et  —  hsreticum  — 
judicandum,  etc.  At  the  same  time  they  wrote  to  Clement  VII  ( BuIceus  IV.  p. 
699),  admonishing  him  to  aid  in  putting  an  end  to  the  schism,  and  complaining  of 
his  legate,  Petrus  de  Luna  (afterwards  Benedict  XIII):  nobis  ea  quas  audivistis 
erga  pra;fatum  Principem  pro  Ecclesias  salute  agentibus  —  supervenit  inimicus 
homo,  qui  —  hunc  totum  laborem  nostrum  —  extinguere  et  cassare,  licet  frustra, 
molitus  est.  Et  primo  quidem  tentavit  audientiam  nostram  in  Re^ia  pra^sentia 
impedire.  —  Deinde — super  hac  materia  perpetuum  silentium  imperari  nisus  est, 
sed  certe  dignam  —  repulsam  retulit,  qui  a  Rege  Christianissimo  —  tam  execrabile 
scelus  poposasset.  —  Nequam  qui  hoc  cogitavit,  nequior  qui  tam  iniquo  cogitatui 
consensit,  nequissimus  qui  hoc  ipsum  abominandum  facinus  explere  voluit. — 
Beatitudinem  vestram  talium  vindicem  esse  decernatis,  quam  et  nos  in  ultionem 
hujuscemodi  malorum  appellamus,  imploramus  atque  exspectamus.  Nam  de 
modis  et  remediis,  per  quos  suum  damnabile  propositum  obtinere  conatus  est,  quid 
attinet  scribere  .'  noti  pene  omnibus  ;  —  satis  certe  scimus  eos,  —  scient  proh  pudor 
exterffi  Nationes,  scient,  inquam,  ulinam  non  ad  Vestra  sinceritatis  dedecus, 
utbiain  non  ad  vestrcB  canscc  detrimentum. — Ea  propter.  Pater  beatissime,  per 
fidem  integerrimam,  —  per  amorem  amplissimum  et  sanctissimum,  quem  ad  spon- 
sam  Ecclesiam  habere  debetis,  —  vos  hortamur,  —  ut  ad  banc  sanctissimam  con- 
cordiam,  qua;  in  manu  vestra  sita  est,  non  ultra  jam  prorogando  intendatis.  Satis 
jam  satis  hue  usque  cessatum  est,  satis  tepuimus,  satis  quievimus,  satis  exspecta- 
vimus,  etc.  In  a  Ms.  there  is  a  note  to  this  letter  (1.  c.  p.  701),  that  the  Pope, 
when  he  read  it,  remarked  :  literal  istes  malm  sunt  et  venenosm :  from  that  time 
he  continued  to  be  dissatistied,  and  soon  after  died. 

•»  The  wish  of  the  king  and  the  minority  to  defer  the  election  (Bideeus  IV.  p. 
710;  d'Achery  I.   p.  770)   was  disappointed.     Still   the  cardinals  had  previously 


68  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.   D.   1305  —  140'J. 

returned  an  evasive  answer  to  the  urgent  proposition  of  the  French 
national  synod  (lol)5).^  The  university,  iiowever,  was  not  to  be 
discouraged/'  and  persevered  till  it  at  length  brought  about  an  agree- 
ment between  the  king  of  France  and  the  emperor  Wenceslaus,  to 
force  both  Popes  to  resign  (A.  D.  1398).'  The  latter  was  too  weak 
to  perform  his  part  of  the  contract,  but  France  renounced  its  alle- 
giance to  Benedict  at  another  national  synod  A.  D.  1398,^  and  the 

bound  themselves  by  oath  ( B ulceus  IV.  p.  730),  that  whoever  should  be  chosen 
Pope,  omnes  vias  utiles  et  accomiiiodas  ad  unitatem  Ecclesiae  —  sine  machinatione 
seu  excusatione  vel  dilatione  quacumque  sei-vabit  et  procurabit  —  usque  ad  cessio- 
nem  etiam  inclusive  per  ipsuni  de  Papatu  lacicndam,  si  Dominis  Cai-dinalibus  — 
hoc  pro  bono  Ecclesia;  et  unitatis  pra^dicta;  videatur  expedire. 

■''  See  the  account  of  this  council  by  a  Monachus  s.  Dionysii,  in  iVAchery  I.  p. 
773;  the  Acta  in  Martene  ampl.  coll.  T.  VII.  p.  437  and  458,  both  in  Mansi 
XXVI.  p.  773.  The  via  cessionis  was  considered  the  best,  and  the  kinp;  sent  the 
Duke  de  Beriy,  Burgundy  and  Orleans  to  Benedict,  to  recommend  it  to  him,  (see 
the  instructions  given  them  in  Mansi,  1.  c.  p.  787).  Benedict  proposed,  instead 
(see  Responsio  in  iVJlchery  I.  p.  789),  a  personal  meeting  with  his  lival,  and  a 
compromise,  the  futility  of  which  was  to  be  foreseen.  Compare  the  Narratio  of 
the  university  ( B ulceus  IV.  p.  800,  agreeing  with  the  more  detailed  account  of 
d'Achery  I.  791,  and  the  statement  in  the  royal  edict  of  1398,  ibid.  p.  858)  :  DD. 
Duces  cum  omni  humilitate — D.  Benedictnm  monuerunt,  ut  dictam  viani  vellet 
recipere,  sibi  reducentes  ad  memoriam  jui-amentum  per  eum  prxstitum  :  —  ad  qua; 
respondit  glossando  juramentum.  —  DD.  Cardinales  collegialiter  omnes  dempto  uno 
asseruerunt  ad  dictum  D.  Bencdictum,  —  qualiter  prsdicta;  via;  adhajserant,  tan- 
quam  meliori  et  breviori  pro  sedatione  Schismatis,  —  quare  (inaliter  humillime  sibi 
supplicai-unt,  quatenus  ad  ipsam  viam  condcscendere  vellet.  Et  ipse  —  negavit 
verbis  comminatoriis,  ipsos  Cardinales  —  requirendo,  ut  cum  ipso  in  sua  via  starent. 
—  DD.  Principes  videntes  et  percipientes  has  responsiones,  DD.  Cardinalibus 
supplicaverunt,  ut  super  deliberatione  et  conclusione  per  eos  ad  dictam  viam  ces- 
sionis facta  et  habita  scedulam  suis  —  sigillis  munitam  vellent  dare.  —  Hanc  sup- 
plicationem  —  audicns  D.  Benedictus,  inhibuit  sub  pcenis  excommunicationis, 
inobedientiae  et  infidelitatis,  ne  hujusmodi  scedulam  conlicerent.  The  Pope's  letter, 
containing  this  prohibition,  see  in  Bulccus  IV.  p.  731  (where  it  is  erroneously 
referred  to  the  schedula  conclavis  note  4)  and  d'Achery  I.  p.  794. 

"  As  Benedict  de  praedictis  indignatus  sine  causa  contra  ipsam  Universitatem  et 
nonnulla  ejus  Supposita,  processus  aliquos  et  sententias,  seu  beneticiorum  priva- 
tiones  facere  disposuit  et  facere  praecepit  et  ad  hoc  faciendum  aliquos  commisit : 
the  university  appealed  1396  (see  Eulceus  IV.  p.  799  seq.)  a  prcedicto  Kenedicto 
prastensisque  Commissis  et  Committendis,  —  nee  non  ab  omnibus  et  singulis  grava- 
minibus  —  illatis  et  alias  inferendis  ad  proximum  futurum  unicum,  verum,  ortho- 
doxum  et  universalem  Papam,  etc.  To  this  appeal,  dd.  30  May,  1396,  which  he 
asserted  (1.  c.  p.  820)  to  have  been  made  sub  occasione  nonrmllorum  pci-  nos  eis,  ut 
falso  dicebat  (Procurator  Univ.),  comminatorum  et  in  posterum  Ibrsan  inferendo- 
rum  gravaminum,  quin  potius  ut  sub  pallio  hujusmodi  conceptarum  malitiarum 
suum  intentum  valerent  prosequi,  Benedict  answered,  non  licuisse  seu  licere  a 
Rom.  Pontijice  ajtpellure,  seu  etiam  provocare :  et  nihilominus  provocationem 
seu  appellationem  a  jure  prohihitam  et  danuiatam  esse,  ac  nullam,  nuUiusque 
efficacia;  existere,  etc.  The  university  answered  this  letter  with  much  effect  in  a 
second  appeal  (1.  c.  p.  821). 

^  Theod.  a  J\''iem  II.  c.  33.  Anonymus  in  Martene  ampliss.  coll.  VII.  p.  431. 
Eberhard  Windcck  (about  1434)  Gesch.  Kayser  Siegmunds  in  Mencken 
Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  T.  I.  p.  1077. 

»  The  Acta  in  Bulccus  IV.  p.  829.  Mansi  XXVI.  p.  839  seq.  The  royal  edict 
of  27  Jul.  in  BulcBUs  IV.  p.  853;  and  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'egl.  Gall, 
chap.  XX.  no.  1  :  —  ab  obedientia  totali  ijisius  Benedicti  et  ejus  adversarii,  cujus 
mentionem  non  facimus,  cum  nusquam  .sibi  obediverimus  —  nos,  Ecclesia,  Clerus, 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     III.  Schism.     §  103.  69 

example  was  soon  followed  by  Castile,'^  the  Pope  being  kept  as  a 
prisoner  at  Avignon. ^'^  Nor  was  it  till  several  years  after  that  France 
was  won  back  to  the  cause  of  Benedict,  through  the  influence  of  the 
duke  of  Orleans,  and  then  only  nnder  an  express  promise  that  he 
would  comply  with  the  wishes  of  the  court  (A.  D.  1403). ^^  But  this 
promise  it  was  soon  evident  that  he  had  little  intention  of  fuIfiUing.i'^ 
Still,  as  the  Italian  cardinals  had  extorted  a  similar  promise  from 
their  Pope,  Innocent  VII.  (1404),  at  his  election, i^  it  became  neces- 
sary, for  appearance'  sake,  to  open  negotiations.  The  failure  of 
these  excited  general  dissatisfaction,  and  France  had  already  threat- 

et  populus  Regni  ac  Delphinatus  —  recedimus,  nuntiamusque  auctoritate  praesen- 
tium  recessisse.  Volentes  inter  ctetera,  quod  abinde  inantea  ipsi  Benedicto  —  de 
emoluinentis  Ecclesiasticis  —  solvere  aut  respondere  nemo  prffisuniat.  Quod  etiara 
occurrentibus  vacationuni  casibus  assumantur  ad  Prslaluras,  dignitates,  et  alia 
beneficia  electiva  per  electionem  ;  cajteiis  etiam  beneficiis  provideatur  per  colla- 
tionem  eorum,  ad  quos  hujusmodi  electio  et  collatio  spectant: — distiictius  inhi- 
bentes  universis  et  singulis  subditis  nostris,  —  ne  pra-fato  Benedicto,  ejusque  sequa- 
cibus  —  obedire  quoniodolibet  —  praesumant,  etc.  The  18  cardinals  of  Benedict 
thereupon  wished  a  totali  obedientia  ipsius  recedere  and  betook  themselves  to 
Villa- nova  (d'Achery  I.  p.  799). 

9  The  edict  of  Henry  III.  of  12  Dec.  1398,  in  Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  25. 

'0  See  Acta  vett.  in  Baluzii  Vita;,  PP.  Aven.  II.  p.  1122. 

"  The  negotiations  began  as  early  as  1402.  The  dukes  of  Berry  and  Burgundy, 
as  also  the  university  of  Paris,  were  against  the  restoration  of  Benedict,  and  the 
duke  of  Orleans,  with  the  university  of  Toulouse,  in  favor  of  it.  A  long  letter  on 
the  subject  was  addressed  to  the  king  by  the  latter  (Bulcsus,  V.  p.  4),  and 
answered  by  the  university  of  Paris  (ibid.  p.  25  and  30),  as  also  in  a  large  work  of 
M.  Guil.  Ronncensis  Praepositus  (ib.  p.  53).  (An  unprinted  answer  by  Simon 
Cramand,  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  who  had  presided  at  both  the  previous  national 
councils,  is  in  the  library  of  the  university  of  Bonner).  Finally,  the  Orleans  party 
succeeded  in  bringing  about  the  restoration  at  a  new  council,  Bulaus,  V.  63. 
Preuves  des  lib.  de  I'egl.  Gall.  ch.  XX.  no.  7.  The  promises  referred  to  in  the 
text  were  given  to  the  assembly  by  the  duke  of  Orleans  (11.  cc.)  :  Monseigneur  le 
Due  d'Orleans  se  fait  fort  d'avoir  Bulles  de   nostre  S.   Pere,  de  I'acceplation  de  la 

voye  de  cession  en  trois  cas,  sqavoir  Jldversario  cedente,  decedente,  vel  ejecto. 

Item  que  nuUe  discussion  ne  sera  jamais  faite  de  la  soubstraction  en  Concile 
general,  ne  autre  part,  et  toutes  injures,  qui  ont  este  faites  ou  dictes  a  cause 
d'icelle,  et  empeschemens  donnez  d'une  part  et  d'autre  soient  annullez  et  par- 

donnez,  et  mondit  seigneur  d'Orleans  se  fait  fort  d'avoir  Bulles,  conime  dessus. 

Item  le  Roy  ne  I'eglise  de  France  n'entendent  point  q>ie  aucune  chose  soit  innovee 
es  collations  et  promotions  faites  par  les  Ordinaires  pendant  la  substraction.  —  Item 
le  Pape  celebrera  un  Concile  general  de  son  obeyssance  dedans  un  an,  selon  forme 
de  droit,  le  plustot  que  faire  se  pourra,  ou  quel  sera  traitte  et  appointc  de  la  pour- 
suite  de  I'union  dessusdite  et  des  Reformations  et  libertez  de  I'Eo-lise,  et  des 
subsides  et  charges  quelsconques,  qui  sont  par  la  Cour  de  Rome  sur  I'eglise  de 
France  Et  le  Pape  mettra  a  execution  ce  qui  sera  appointe  et  ordonne  audit 
Concile. 

12  He  began  immediately  to  oppose  the  appointments  that  had  been  made  during 
the  interval,  and  demanded  the  usual  papal  fees  for  the  past  40  years.  See  the 
royal  edict  of  19  Dec.  1403,  in  BuIcbus,  V.  p.  67. 

1^  Theod.  a  JViem,  11.  c.  34:  ante  electionem  ipse  Innocentius  —  ac  ipsum 
eligentes  praedicti  Cardinales  sponte  jurarunt  et  voveiunt,  quod  quicunque  ipsorum 
eligeretur  in  Papam  ad  hoc,  quod  dicta  unio  ticret,  ejus  Papatui  pure  et  sponte 
cedere  deberet,  dum  tamen  dictus  Petrus  de  Luna  (Benedictus  XIII)  etiam  sue 
Papatui  sponte  cedere  vellet.  This  Compromissum  of  the  cardinals,  see  in  Mar- 
tene  thes.  II.  p.  1274  seq. 


70  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

ened  once  more  to  renounce  its  obedience  (at  the  national  council, 
January,  1407)  ;  ^*  vviieii  at  length  the  two  Popes  arranged  a  personal 
meeting  at  Savona,  in  September,  1307. ^^  Benedict  was  true  to  his 
appointment,  but  Gregory  XII.  went  only  as  far  as  Lucca,  and  there 
opened  new  negotiations  as  to  the  place  of  meeting.^''  This  breach 
of  promise  offended  the  Roman  cardinals  to  such  a  degree,  that  they 
forsook  hini,!^  and  renounced  their  allegiance  to  his  cause, i*^  whilst 
the  French  did  the  same  with  regard  to  Benedict. ^^  Benedict  escaped 

"  Acta  in  Bulmus,  V.  p.  137:  Martene  thes.  II.  p.  1307.  Mansi  XXVI.  p. 
1017. 

'*  Capitula  accordata  in  Massilia  die  XXI  Apr.  inter  D.  Benedictum  ex  una 
parte,  et  duos  Episcopos,  etc.  legates  D.  Gregorii,  etc  :  in  Martene  thes.  II.  1314. 

'^  Theod.  a  jXiem,  III.  c.  14,  17-19.  Ejusd.  nemoiis  unionis  Tract.  III. 
Leonardi  Jlretini  (tlien  at  Gregory's  court)  reruni  suo  tempore  in  Italia  gestarum 
coniin.  (in  Muratori  scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  XIX.  p.  926):  Voluntas  ilia  Pontiticis 
(Gregoi'ii)  recta  nequaquam  satis  habere  firmitatis  repei-ta  est  ad  Pontiticatum 
deponenduni :  cujus  rei  culpani  multi  in  propinquos  ejus  referebant ;  ah  his  enim 
forniidines  inanes,  et  adumbrata  pericula  quotidie  tingi,  ac  instillari  ejus  auribus 
prcedicabant,  quibus  ille  detei'ritus  nee  Saonani  accedere  voluit,  altero  Pontifice 
illic  constituto  tempore  se  exhibente  et  absentiarn  ejus  incusante  ;  et  in  ceteris, 
quffi  iacienda  erant,  difBcilem  se  pi-aebuit  et  niorosuni.  Roma  tamcn  profectus  est 
Senas,  ibique  longiore  mora  protracta,  quum  ab  universis  accusaretur,  Lucam  se 
tandem  contulit,  data  rurs\is  inani  spe  quasi  cum  adversario  Pontihce  coiturus. 
Erat  in  alleio  Pontifice  non  melior  sane  mens,  sed  occultabat  callidius  malam 
voluntatein,  et  quia  noster  fugiebat,  ipse  obviam  ire  videbatur.  Itaque  Saona  pro- 
fectus est  in  Veneris  Portum,  atque  inde,  quo  proprior  esset,  Spediam  venerat. 
Sed  quum  de  congressu  eorum  per  internuntios  ageretur,  noster  tamquam  terrestre 
animal  ad  lilus  accedere,  ille  tamquaui  aquaticum  a  mari  discedere  recusabat.  The 
Acta  of  the  negotiations  between  the  two  Popes  in  Theod.  de  Mem  Nemoris 
Unionis  Tract.  VI.  c.  2  seq.  Martene  thes.  II.  p.  1366.  Ejusd.  ampl.  coll.  VII. 
p.  759. 

"  The  immediate  occasion  was  the  order  of  Gregory  :  Prscipimus  omnibus  — 
cardinalibus  —  sub  poena  privationis  cardinalatus  et  omnium  beneficiorum, — ne  a 
die  quarta  videlicet  jVIaji  in  antea,  aliquis  eorum  exeat  de  Luca  sine  speciali  et 
expressa  licenlia  nostra;  —  ne  ulterius  congregentur  in  aliquo  loco  sine  expresso 
niandato  nostro ;  —  ne  aliquis  eorum  pai-ticipet  cum  oratoribus  Petri  de  Luna, 
neque  cum  oratoril)us  Gallicis  sive  per  se  sive  per  inlcrpositam  personam.  The 
cardinals  in  Pisa  first  appealed  against  this  order  on  the  30tli  of  May  (Martene 
thes.  II.  p.  1394). 

^'^  Encouraged  to  the  step  by  a  letter  of  the  king  of  France,  of  22  May  (Bulmus, 
V.  p.  162),  and  the  university  of  Paris,  of  29  May  (1.  c.  p.  163).  Their  proclama- 
tion ad  universos  Christi  Jideles  from  Leghorn,  July  11,  in  d'Jlchery  spicil.  I. 
p.  807  :  eundem  Gregorium  velut  hsreticum  et  nutritorem  schisniatis  antiquati 
dereliquimus  sibi,  cum  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  peccatuin  sit  ei  obedientiam 
prasstare,  die  XI  mensis  Maji  proximo  pra;teriti  omnem  quantum  in  nobis  fuit 
obedientiam  juxta  juris  exigentiam  abstraximus,  ac  recessimus  ab  eodem,  dispositi 
ut  oportuit  et  oportet  ex  adverse  consurgere,  et  murum  nos  opponere  pro  domo 
Israel.     Then  an  exhortation  to  all  the  churches  to  refuse  obedience  to  Gregory. 

'"  A  royal  edict  of  12  Jan.  1408  (more  Gallicano  1407.  BidcEUS,  V.  p.  147  and 
172)  declares:  judicamus,  —  nullum  ad  pra^sens  patere  validius  in  tarn  desperate 
malo  remediiun,  (juam  quod  neutri  contendentium,  ac  sibi  forte  successuris,  prae- 
stetur  deinceps  obedicntia  a  populo  Christiano:  deficiente  siquidem  fomite  ignis  iste 
infernalis  donante  Doe  collabetur.  Quapropter — nos  et  Ecclesia  regni  nostri  et 
Delphinatus  Vienncnsis  —  decrevimus  talem  amplecti  neutralitatem  in  festo  Ascen- 
sionis  proxime  venture,  nisi  interea  nobis  publica  pax  advenerit,  et  pra»dicta  tiat 
unie.  Benedict  now  issued  the  bull  of  exrommunication,  which  had  been  pre- 
pared as  long  ago  as  the  19th  of  May,  1407,  for  the  national  council  which  was 
then  assembled  (I.  c.  p.  143)  in  omnes  et  singulos,  qui  Ecclesia;  unionem  —  impe- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     III.  Schism.     §   104.     Effects.  71 

imprisonment  by  flying  to  Perpignan,  but  the  cardinals  on  both  sides 
assembled  at  Leghorn,  and  appointed  a  general  council  at  Pisa,  in 
March,  1409,  for  the  final  adjustment  of  the  schism.-^ 


<§>   104. 

EFFECTS    OF    THE    SCHISM     ON     THE     STATE    OF    PUBLIC    SENTIMENT    IN 
ECCLESIASTICAL    MATTERS. 

The  schiam,  with  its  attendant  evils,  drew  the  general  attention  to 
the  state  of  the  church,  whilst  the  impotence  of  the  popes  gave  full 
scope  to  remark  ;  and  the  consequence  was  the  universal  prevalence 
of  such  sentiments  on  the  subject  as  had  hitherto  been  uttered  only 
in  the  heat  of  controversy,  and  of  course  not  without  some  appear- 
ance of  passion  and  partiality.  These  sentiments  now  took  such  deep 
hold  even  of  the  truest  adherents  of  the  church,  that  they  never  after 
could  be  entirely  eradicated.  The  papal  authority,  hitherto  considered 
the  highest  in  the  church,  being  now  in  dispute  between  two  claim- 
ants, and  all  hope  of  a  comprouiise  apparently  cut  off,  it  became 
necessary  to  seek  for  some  still  higher  authority  in  the  almost  forgot- 
ten ecclesiastical  laws.  This  was  of  course  the  part  of  the  learned  ; 
and  thus  Science  assumed  the  office  of  arbitrator,  and  her  represen- 
tatives, the  universities,  especially  the  university  of  Paris,  attained  an 
influence  feared  even  by  the  popes. ^  'i  he  comparison  of  the  present 
with  the  past  led  also  to  many  other  convictions  hardly  less  unfavora- 
ble to  the  papal  power.  There  were  indeed  but  few,  who  went  so  far 
as  actually  to  wish  that  power  abolished   as  the   source  of  all  evil  in 


dierint,  aut  turbaverint,  et  a  nobis  —  appellare  prassumpserint,  ?eu  a  nostra  — 
obedientia  recesserint,  etc.  This,  together  with  another  letter  of  a  conciliatory 
character  (1.  c.  p.  152)  was,  with  due  formalities,  destroyed  {Monachus  S.  Dio- 
nysii  h.  BulcBiis,  V.  p.  170.  Preuves  des  lib.  de  I'eol.  Gall.  chap.  XX.  no.  15), 
and  the  king  declared  himself  neutral.  (Edict  of  25  May,  1408,  1.  c.  p.  165). 
A  new  national  council  (11  Aug.)  enacted  the  Advisamenta  super  modo  regiini- 
nis  Ecd.  GallicancB  durante  neutraUtate  (in  the  Preuves,  1.  c.  no.  16.  BuJaus, 
1.  c.  p.  175). 

-"  The  summons  of  Benedict's  cardinals  of  14  Jul.  in  d'Achery  I.  p.  Sll;  of 
Gregory's,  ibid.  p.  814. 

'  cf.  Prima  Appellatio  Universitatis  a  Benedicto  XIII.  A.  D.  1396  ( Bui  ecus  IV. 
p.  806)  :  Nee  est  credendum,  Jesum  Christum  sponsam  suam  omni  adjutorio  spoli- 
atam  relinquere  velle  ;  sed  pie  dicendum,  adjiitorem  et  propugnatorem  suscitasse, 
suscitasse  inquam  Daniclem  erudituni  in  sapientia  adversus  series.  Susannam  Ec- 
clesiam,  pudicara  Christi  sponsam,  quse  unius  cubiculi  purilatem  casto  pudore 
custodivit  et  custodit,  adulterare  molientes,  contra  Jasonem  et  Menelaum  prstac- 
tos,  de  Pontificatu  dissidentes,  Mathatian  Mathateosque  (leg.  Maccabaosque) 
legis  Dei  zelatores  ferventissimos,  Unwcrsitatem  Parisiensem,  matrem  omnium 
scientiarum,  fontem  sapientiae  totius  inexhaustum,  lumen  Ecclesia;  verum  quod 
nunquam  appropinquat  occasui,  nunquam  pertulit  eclipsim,  speculum  fidei  ter- 
sum  et  politum,  convexum  non  concaviim,  non  angulosum,  niillis  offuscatura 
nebulis,  nullis  contagiis  maculatum  ;  Serenissimum  Hegeni  Francorum,  solem 
Justitiae,  illustres  Duces  ccpterosque  Princlpes  Jomus  Francim,  Stellas  lixas  in 
luce  orthodoxae  religionis  clarissimo  resplendentes  fulgore. 


72  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

the  church.2  But,  on  the  other  hand,  its  most  faithful  friends  could 
not  but  see  that  the  power  of  the  popes  was  overgrown,  and  their 
pretensions  beyond  bounds  exaggerated.-^  They  saw  in  tiie  temporal 
ambition  of  the  popes  the  source  of  all  mischief,  as  also  of  the 
schism,^   and   sighed   for   the   times   when   the   emperors    summoned 

2  Epist.  Univ.  Paris  ad  Clementem  VII.  A.  D.  1394  (Bulccus  IV.  p.  700)  : 
Jam  eo  ventiim  est,  et  in  tantain  perniciem  en-orenique  res  processit,  ut  plerumque 
passim  et  publice  non  vereantur  dicere,  nihil  omnino  ciirandvm  quot  Papce  sint, 
et  non  soliimniodo  duo  aiit  tres,  scd  decern  aut  duodecini,  iino  et  singulis  regnis 
singulos  pra>liei  posse,  nulla  sibi  invicem  potestatis  aut  jurisdictionis  auctoritate 
pra-latos.  It  was  maintained  by  Jo.  de  Guignecurtius  ol'  Paris,  that  the  church 
could  do  without  the  pope  altogether  ( Enguerrand  de  Monstrelet  I.  c.  30,  43, 
52,  cited  in  the  Catalogi  testiuia  veritatis  Auctarium,  Cattopoli.  1667.  p.  100. 

^  Comp.  Jo  Gersonii  Considerationes  de  Pace,  in  a  sermon  delivered  before 
Benedict  XIII.  on  new  year's  day,  1404,  in  Tarascon,  Consid.  I.  (0pp.  ed.  Dil 
Pin,  T.  II.  p.  69)  :  Quis  non  videat,  quam  impium  est,  pra-sertini  apud  eos,  qui  se 
Ecclesiasticos  dici  volunt,  si  peritos  in  Evangelica  lege  vel  non  consultare  vel  abji- 
cerc,  vel  majori  sacrilegio,  liabere  probro  cognoscantur ;  hinc  errores,  hinc  prae- 
sumptuosffi  assertiones,  hinc  perplexitatcs  inexplicabiles,  hinc  obslinatae  defensiones 
adinventionum  humanarum  in  perniciem  Ecclesis  et  pacis  salutiferas,  finis  sui, 
surgunt :  ut,  quod  non  licet  disputare  de  potentia  Papa;,  quod  non  potest  sihi  dici, 
cur  ita  facis  .'  cum  tamen  sit  peccabilis  ;  quod  non  potest  in  aliquo  casu  Ecclesia 
sine  eo  convocari  vel  aggregari ;  quod  hie  est  fidei  articuliis,  Benedictus  est 
Papa  (exempli  gratia)  ;  quod  non  potest  in  aliquo  casu  ad  Concilium  Papa  vocari  ; 
quod  absque  eo  non  stat  salus,  cum  tamen  salus  Ecclesia;  in  sokun  Deum  oi'dine- 
tur  absolute  et  essentialiter,  et  in  hominem  Christum  de  ordinata  lege,  sed  acciden- 
taliter  ordinatur  in  Papam  mortalem  ;  alioquin,  dum  vacat  Sedes  per  mortem  Papas 
vel  naturalem  vel  civilem,  utputa  si  sit  han-eticus  depositus,  quis  hominum  salvus 
esset .'  Alii  Papam  praedicant  impeccabilem,  ahi  omnipotentem,  alii  sine  uUa 
exceptione  credimt  extra  salutis  statum  quemlibel  sua;  parti  non  obedientem.  — 
Quod  quanta  temeritate  dicatur,  ipsi  viderint  assertores. 

^  Conip.  the  jurist  Jo.  Petri  de  Ferrariis  Practica  (written  1409-1413), 
Forma  responsionis  rei  conventi  (edit.  Lugdun.  ann.  1502.  fol.  39)  :  Quomodo  et 
quot  modis  isti  clerici  illaqueant  laicos,  et  suam  jurisdictionem  ampliant !  Sed  heu 
miseri  Imperatores  et  principes  saeculares,  qui  ha;c  et  alia  sustinetis,  et  vos 
servos  Ecclesise  facitis,  et  mundum  per  eos  infinitis  modis  usurpare  videtis,  nee  de 
remedio  cogitatis,  quia  prudentis  et  scienlia;  non  intenditis,  etc. — fol.  A^  verso  : 
casus,  in  quibus  non  cunit  pra;scriptio,  —  Nonus  est,  dum  est  schisma  in  ec- 
clesia Dei,  sicut  moderno  tempore,  quo  sunt  duo  Papa%  qui  jam  durarunt  XXX 
annos  et  ultra  ;  et  perseverabit,  nee  unquam  quiescet  ecclesia,  nee  Italia,  donee 
ipsa  Ecclesia  possideat  civitates  vel  castra,  et  donatio  eidem  facta  per  Constanti- 
num  fueiit  per  aliquem  probum  et  potentem  Imperatorem  penitus  revocata,  cum 
non  bene  conveniat  psalterium  cum  cithara,  nee  datum  sit  a  Christo,  nee  a  b.  Petro, 
quod  possidere  debeant  talia.  Sed  quod  est  Ca;saris,  reddatur  Caesari,  et  quod  est 
Dei,  Deo.  —  Forma  in  actione  confessoria  pro  servitutibus  fol.  113  verso:  — 
Vides,  quod  ipse  Papa,  qui  deberet  tanquam  verus  vicarius  vestigia  sequi  Jesu 
Christi,  possidere  et  manu  armata  nititur  detinere  jurisdictionem  in  terris,  civita- 
tibus  et  villis  et  locis,  qufe  sunt  naturaliter,  et  a  mundi  creatione  et  Christi  ordina- 
tione.  Imperii  Romani.  —  Immo  ipse  Papa  in  ipso  Imperatore  nititur  superioritatem 
habere,  quod  ridiculum  est  dicere,  atque  abominabile  audire.  Nam  naturaliter  a 
principio  mundi  omnes  Clerici,  nedum  Laici,  erant  sub  potestate  et  jurisdictione 
Imperii  :  sed  ipsorum  Imperatorum  dulcedine  et  benignitate  fuerunt  clerici  dimissi 
sub  potestate  Papae,  et  beneficium  hoc  tanquam  ingrati  sciunt  male  cognoscere,  ut 
notat  P.  Iinioc.  in  c.  II.  de  maj.  et  obed.  Bene  ergo  et  sancte  faceret  ipse  Papa, 
si  totam  coijioralem  jurisdictionem  in  manibus  Imperatoris  remitteret,  nee  aliter 
unquam  respublica,  et  maxime  Itaha,  quiescet :  nee  ulterins  de  Papatu  tale  schis- 
ma, quale  fuit  et  est  XXXVI  annos  pr;eteritos,  ullo  tempore  amplius  accideret ;  et 
ex  hoc  status  universus  clericorum  magis  redderetur  Deo  ac  populo  devotus,  et 
ipse  Papa  cum  Cardinalibus  viveret  quietius  ac  Deo  devotius,  et  populo  magis 
acceptius  et  gratius. 


Chap.    I.  Papacy.     III.  Schism.     §  104.     Efecis.  73 

Synods  by  their  own  authority  to  compose  schisms  as  soon  as  they 
appeared.^  Equally  general  was  the  indignation  at  the  ecclesiastical 
abuses  of  the  popes,  and  the  wish  to  remedy  them  by  putting  bounds 
to  the  papal  authority.*^     No  question   was  more  frequently  discussed 

*  Theodoriciis  a  JViem  de  schisraate  III.  c.  7  :  FaUie  et  adulatoiie  loquunturilli, 
qui  dicuiit,  quod  Papa  seu  ecclesia  duos  habet  gladios,  scil.  spiritualeiii  et  tenipora- 
leni.  — Etenini  si  uterque  gladius  apud  Papain  existei-et,  supervacue  vel  ficte  Im- 
perator,  vel  Rex  Romanoruni  illud  nomen  haberet.  Sed  isti  adulatores  seu  assen- 
tatores  per  talia  scripta  et  dicta  inducunt  maximum  errorein  in  tota  Christianitate, 
et  suscitant  quodam  modo  perpetuam  ffimilationeiii  seu  discordiam  inter  Pa])am  et 
Imperatorem.  Conculcatur  enim  per  hoc  imperialis  auctoritas,  et  ejus  potestas 
sub  dubio  collocatur  in  fotius  reipublicas  detiiiiientum,  ut  videmus.  Patet  enim 
ex  Decreto,  quod,  cum  schi-sma  viget  in  Romana  sede,  quod  propter  auctoritatis 
excellentiam  et  in  temporalibus  potentiam  Iiuperalor,  vel  Rex  Romanus  pra^latos 
ecclesiasticos  potest  convocare,  ut  illud  omnino  tollatur.  Quod  credo  intelligi 
debere  de  illis,  qui  re  et  nomine  Imperatores  vel  Reges  exi^tunt  Romani,  non 
autem  de  illis,  qui  desides,  seu  solo  nomine  Imperatores  seu  Reges  Romani  sunt, 
sicuti  fuerunt  Imperatores  et  Reges  Romani,  quos  nostro  tempore  habuimus  et 
habemus.  Illi  enim  non  merentur  Imperatores  vel  Reges  Romani  nominari,  qui 
sunt  pusillanimes  et  effasminati.  By  way  of  comparison  he  relates  how  Theodo- 
rick,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  conducted  in  a  case  of  a  disputed  papal  election  :  quod 
autem  imperialis  potestas  sit  prascipue  super  malum  et  incoriigibilem  Pontificem 
Romanum,  per  quem  scandalizatur  Ecclesia,  he  proves,  c.  9,  by  the  history  of  Otho's 
interference  against  John  XII.  :  tunc  erat  adeo  excellcns  Augustus,  quod  nemo 
contra  ejus  voluntatem  aliquem  Papain,  prseserlim  malignum,  abjectum,  vel  schis- 
maticum  ausus  fuisset  publice  confovore.  Cap.  10.  Quid  igitur  inducit  aliud  hsec 
pompa  tantorum  temporalium  dominiorum,  de  quibus  nunc  gloriatur  ecclesia  Ro- 
mana, quam  negligentiam  in  spiritualibus,  et  erectioiiem  tyrannorum  in  eisdem 
dominiis,  et  divisiones  seu  schisma  in  eadem  ecclesia,  et  alia  mala  plurima,  [sjcm(] 
satis  est  notum.  Cap.  11  :  Quis  tunc  disputasset  cum  eodem  niagno  Augusto 
Ottone  de  ipsius  judicio  super  contendentes  super  Papatu,  seu  perverso  unico 
Papa,  scil.  quod  nisi  a  Deo  possent  judicari  ?  Utinam  talis  Imperator  surgeret 
temporibus  noslris,  qui  nunc  cassaret  scripturarum  multiplicitatem  in  hoc  laby- 
rintho,  quse  adeo  creverunt,  —  quod  vix  eos  centum  cameli  poitarent.  Nee  credo 
illud  obstare,  quod  Canonists  dicunt,  quod  Papa,  nisi  a  tide  sit  devius,  dejici  non 
possit,  et  quod  nemo  judicat  primam  sedem.  —  Quae  licet  ita  teneantur,  tamen  in 
putativo  et  contendente  de  Papatu  in  schismate  vaiiantur  nee  subsistunt,  nee  etiara 
intelliguntur  rationabiliter  in  uno  et  indubitato  Papa  malefico,  et  ecclesiam  scanda- 
lizante,  quia  ille  revera  proprie  dici  non  potest  Christi  vicarius,  —  sed  bestia  niagis 
proprie  appellatur,  etc. 

^  This  Benedict  XIII.,  1403,  had  to  promise  the  French  church,  see  above, 
§  103,  note  11.  Matihceus  de  Craco»m  de  squaloribus  Rom.  Curia;  (see  §  102, 
note  7),  cap.  III. :  Considerandum,  quo  jure,  rationc,  vel  modo  sedes  apostolica 
sibi  usurpaverit  promotionem  et  provisionem  Episcopatuum,  Abbatiarum,  et  alia- 
rurn  dignitatuni,  collationem  quoque  omnium  beneficiorum,  quse  sunt  de  jure  patro- 
natus  spiritualium  personarum.  Et  videtur  quod  non  de  jure,  sed  contra  jus  et 
cum  injuria  capitulorum,  —  quibus  competebat  clectio,  —  nee  non  cum  injuria 
Episcoporum,  etc.  —  Forte  dicitur,  quod  sedes  Apostolica  fecit  hoc  ob  culpam,  et 
in  pcenam  Prajlatorum  et  capitulorum,  quia  hi  eligebant  et  illi  providebant  minima 
bene.  Sed  si  ilia  ratio  valeret,  tunc  etiam  deberet  auferri  et  dimitti  ab  ecclesia 
Romana:  quia  jam  providet  ita  male,  sicut  prius  est  factum.  —  Insuper  hoc  non 
est  de  jure  introductum,  sed  per  cautelain  et  astutiam.  Quia,  ut  fertur  in  principio 
electionis  ac  coronationis  sua;  Apostolici  dirigebant  piimarias  preces  dioecesanis  pro 
familiaribus  suis.  Talis  enim  ordo  et  Romana;  curia;  fuit  consuetudo,  quod  primo 
monitoriEB,  secundo  pra;ceptoriae,  ultimo  executori;e  litterae  concedebantur  (see 
§  62,  note  10).  —  Item  non  erat  veiisimile,  quod  nullus  Praelatorum  bonus  et 
diligcns  fuerit  in  providendo,  et  ideo  non  debuit  omnibus  aul'erri.  —  Amplius  hsc 
non  est  poena  medicinalis,  qure  non  sanat,  sed  mortificat.  Nee  enim  per  hoc  pro- 
visum  est,  ne  male  provideant,  sed  ne  quicquain  in  hoc  boni  vel  mali  faciant,  sicut 
si  Deus  homini  peccanti  libertatem  voluntatis  auferret,  ne  ultra  peccaret.  Am- 
VOL.    III.  10 


74  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

during  the  schism  than  the  (for  the  pope  so  dangerous)  one  of  the 
relation  of  the  papal  authority  to  that  of  an  oecumenical  council  ;  a 
question  at  length  decided  in  favor  of  the  latter."     The  result  of  the 

plius  quando  Prselati  conferebant  beneficia,  melius  impediri  vel  levocaii  potuit 
mala  provisio,  et  puniii  male  providens,  quam  jam.  Tunc  enim  Papa  tauquam 
superioi-  potuit  irrilare  piox  i^ioucm,  piivare  iiislilutos,  et  instituerc  meliores.  Hoc 
autem  per  int'eriores  contiM  superioreia  fici-i  non  potest  tam  bene  vel  congrue.  The 
Pope  had  not  the  necessary  local  knowledge  of  things  to  make  wise  appointments. 
Evil  consequences  of  the  papal  Reservations.  Cap.  IV.  :  Posito  autem,  sed  prop- 
ter rationes  prsmissas  non  concesso,  quod  Papa  de  jure  —  potuerit  oiuniuin  bene- 
ficiorum  et  dignitatum  sibi  collationem  attrahere,  quid  boni  vel  ulilitatis  iniportat 
ista  mirabilis  multitudo  <ri-atiarum  ad  beneficia  vacatura  ?  —  tot  gratia'  sunt,  ut  non 
sit  possibile,  vel  nicdietatem  earum  effectuin  habere.  —  Hence  Caj).  V.  tlie  advice, 
recurrendum  ad  priora  jura,  non  faciendo  gratia.'i  exspectativas,  and  to  leave  the 
elections  to  the  Ordinariis,  sicut  erat  prius.  Comp.  Speculum  aureum  (see  §  102, 
note  8),  cap.  4  seq.  .iVicolaus  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  (see  §  102,  note  1), 
cap.  4  seq. 

■^  Matthceus  de  Cracovia  de  sqiialorihus  Rom.  Curis,  c.  20 :  Dicunt  (the 
papal  party),  quod  si  Papa  peccet,  oportet  tamen  obedire  et  non  rcsistere, — 
imo  nee  judicare,  quia  njeinbra  non  dehent  regere  caput,  sed  e  converso.  It 
is  conceded  :  nullus  inferior  habet  judicare  superiorem,  imo  nee  communitas, 
quamdiu  restat  aliquis  superior,  cui  de  juie  couipetat,  et  qui  velit  justitiam 
facere.  —  Quando  vero  non  est  aliquis  talis,  qui  possit,  et  si  est  aliquis  talis, 
qui  possit,  et  si  est  invocatus,  non  velit  facere,  quod  officii  sui  est;  tunc 
communitas  tota,  vel  hi  qui  sunt  et  totum  siuiul  aut  partes  repraesentant,  possunt 
judicare  eum,  in  quo  manifestum  est  eum  delinquere,  et  in  quo  incorrigibilis 
esse  et  perseverarc  comprobatur.  Cap.  21  :  Ad  hoc  convenientius  declarandum, 
ponatur  casus, —  quod  ipse  Deus  aliquem  Abbatem  —  esemerit  —  ab  omni  juris- 
dictione  spii-itualium  et  saecularium,  etiam  Papa;,  et  quod  Abbas  ille  in  rcprobum 
sensum  conversus  gi'avet  monachos  suos,  contra  regulam  intrantes  simoniace 
recipiat,  —  omnes  sibi  consentientes  pernioveat  ad  agendum  contra  salutem  suam 
et  regulam,  committitque  bona  monasterii  monachis  dissipatoribus  eorundem.  Et 
ai'guitur  prime,  quod  in  hoc  casu  non  teneantur  ipsi  obedire  monachi,  sed  resistere 
et  op])onere  se  ipsi,  —  et  si  opus  est,  ad  ejus  depositioneni  procedere.  For  this 
the  proofs.  Cap.  22  :  Si  ergo  contingat,  quod  Papa  sic  agat  circa  universalem 
ccclesiam,  sicut   talis  Abbas,  —  sequitur, — quod    possint    et    debeant   procedere 

contra  eum. To.  Gersonii  tract,  de  unitate  eccl.  written  in  January,  1409   (0pp. 

ed.  du  Pin,  II.  p.  114).  Consider.  II.  :  Unitas  Ecclesia;  essentialis  semper 
manet  ad  Christum  sponsum  suum,  nam  caput  Ecclesiee  Christus. — Et  si  non 
habet  Vicarium,  dum  scilicet  mortuus  est  corporaliter  vel  civiliter,  vel  quia  non 
est  probabiliter  exs])ectandum,  quod  unquam  silii  vel  successoribus  suis  obedientia 
praestetur  a  Christianis ;  tunc  Ecclesia  tam  divino  quam  naturali  jure,  cui  nullum 
obviat  jus  positivum  rite  intellectuni,  potest  ad  procurandum  sibi  Vicarium  unum 
et  certum  semet  congregare  ad  Concilium  generale  reprajsentans  cam,  et  hoc  non 
solum  auctoritate  DD.  Cardinahum,  sed  etiam  adjutorio  et  auxilio  cujuscunque 
Principis  vel  alterius  Christiani.  Non  enim  habet  corpus  EcclesiEe  mysticum  a 
Christo  peifecti-sime  stabilitum  minus  jus  et  robur  ad  prociu-ationem  suaj  unionis, 
quam  corpus  aliud  civile,  mysticum,  vel  nafurale  verum  :  neque  enim  est  de 
immediato  ac  immutabili  jure,  divino  vel  naturali,  quod  Ecclesia  se  non  possit 
congregare  et  unire  sine  Papa,  aut  sine  aliquo  particulari  Statu  vel  CoUegio,  ubi 
in  casu  cadere  potest  mors  vel  error.  —  Consid.  X.  :  Occurrere  possunt  casus  multi, 
in  quibus  pro  adeptione  pacis  publics  autjusta?  defensionis,  sicut  vim  vi  repellendo, 
liceret  a  rite  electo  in  Papam  substrahere  obedientiam,  liceret  in  neutralitate 
manere,  liceret  ipsum  coi'poralitor  incarcerare,  liceret  ci  adniinistrationem  oinnem 
publicam  interdicere,  liceret  per  appellationem  aut  simile  remedium  sibi  resistere, 
fieretque  sic  obedientia  vera  potius  quam  contradictio  vel  resistentia :  —  liceret 
concilium  generale  co  invito  celebrarc,  liceret  tandem  ipsum  ad  cessionem  com- 
pellere,  vel  reiiitentem  dcjicere  ab  omni  honore  et  gradu,  immo  et  vita  privare. 
Ha;c  omnia  denique  tnliter  licere  jiossunt  stabili  jure  divino  et  naturali,  quod  adver- 
sus  banc  veritatem  nulla  lex  vel  constitutio  puri  hominis  cujuscunque  sine  nova 
authorizatione  Dei  fieii  debet,  quia  erroris  intolerabilis  damnanda  sit.     Comp.  his 


Chap.  II.    National  Churches.    §  105.    Relation  to  the  State.     75 

whole  was  the  calling  of  a  general  council,  which  was  not  only  to 
decide  the  controversy  between  the  two  popes,  but  to  set  bounds  to 
the  abuses  of  the  papal  power,  and  threatened  to  destroy  entirely  the 
system  which  had  now  so  long  subsisted. 


CHAPTER     SECOND. 

HISTORY     OF    THE    NATIONAL    CHURCHES. 

<§,  105. 

THEIR    RELATION    TO    THE    STATE. 

The  collision  between  the  ecclesiastical  and  the  lay  courts,  caused 
by  the  encroachments  of  the  former,  still  continued,  though  the  laity 
were  gradually  gaining  the  advantage.  In  Germany,  the  principle 
had  long  been  acknowledged,  even  by  the  prelates,  who  were  them- 
selves temporal  lords,  that  secular  affairs  belonged  to  the  jurisdiction 
of  the  secular  courts, i   and   was  in   general  maintained  in  practice,^ 


work  written  soon  after,  lib.  de  auferibilitate  Papas  ab  Ecclesia  (1.  c.  p.  209). 
Consider.  IX.  :  Auferibilis  est  Vicarius  sponsus  Ecclesias  per  yoluntariam  ejus 
cessionem  aut  renuntiationem  a  Papatu.  —  Cons.  X.:  Auferibilis  est  in  casibus 
dabilibus  Vicarius  sponsus  Ecclesiae  ab  ipsa  Ecclesia,  —  sive  consentiat  ipse  — 
vel  non  consentiat  sus  cessioni.  —  Nam  si  Vicarius  sponsus  potest  resignare  sponte 
ipsi  EcclesiEe,.dando  ei  libelluni  repudii ;  cum  sponsus  et  sponsa  non  debeant  quoad 
hoc  impari  jure  censeri,  poterit  similiter  repudiare  sponsum  talem  ipsa  Ecclesia 
sponsa,  dum  par  ratio  vel  potior  adducitur  pro  ipsa  contra  sponsum  ;  vel  quia  pros- 
tituere  qua;iit  earn  quantum  in  se  est,  vel  tyrannide  sa;va  tractare,  laniando  eam 
vel  plagando,  bona  sua  dissipando,  vel  quia  abuti  conatur  ea  in  perniciem  filiorum. 
Quomodo  etiain  uni  singulari  persons  fas  esset  in  casu  violentia;  attentats  per 
Papam  verum  contra  castitatem  suam,vel  vitam,  vim  vi  repellere,  cum  appositione 
inculpatffi  tutelar,  etc.  et  ita  licite  stabit,  quod  tangat  Papam  violenter,  vel  in  mare 
dejiciat :  cur  similiter,  in  casu,  non  liceat  idem  toti  Ecclesiae  pro  defensione  sua,  et 
violentiffi  attentats  cauta  repressione.  —  Cons.  XII.  :  Auferibilis  est  in  casu  Vica- 
rius sponsus  Ecclesis  per  Ecclesiam,  vel  generale  Concilium,  nedum  conciliative, 
aut  dictative  vel  denuntiafive,  sed  auctoritative,  judicialiter  atque  juridice.  —  sicut 
enim  tradit  Aristoteles  V.  Politic,  quod  ad  communitatem  totam  spectat  Principis 
vel  correctio,  vel  totalis  destitutio,  si  inemendabilis  perseveret.  —  Sic  Symmachus, 
sic  b.  Marcellinus,  sic  ipse  Gregorius,  sic  alii  plures  judicium  subiere  Concilii : 
nequaquam  ex  humili  condescensione,  sicut  fingunt  aliqui,  sed  ex  debito  et  obliga- 
tione  :  quorum  multos,  quia  Concilium  non  reperit  convictos  de  crimine,  reliquit 
causam  eorum  examine  judicis  Dei  terminandam.  —  Spernens  concilium  Ecclesiae, 
spernit  Deum,  a  quo  dirigitur.  Et  ita  consequenler  apparet  enormis  error  dicenti- 
um,  quod  deliberatio  Paps  prspoaderat  super  deliberatione  ex  concilio  Ecclesiae 
seu  Concilii  generalis,  nee  tenetur  Concilium  insequi  aut  eidem  acquiesccre  nisi 
velit.  See  Gerson's  later  work.  Circa  materiam  excommunicationum  resolutio.  — 
Consider.  VIII.  (1.  c.  p.  423)  :  si  dicatur  quod  ita  potest  a  Papa  fieri  appellatio  ad 
Concilium  generale,  dixerunt  olim  ante  Concilium  generale  Pisanum  et  Constan- 
tiense,  quod  hoc  nullo  modo  licebat. 

'  Comp.  §  63,  note  23,  and  generally  foi-  this  period  the  works  there  cited  in 
note  20. 

2  Comp.   the  prohibition  by   Lewis  of  Bavaria  A.  D.   1318,  of  all  complaints 


76  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

although  the  ecclesiastical  courts  occasionally  transgressed  their  due 
bounds.-^  The  Swiss  put  an  end  to  the  encroachment  of  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  by  an  especial  enactment  A.  D.  ISTO."*  In  Italy,  the 
authority  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts,  like  every  thing  else  in  that 
country,  was  constantly  vacillating.  During  the  Ghibeline  ascendan- 
cy, it  was  often  entirely  suppressed.^  In  France,  this  authority  was 
perhaps  greater  than  in  any  other  country.  The  kings  were  indul- 
gent for  the  sake  of  securing  the  favor  of  the  clergy,  whilst  they  knew 
how  to  restrain  occasional  irregularities.  The  barons,  on  the  other 
hand,  were  involved  in  almost  constant  strife  with  the  clergy  on  the 
subject,  and  loud  complaints  of  encroachment  were  constantly  heard 
on  both  sides.*^     The  remarkable  negotiation  of  the  Parliament  with 

before  ecclesiastical  tribunals  in  civil  matters,  in  Gudeni  sylloge  diplom.  p.  487. 
Also  his  ordinance  of  A.  D.  1329  in  the  Frankfurt  Privilegiis,  p.  15.  In  the 
golden  bull  (1.356),  cap.  XI.  :  in  defectu  vero  justitia?  pra;dictis  omnibus  ad  Impe- 
rialeni  duntaxat  Curiam  et  tribunal,  seu  judicis  immediate  in  Imperiali  Curia  pro 
tempore  praesidentis  audientiam,  et  etiam  eo  casu  non  ad  quemvis  alium  judicem 
sive  ordinarium  sive  etiam  delegatum,  bis  quibus  denegala  fuerit  justitia,  liceat 
appellare.  Quicquid  vei-o  contra  pi-a»missa  factum  fuerit,  sit  in-itum  eo  ipso  (direct- 
ed against  the  ecclesiastical  encroachments  mentioned  in  §  63,  note  21.  See 
Olenschl  agers  Neue  Erkluterung  der  guldenen  Bulle,  S.  240). 

^  e.  g.  that  of  Mayence  in  Hesse,  see  Kopps  Nacbricht  v.  d.  Verfassung  der 
geistl.  u.  Civil-Gerichten  in  d.  Hessen-Casseliscben  Landen,  Tb.  1  (Cassel.  1769. 
4to.),  S.  177.  But  by  a  compromise  made  1347  and  1354,  the  general  principle 
was  recognised. 

*  M  Ci  Hers  Schweizergeschicbte  (Leipz.  1825),  Tb.  2,  S.  287. 

*  See  above,  §  98,  notes  7  and  15. 

"  On  the  side  of  the  clergy,  Durandus  dc  modo  Concilii  generalis  celebrandi, 
P.  II.  Tit.  70  :  Quasi  per  quandam  alluvionem  frustafim  Domini  temporales  ad  se 
omnia  trahunt.  Et  sicut  frustafim  lupus  agnum  comedit,  ita  per  ipsos  jurisdictio 
ecclesiastica  fruslatim  quodammodo  devoratur,  quicquid  ad  ecclesiasticam  jurisdic- 
tionem,  potissitne  quoad  temporalia,  pertinet,  sibi  auferri  putantes  :  then  follows 
along  list  of  the  encioachments  of  the  temporal  power.  —  Cone.  Avenionense, 
ann.  1326  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  739)  c.  8-10,  14,  against  the  interference  of  the 
civil  courts  against  the  clergy  ;  c.  42,  43,  against  those  who  hindered  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  the  church. 

On  the  other  side,  see  especially  the  66  Gravamina  in  the  woi-k  cited  in  the  next 
note,  Petri  Bertrandi  (Goldasti  Monarch.  II.  p.  1362:  I.  Primo  de  jure  com 
muni  cognitio  causarum,  qua;  tangunt  realitatem,  sive  sint  in  possessione  sive  in 
proprietate,  pertinet  ad  jurisdictionem  temporalem.  Et  officiales  pra^latorum  impe- 
diendo  jurisdictionem  temporalem  nituntur  sibi  attribuere  cognitionem  causarum 
realium,  specialitei'  super  possessione  et  super  otnnibus  interdictis.  II.  Item 
quando  laicus  turbatur  vel  impeditur  in  possessione  terras  suas  per  aliquem  cleri- 
cum,  et  propter  hoc  impetrat  adiornamentum  (Citation)  a  judice  sa;culari  in  casu 
novitatis  vel  alias  :  Officiales  pra'latorum  —  faciunt  moneri  ad  inslantiam  clerici 
judicem  sa;cularem  et  partem,  ut  post  adiornamentum  cessent  sub  pa-na  excommu- 
nicationis  et  certa;  pecuniae  quantitalis.  III.  Item  cum  cognitio  personarum  laica- 
rum  pertineat  ad  judicem  sacularera,  exceptis  casibus  spiritualibus,  Officiales 
praelatorum  faciunt  eos  citari  coram  se  ad  instantiam  partis.  Et  si  dictas  personae 
laica;  declinant  jurisdictionem  dictorum  officialium,  vel  Domini,  quibus  subjiciun- 
tur,  requirunt  eas  rcmitti  coram  eis,  —  dicti  officiales  renuunt  hoc  facere,  et  com- 
peliunt  per  excommunicationem  partes  ad  procedendum  coram  eis.  IV.  Item 
praelati  faciunt  concilia  provincialia,  et  synodaHa  statuta,  in  quibus  plura  faciunt  et 
ordinant  in  grande  pra;judiciumjurisdictionis  temporalis.  XIV.  Item  si  duo  laici 
sint  in  processu  in  curia  alicujus  Domini  temporalis  super  actione  reali  vel  perso- 
nali,  et  contingat  quod  altera  partium  diffugiendo  appellet  ad  curiam  alicujus  prae- 
lati coram  officiab  suo,  post  magnos  processus  factos  et  litem  contestatam  Offici- 


Chap.  II.    National  Churches.    §  105.     Relatioji  to  the  State.     77 

the  prelates,  wlio  were  summoned  before  it  by  order  of  Philip  of 
Valois  (1339),^  was  unsuccessful.^    Immediately  afterwards  the  clergy 

ales  —  nituntur  retinere  cogaitionem  taliura  causarurn, — et  virtute  monitionum 
et  sententiaruin  faciunt  desistere  Dominum  temporalem  a  cognitione  causae  post 
appellationem :  quod  nisi  faciat,  excommunicatur  et  trahitur  ad  einendani.  — 
XXIII.  Item  ad  finem,  quod  dicta  curia  ecclesiastica  augmentetur,  dicti  pra2lati 
faciunt  magnani  multitudinem  tonsuraruni  pueris  ajtate  minoribus,  —  ac  hominibus 
conjugatis  insufficientibus  et  illitei-alis.  —  XXX.  Item  si  contingat,  quod  gentes 
regia;  capiant  aliquem  malefactorem  pro  crimine  certo  per  eum  commisso,  et  idem 
malefactor  dicat  se  clericuni  esse,  licet  nee  tonsuram,  nee  habitum  deferat  cleri- 
cales,  officiates  pradatorum  faciunt  in  continenti  detinentes  et  capientes  compelli 
per  nionitiones  et  sententias  ad  restituendum  sibi  pra;dicturn  malefactorem  tan- 
quam  clericuni  suum.  —  XXXIV.  Item  quando  aliquis  malefactor  redditur  judi- 
cibus  ecclesia;  per  judices  ssculares  tanquani  clericus ;  amici  ipsius  malefactoris 
veniunt  ad  officiales  praelatorum,  et  concordant  cum  eis ;  et  sic  dimittunt  sine 
punitione ;  et  sic  pejora  committunt  quam  ante,  licet  crimina  essent  notiora.  — 
XLII.  Item  judices  ecclesiastici  in  quocunque  casu  nituntur  habere  cognitionem 
injuriarum,  sive  in  verbis,  sive  in  factis  commissa  sit  injuria  :  necnon  uxorum 
clericorum,  licet  sint  mercatrices,  et  eorum  mariti  similiter  mercatores.  — XLIII. 
Item  volunt  habere  cognitionem  bonorum  tam  mobilium  quam  immobilium  vidu- 
arum.  —  LXV.  Item  testamenta  quoque  volunt  per  manus  suas  exccutioni  tradere, 
inventaria  facere  bonorum  defunctorum,  eademque  servare  et  hsredibus  disti-ibu- 
ere,  et  habent  officiales,  qui  super  his  exequendis  duntaxat  deputati  existunt.  — 
LXVI.  Item  quod  aliquando  testamentis  coram  tabellionibus  factis  nolunt  adhibere 
fidem,  nisi  pi-ius  per  ipsos  officiales  fuerint  approbata. 

■^  See  jlctio  Petri  de  Cugneriis,  consiliarii  i-egii,  et  Petri  Bertrandi,  Episc. 
iEduensis  (from  1331  Cardinal)  de  jurisdictione  ecclesiastica  et  polilica  coram  Phi- 
lippo  Rege  Fi'ancice  habita  anno  1329  (in  Goldasti  Monarcliia,  T.  11.  p.  1361  seq. 
and  Bibl.  PP.  Lugd.  T.  XXVI.  p.  109  seq.),  ed.  by  Petrus  Bertrandus.  First 
the  summons  of  the  king,  occasioned  by  the  mutual  complaints  of  the  two  parties. 
Then  it  is  related  that  Petrus  de  Cugneriis  —  locutus  est  pro  Rege,  lacto  themate 
suo  :  Reddite  qufe  sunt  Cssaris  Ctesari,  et  quse  sunt  Dei  Deo.  Et  prosecutus 
estjuxta  illud  thema  materiam  suam  includendo  ad  duo.  Primo  quod  legi  debe- 
batur  reverentia  et  subjectio,  secundo  quod  debebat  esse  spiritualium  et  tempora- 
lium  divisio,  ut  spiritualia  ad  prtelatos,  et  temporalia  ad  Regem  et  Barones  pertine- 
rent.  Amongst  other  things  he  said  also,  as  is  seen  from  the  speech  of  Petrus 
Bertrandus,  who  followed  him  (Goldast,  p.  1373),  quod  talia  jura  regia  rex  non 
poterat  a  se  abdicare,  cum  essent  juris  sui  regalis,  et  jurasset  in  coronalione  sua 
jura  regni  non  alienare,  et  alienata  revocare,  et  quod  talia  erant  impra-scriptibilia. 
—  He  then  declared,  quod  intentio  regis  erat  reintegrare  temporale,  and  handed  in 
■  the  Gravamina  cited  in  the  preceding  note.  On  the  following  day,  the  prelates 
were  defended  by  the  archbishop  of  Sens,  in  a  speech  which  is  given  in  full.  e.  g. 
Ille  ad  judicandum  videtur  aplior  et  convenientior,  qui  est  Deo  proximior:  —  sed 
persona  ecclesiasticaj  sunt  Deo  proximiores,  ergo,  etc.  —  Pra;terea  nullus  dubital, 
quin  cognitio  de  peccato  ad  personas  ecclesiasticas  pertineat,  cum  ergo  talia  non 
perpetrentur  sine  peccato  alterius  partis,  patet  quod  ecclesia  cognoscere  potest. 
Item  cujus  est  judicare  de  tine,  ejus  est  judicare  de  ordinatis  ad  tinem:  — cum 
igitur  corpus  ordinatur  ad  animam,  et  temporalia  ad  spiritualia  tanquam  ad  finem  ; 
ecclesia,  quashabet  judicare  de  spiritualibus,  potest  ctiani  merito  de  temporalibus 
judicare.  —  Et  confirmatur,  quia  accessorium  sequitur  naturam  principalis,  et  hoc 
satis  apparet  exempio  :  cum  igitur  ists  dua.'  jurisdictiones  compai'entur  duobus 
luminaribus,  soh  scil.  et  lunas,  et  tota  clariias  luns  sit  a  sole,  et  in  sole  formaliter 
et  virtualiter,  et  non  claritas  solis  a  luna  nee  in  luna  ;  patet  quod  jurisdictio  spiritu- 
alis,  quae  comparatur  soli,  habct  in  se  formaliter  vel  virtualiter  jurisdictionem  tem- 
poralem, quEe  comparatur  cjaritati  luna?.  Then  follow  proofs  ex  jure  civili,  namely, 
from  the  supposed  law  of  Theodosius,  which  Charlemagne  is  said  to  have  confirmed 
(see  §  9,  note  8),  and  ex  jure  canonico.  Sed  forte  ad^hoc  dicetur  :  quare  hoc  sibi 
vendicat  ecclesia  Gallicana,  cum  alife  ecclesia;  sibi  in  aliis  regionibus  hoc  minime 
vendicare  noscantur  ?  Ad  quod  potest  faciliter  responderi.  Si  enim  Reges  Fran- 
ciae,  quos  Deus  singularibus  privilegiis,  gratiis  et  honoribus  pra;  caeteris  regibus 
insignivit. —  ecclesiae  plures  libertates  concesserunt,  vel  concessis  uti  libere  per- 


78  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

sought  to  establish  their  jurisdiction  more  firmly  than  ever  by  the 
decrees  of  a  council.^     In  the  Parliament,  on  the  other  hand,  which 

miserunt,  non  est  niirum  :  inio  tanta  fuit  ad  ecclesiain  eoruni  devotio,  quod  ecclesiae 
quanto  eis  propinquiores,  tanto  pluribus  libertatibus  gaudent.  Nee  ex  hoc  minus 
habuerunt,  sed  plus,  sicut  rei  evidentia  manifestat,  imo  hoc  redundat  in  magnam 
nobilitatcm  regni  et  regis.  On  Uie  following  Friday  Petrus  Beiirandus  spoke 
again,  and  answered  the  alleged  Gravamina," which  "he  divided  into  three  parts, 
quia  quidam  articuli  tangebant  jura  ecclcsiaj  perpetua;  —  secunda  pars  articulo- 
rum  continebat  abusns  et  errores,  si  veri  essent,  et  illos  nullo  modo  volebant  defen- 
dere,  imo  providere  ne  talia  ticrcnt,  ct  corrigere  si  qua;  talia  facta  eiant.  Tertia 
pars  continebat  aliqua,  qua;  poterant  esse  jiista,  et  aliqua  injusta;  quantum  ad 
justa  respondit  ut  de  contends  in  prima  parte,  quantum  ad  injusta,  ut  de  contentis 
in  secunda.  The  spirit  of  these  answers  is  seen  from  the  following  :  Ad  XXXIV. 
qui  loquitur  de  clericis  nialelicientibus,  quos  ofiiciales  praelatorum  de  facili  expedi- 
unt  pro  pcenis  pecuniariis  dicit,  quod  hoc  esset  irrationabile,  ubi  maleticium  esset 
notorium  vel  manifestum,  et  tale  vel  tantum,  propter  quod  perpetua  poena  ei 
deberet  imponi,  si  pro  poena  pecuniaria  tale  crimen  transiret.  Sed  nullum  est 
inconveniens,  si  pro  causa  justa  dicti  ofiiciales  panam  corporalcm  in  pecuniariam 
convertant :  quia  hoc  etiam  volunt  jura  tam  canonica  quam  civilia. 

"  At  the  close  of  the  investigation,  the  prelates  prayed  the  king  (1.  c.  p.  1381), 
ut  pro  Dei  honoie  in  statu,  in  quo  sui  boni  pra'decessores  tenuerunt  ecclesiam, 
ipse  earn  teneat  et  defendat,  nee  ei  facial  aliquam  novitatem  :  et  placeat  ei  procla- 
mationes  et  inhibitiones  factas,  scil.  quod  nullus  laicus  trahat  alium  laicum  coram 
judice  ecclesiastico,  revocare  :  quia  hoc  esset  omnia  ecclesiarum  jura  tollere.  Et 
licet  in  aliquibus  locis  pro  toleranda  eorum  malitia  in  talibus  proclamationibus  seu 
inhibilionibus  verba,  qua"  se(iuuntur,  apponant,  videlicet  quod  laicus  non  trahat 
alium  laicum  coram  ecclesia  super  casibus  pertinentibus  ad  jtidices  scpculares  ; 

—  hoc  est  propter  jura  ecclesice  usurpanda,  quia  multa  pertinent  ad  forum  laico- 
rum,  quae  nihilominus  pertinent  ad  ecclesiasticum.  Et  sic  jus  et  consueludo  tolle- 
rentiM-,  per  qua;  in  electione  laici  est,  quod  possit  alios  laicos  in  foro  ecclesiae  con- 
venire.  Item  quia  tales  proclamationcs  seu  inhibitiones  facts,  licet  etiam  essent 
bene  generales,  dant  occasionem  oinnimode  jurisdictionem  ecclesiasticam  pertur- 
bandi,  unde  reges  Francite  semper  prohibuerunt  tales  proclamationcs  seu  inhibitio- 
nes fieri,  et  factas  penitus  faciebant  revocari  et  ad  nihilum  reduci.  In  the  pres- 
ence of  the  king  and  in  his  name,  Petrus  de  Cugneriis  declared  to  them,  quia 
intenlio  Domini  Regis  erat  servare  jura  ecclesiae  et  Praelatorum,  but  attempted 
once  more  to  prove,  quod  causariim  civilium  non  poterat  ad  ecclesiam  cognitio 
pertinere  :  in  a  second  audience,  however,  the  king  did  not  recognise  the  last  part 
of  what  his  representative  had  said,  quod  non  erant  facta;  de  suo  mandato,  nee 
aliquid  sciebat,  nee  eas  ratas  habebat,  and  expressed  himself  content  with  the 
promise  of  the  prelates  to  coirect  the  existing  abuses.  The  last  answer  of  the 
king,  given  through  Petrus  de  Cugneriis,  was,  quod  placebat  Rcgi,  si  praslati 
emendarent  ea,  qus  essent  emcndanda  et  corrigenda:  et  quod  Dominus  Rex 
expectaret  usque  ad  fustum  nativitatis  Domini  proximum  venturum,  infra  quern 
terniinum  nihil  innovaret.  Et  si  infra  dictum  lerminum  pra;lati  non  emendassent 
emendanda,  —  dominus  Rex  apponeret  tale  remedium,  quod  esset  gratum  Deo  et 
populo.  The  addition  in  Gohlast,  p.  1383,  that  after  waiting  in  vain,  the  king  had 
at  last  passed  a  severe  law,  qua  —  se  ac  suos  in  libertalem  asserit,  originated  with 
Flacius  (Cat.  test,  verit.  p.  391),  but  is  not  historically  ti-ue.  To  confirm  the 
claims  of  the  clergy,  Petrus  Bertrandus  wrote  afterwards?  the  tract,  de  origins 
et  usu  jurisdictionum,  s.  de  spirituali  et  temporal!  potestate  (in  Bibl.  PP.  Lugd.  T. 
XXVI.  p.   127). 

»  Cone.  Bituricense,ann.  1336,  c.  12  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  1062),  first  describes  the 
encroachments  on  the  ecclesiastical  jurisdiction.  Namely,  nouiuilli  temporale 
dominium  obtinentes,  vel  saecularis  judiciaria;  potestatis  gerentes  otTicium  —  ali- 
quotiens  palam,  —  aliquotiens  seorsum  ad  partem,  proclamaverunt  et  inbibuerunt, 

—  ne  aliquis  subjectorum  suorum  alter  alterujn  ad  forum  ecclesiasticum  —  trahere 
praesumat,  —  ne  i|)si  subditi  —  super  recipiendis  contractibus  ad  —  nolarios  curiae 
ecclesiasticae  recurrerent ; — literas  excommunicatorias  —  quandoque  lacerant, — 
literas,  et  quod  detestabilius  est,  poi-titores  ipsos  interdum  capiunt,  verberant,  et 


Chap.  II.     National  Churches.    §  105.     Relation  to  the  State.      79 

had  now  become  a  permanent  body,^"  these  pretensions  were  stedfastly 
resisted,  especially  from  the  time  of  Charles  V.  From  that  period 
the  jurisdiction  of  the  ecclesiastical  courts  was  not  only  confined  to 
its  proper  sphere, '^  but  was  always  in  a  degree  under  the  superinten- 
dence of  the  Parliament ;  i-  this  last  assuming  the  decision  of  many 
matters  which  had  hitherto  been  considered  spiritual.'-^ 

conipellunt  comedere  literas  et  sigilla  ;  —  sacerdotes,  —  et  pei'sonas  ecclesiasticas, 
atqiie  ipsorum  uxores,  parentes  et  aiiiicos  —  ceperunt,  arrestaverunt ;  licet  mone- 
antur,  nolunt  restituei-e,  etc.  All  such  turbatores  jurisdictionis  ecclesiasticas  are 
to  be  excommunicated  and  put  under  interdict:  quos  omnes  —  nominatim  et 
expresse  —  per  curatos  tolius  provincia;  omnibus  diebus  dominicis  in  Missa  excom- 
municatos  denuntiari  sub  poena  excommunicationis  pi-a^cipimus  alta  voce.  Cap.  13: 
Such  offenders  shall  be  absolved  from  their  sentence  only  by  the  bishops  in  person, 
aut  per  ejus  oificialem  vel  commissarium  super  hoc  specialem,  and  only  on  condi- 
tion of  their  having  rendered  satisfaction.  Comp.  Cone,  apud  Castrum  Gonterii, 
ann.  1336,  c.  1  and  2.  Cone.  Noviomense,  ann.  1344,  c.  1  and  2  (Mansi  XXVI. 
p.  1),  etc.  The  clergy  were  strictly  Ibibidden  to  apply  to  the  civil  tribunals. 
Cone.  Bituiic.  ann.  1336,  c.  11. 

'"  Pasquier  recherches  de  la  France,  liv.  II.  chap.  3.  [Hallam,  c.  1.  P.  II. 
-Tr.] 

"  A  royal  edict  of  March  8,  1371,  directed  to  the  bailifT  of  Sens  (in  the 
Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'Egl.  Gallic,  chap.  VII.  no.  27),  after  enumerating  the 
usurpations  of  the  clergy,  decrees  :  Quocirca  nos  jura  et  libertates  jurisdictionis 
nostra5  temporalis  — sei'vari  volentes  illffisa,  Vobis,  prout  per  dictam  nosti-aiu  Curi- 
am, habita  super  his  deliberatione  diligenti,  cxtitit  ordinatum,  tenore  prjesentium 
committimus  et  mandamus,  quatenus  prajfatis  Archicpiscopis  et  Episcopis,  ac  eorum 
—  officialibus,  etc.  —  ex  parte  nostra,  ac  sub  magnis  poenis  a  nobis  applicandis, 
injungatis,  —  ne  de  casibus  et  actionibus  realibus  ac  aliis  superius  declaralis  —  de 
caetero  amplius  cognoscere — prai-sumant,  sed  facta  et  agitata  in  contrarium  — 
revocent  penitus  et  annuUent.  Quod  si  faceie  noluerint,  aut  plus  cl^bito  distule- 
rint,  ipsos  ad  hoc  per  captionem  et  detentionem  eorum  tempoialitatis,  ac  omnibus 
aliis  viis  et  modis  Ileitis,  quibus  melius  videbitur  et  poteritis,  viriliter  et  debite 
compellatis  :  —  et  insuper  ne  usurpationes  et  surprisia?  supradictte  —  illa!sa;  rema- 
neant,  vos  de  et  super  usurpationibus  et  surprisiis  antedictis,  eorumque  cii-cum- 
stantiis  et  dependenlibus  universis  diligenter  et  secrete  informetis,  et  quos  de  his 
per  dictam  informationem  culpabiles  repei'ietis,  ipsos  ad  dies  Seneschalliaruni  vel 
Baillivarum  suarum  nostri  futuri  proximi  Parlamenti  adiornetis  (summons),  etc. — 
These  ordinances  the  parliament  thenceforward  took  care  to  enforce.  Thus  it 
condemned  the  bishop  of  Chalons,  1305,  to  a  fine  for  neglecting  them  (ibid.  no.  29). 

'^  The  bishop  of  Mans,  having  excommunicated  some  one  with  whom  he  had  a 
process  in  the  royal  coui-ts  pendente  lite,  and  afterwaids  refused  the  same  person  a 
Christian  burial,  he  was  compelled,  1396,  per  arrestum  of  parliament,  to  have  his 
body  taken  up  again,  and  to  revoke  the  act  of  excommunication,  Preuves  des  lib. 
chap.  VI.  no.  2.  In  like  manner  the  archbishop  of  Rheims,  ibid.  no.  4.  —  Many 
persons  having  been  arraigned  by  the  accusations  of  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals, 
quod  ipsi  feminas  aliasque  quam  suas  desponsatas  carnaliter  cognoverant,  ipsos  ad 
solvendum  eniendas  propter  hoc  compellendo ;  an  ordinance  was  issued  by  Philip 
of  Valois,  1336,  ipsum  Episcopum  ad  desistendum  de  prasmissis  per  ipsius  tempo- 
ralitatis  captionem  compellere :  so  also  Carl  V.  13SS  (Preuves,  chap.  XXXV.  no. 
10  and  11). 

"  The  parliament  maintained  the  right  of  judging  de  omnibus  causis  ecclesias- 
ticis  possessoriis  (Preuves,  chap.  XXVI.  no.  1),  and  this  was  even  expressly  con- 
ceded by  Maitin  V.  (ibid.  no.  2).  —  Preuves,  chap.  XXXV.  no.  21 :  the  archbishop 
of  Bourges  had  ordered  at  a  Synod  in  his  diocese,  A.  D.  1369:  Quoniam  ut  intel- 
leximus  domini  sa?culares  propter  crimina  a  Clericis  commissa  bona  capiunt  cleri- 
corura,  ut  sic  indirecte  de  crimine  Clericos  puniant,  et  eosdem  Clericos  faciunt 
compellare,  ut  eis  emendam  exsolvant  ratione  seu  occasione  criminum  commisso- 
rum,  quod  est  directe  contra  Ecclesiasticam  libertatem,  cum  illi  de  crimine  crimi- 
naliter  seu  civihter  distringi  seu  puniri  nequeant  per  judicem  sKcularem :  igitur 


80  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

«§,   106. 

INTERNAL    RELATIONS    OF    THE    NATIONAL    CHURCHES. 

In  addition  to  the  former  encroachments  of  the  popes  on  the  rights 
of  the  bishops,  they  now  claimed  the  right  of  supplying  all  vacant 
places, 1  whilst  they  carried  the  granting  of  exemptions  to  the  most 
unwarrantable  lengths,  especially  during  the  schism.-  The  ecclesi- 
astical importance  of  the  bishops  being  thus  very  small,^  they  sought 

praedicta  fieri  prohibemus,  statuentes  quod  si  quis  dominus  saecularis,  vel  alius- 
procedendo  de  cjetero,  Clericos  ratione  criininum  ab  eis  coinmissoruin  per  captionem 
boiioruiii  mobilium  vcl  iininobilium  suonim  vexaverint,  scu  ad  einendani  compel- 
laverint,  eo  ipso  sententiatn  excomnmnicationis  incurrat,  et  quaslibet  civitas  statiin. 
quod  hoc  siveiit  habeat  cessare  penitus  a  divinis,  donee  bona  capta  vel  ad  manum 
Scecularem  posita  libere  sint  diniissa,  et  amotum  impedimentum  quodlibet  ab- 
eisdem :  et  nihilominus  illos,  qui  contra  prajniissa  fecerint,  ut  exconimunicatos 
habeatis  evitare.  The  duke  of  Berry  interfered,  however,  at  once,  and  proclaimed, 
as  the  king's  representative,  quod  dictus  Rev.  Pater  postnioduni  sufficienter  infor- 
matus  et  certioratus,  dictas  suas  consfitutiones  et  statuta  diets  jurisdiction!  tenipo- 
rali  et  dictas  Bituricensis  patrias  usibus  et  consuetudinihus  existere  contrarias, — in 
nostri  prsesentia  sponte  revocaverit  et  tolaliter  adnullaverit,  et  insuper  nobis  pro- 
miserit  dictani  adnullatiouem  et  revocationeni  in  sua  proxima,  futura  Bituricensi 
Synodo  in  personis  dictorum  Ciiratoruni  dictas  suae  dioscesis  fieri,  facere  publicare, 
etc.  On  his  doing  this  he  promised,  in  the  conviction,  dictum  Reverendum  prae- 
dictas  constitutiones  —  non  dolo,  fraude  seu  malitia  aliqualiter  edidisse,  —  to  remit 
omnem  poenam,  emendam  et  offensam.  All  which  was  at  once  confirmed  by  the 
king. 

'  See  §  100,  note  5  seq. 

^  JVicol.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  c.  31  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T,  I.  P. 
III.  p.  31) :  Et  bos  ergo  Canonicos  aliquis  vocabit,  qui,  sic  ab  omni  canone,  h.  e. 
ab  omni  regula  abalienati  sunt,  qui,  ut  licenter  et  impune  omnia,  quag  ferret 
animus,  flagitia  admittere  possint,  ab  omni  se  castigatione  et  disciplina  suorum 
prajlatorum  maxima  ubique  redemptione  exemerunt  .■'  Fraudant  itaque  se  mutuo, 
fraudant  subdilos.  —  Quas  omnes  fraudes  et  rapinas  cum  fecerint,  non  est,  qui  eos 
puniat.  Ad  Papam  eniin,  quem  solum  judicem  plerique  eorum  se  habere  jactant, 
quis  circumvento  pauperi  accessus  est?  —  Martini  V.  bulla,  A.  D.  1418,  annulling 
the  exemptions  granted  during  the  schism  (ibid.  T.  IV.  p.  1535) :  a  tempore  obitus 
felicis  recordationis  Gregorii  P.  XI.  prsdecessoris  nostri,  nonnulli  Romani  Ponti- 
fices,  et  pro  Romanis  Pontiticibus  se  gerentes  —  nonnuUas  ecclesias,  monasteria, 
capitula,  conventus,  prioratus,  beneficia,  loca  et  personas  —  de  novo  a  dictorum 
Ordinariorum  jurisdictionibus  exemerunt,  in  grave  ipsorum  Ordinariorum  praeju- 
dicium. 

3  Jo.  Gerson  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reform.  Ecclesiam  in  Concil.  Univers.  written 
1414  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  IV.  p.  90.  Gersonii  0pp.  T.  II.  p. 
174) :  Quam  quidem  coactivam  potestatem  niulti  summi  Pontifices  per  successiones 
teniporum  et  contra  Deum  et  justitiam  sibi  applicarunt,  privando  inferiores  Epis- 
copos  potestatibus  et  auctoritatibus  eis  a  Deo  et  Ecclesia  concessis :  qui  in  primitiva 
Ecclesia  aequalis  potestatis  cum  Papa  erant,  quando  non  fuerunt  Papales  beneficio- 
rum  reservationes,  non  casuum  Episcopalium  inhibitiones,  non  indulgentiarum 
venditiones,  non  Cardinalium  commends,  et  distinctioncs  beneliciorum,  Prioratuum 
et  Monasteriorum.  Tandem  per  tempoia  successive  crescente  Clericorum  avaritia 
et  Papa;  simonia,  cupiditate  et  ambitione,  potestas  et  auctoritas  Episcoporum  et 
Praelatorum  infcriorum  quasi  videtur  exhausta  et  totaliter  diruta,  ita  ut  jam  in 
Ecclesia  non  vidcantur  esse  nisi  simulacra  depicta,  et  quasi  frustra :  jam  enim 
Papa  Romanus  reservavit  omnia  beneficia  ecclesiastica,  jam  advocavit  omnes 
causas  ad  Curiam  suam,  jam  voluit  Puenilentiariam  habere  ibidem,  jam  legitima- 
tiones  Clericorum,  jam  ordinationes  sacras  quorumcunque  sine  differentia  vult  fieri 


Chap.  II.  National  Churches.  §  107.  Moral  condition  of  the  Clergy.  81 

to  indemnify  themselves  by  the  honors  and  pleasures  of  the  world.^ 
The  burden  imposed  on  them  by  the  popes  they  managed  for  the  most 
part  to  sliift  on  the  shoulders  of  those  beneath  them,  and  the  inferior 
clergy  groaned  under  the  most  intolerable  oppression. ^ 


S^  107. 

MORAL    CONDITION    OF    THE    CLERGY. 

The  manner  in  which  the  places  in  the  church  were  bestowed,  the 
example  of  those  around  the  Pope,^  and  the  principles  on  which  justice 
was  administered  in  the  ecclesiastical  courts,-  all  combined  to  make 

in  ejus  Curia :  et  illi,  qui  in  terra  propiia  non  possint  ordinari,  in  eadera  Curia 
ordinantir  de  facili. 

■»  JVicol.  de  Clamengis,  c.  25 :  multi  ex  eis,  qui  pastorali  apice  potiuntur, 
perque  annosa  teinpora  potiti  sunt,  nunquam  civitates  suas  intraverunt,  suas  Eccle- 
sias  viderunt,  sua  loca  vel  dioeceses  visitaverunt,  nunquam  pecorum  suorum  vultus 
agnoverunt,  vocein  audierunt,  vulnera  senseruut,  nisi  ea  lorte  vulnera,  quae  ipsi 
suis  uberibus  spoliis  per  alienos  mercenaries  eis  intulerunt.  Alienos  dixi,  quia  et 
ipsi/iiet  mercenarii  sunt,  qui  non  gregissui  custodiam,  salutem,  profectum  quarunt, 
sed  solum  temporalis  mercedis  retributionem.  —  Cap.  26:  At  enim,  dicet  forsan 
aliquis,  jure  eis  ignoscendum  est,  si  raro  suas  diosceses  adeant, — quoniam  pro  con- 
silio  a  principibus  accersiti  magna  regni  negotia  tractant.  —  Cap.  28 :  Sed  quid 
eorum  tanto  tempore  a  suis  sedibus  absentiam  accusamus.'  cum  per  suam,  si  illic 
adessent,  prccscntiam  vcrisimilius  obesse,  quam  prodesse  possent.  Quidnan*  enim 
ore  illi  prosunt,  qui  toto  elabente  anno  suam  bis  aut  ter  intrant  Ecclesiam,  qui  totos 
in  aucupio  et  venatu,  in  ludis  et  palaestra  dies  agunt,  qui  in  conviviis  accuratissimis, 
in  plausibus  et  choreis,  cum  puellis  etiam,  effoeminati  insomnes  transigunt  noctes, 
qui  suo  turpi  exemplo  gregem  per  devia  quasque  abductum  in  praecipitium  trahunt, 
qui  imberbes  adhue  adolescentuli,  vix  turn  ferulam  egressi,  ad  pastorale  convolant 
magisterium,  et  tantundera  de  illo,  quantum  de  nautico  sciunt  officio .'  Difficile 
itaque  satis  est  statuere,  qui  eorum  magis  incommodent  suo  gregi :  hi,  qui  deserto 
eo  lupisque  exposito  cum  scurris  et  parasitis  in  aula  versantur,  an  hi  potius,  qui 
coram  positi,  eum  per  rapinam  vexant,  per  incuriam  negligunt,  per  errorem  duc- 
lum  precipitant.  The  German  bishops  were  often  involved  in  feuds,  especially  in 
disputes  with  the  towns  in  which  they  resided,  see  Schmidts  Gesch.  d. 
Deutschen,  Th.  4.  S.  600  ff. 

5  A'^icolaus  Oresmius  (or  Orem,  a  Parisian  theologue,  Decau  in  Rouen)  in  a 
.sermon  delivered  coram  Papa  Urbano  et  Cardinalibus  1363  (ed.  Flacius  cat.  test, 
verit.  no.  CCCVI.  Brown  appendix  ad  fasc.  rerum  expetend.  et  fugiendarum,  p. 
489) :  Non  puto,  posse  in  historiis  reperiri,  quod  unquam  fuerit  aliqua  gentium 
politia  bene  instituta,  in  qua  esset  tanta  doctrina,  quam  nunc  sit  in  politia  sacerdo- 
tum,  ut  a  quidein  essent  major es  quam  Principes  scbcuH,  cceteri  dejectiores  vulgo. 

In  corpora — idem  videamus  :  si  nutrimentum  fluat  ad  unum  membrum,  ita  ut 

enormiter  ingrossetur,  et  alia  nimium  macerentur,  non  potest  diu  vivere  :  sic  in 
corpore  reipublicas  ecclesiastics,  si  superiores  augmentatione  substantiae  ita  graves 
in  statu  sunt,  quod  vix  possunt  ab  interioribus  sustineri,  hoc  est  signum  et  causa 
propinqua;  ruinae,  etc. 

»  See  above,  §  100,  note  4. 

2  Compare  §  63,  note  16.  New  abuses  now  crept  in :  JVicol.  de  Clameyigis  de 
ruina  eccl.  c.  20  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  III.  p.  24) :  Corradendis  omni 
ex  parte  pecuniis  nostris  Praslati  summopere  invigilant.  —  Si  quis  apud  eos  clericus 
pro  furto,  pro  homicidio,  pro  raptu,  aut  sacrilegio,  aut  alio  quovis  enormi  crimine 
in  carcerem  conjectus  sit,  tristisque  panis  et  aquse  edulio  adjectus:  tam  diu  poena; 
subjacebit,  et  tanquam  reus  sua  commissa  luet,  donee  pro  modo  sui  census  aut 

VOL.   in.  11 


82  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

the  moral  condition  of  the  clergy  worse  than  ever.  In  the  chapters, 
(which  were  commonly  filled  up  with  members  of  noble  families),^  as 
well  as  amongst  the  parochial  clergy,  there  reigned  the  most  profound 
ignorance,  accompanied  by  the  most   revolting  licentiousness.'*     The 

suorum  quisitain  a  se  pecuniain  persolverit.  Ubi  vcro  id  efrerit,  liber  et  velut 
innocens  abiie  sinetur.  Oinnis  noxa,  omnis  error,  omnia  nialeficia,  eliamsi  capitalia 
sint,  per  pecuniain  laxantur  ac  delentur.  Compare  Grauainina,  §  106,  not.  f.  no. 
XXXiV.,  and  the  reply  Petri  Bertrandi,  ibid.  not.  g. 

^  ^Vi'c.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  c.  29  :  Quid  de  Capitulis  et  Canonicis 
longum  trahere  sennonem  necesse  est,  cum  uno  statim  vcr1)o  dicere  liceat,  similes 
Episcoporum  pro  suo  modo  Canonicos  esse,  indoctos,  simoniacos,  cupidos,  ambitiosos, 
aemuloj,  obtrectatores,  sua;  vitse  negligentes,  aliens  curioios  scrutatores  ac  repre- 
hensores,  adhuc  autem  ebriosos,  incontinentissimos,  utpote  qui  passim  et  invere- 
cunde  prolem  ex  meretrice  susccptam  et  scorta  vice  conjugum  domi  tenent : 
vaniloquos,  prsterea  garrulos,  tempus  in  fabulis  et  nugis  terentes,  quia  nihil  utile 
noverunt  aut  serium,  in  quo  occupentur.  Et  piopterca  in  re  sua,  seu  per  fas  seu 
nefas  agenda,  in  cura  ventris  et  gula;,  in  carnis  voluptafibus  hauriendis  suae  vitae 
felicitatem,  ut  porci  Epicurei,  constituunt.  Cap.  30 :  Quam  vero  pacem  inter  se 
habeant,  aut  quam  fraternitatem,  declarant  sect*  et  sediliones,  omnibus  modo  in 
Ecclesiis  per  infernales  furias  excitata-,  ut  jam  ilia  infei'ualis  hydra  schismatica  — 
omnia  fere  collegia  suo  vipereo  semine  infeceiit.  Of  the  abuses  that  crept  into  the 
Chapters,  see  Cone.  Const,  reformatorii  Decretales,  Lib.  III.  Tit.  III.  c.  1  (v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  1.  P.  XII.  p.  695)  :  In  ecclesiis  qnibusdam,  prassertira  cathe- 
dralibus,  et  etiam  quibusdam  rcgularibus  de  ordine  S.  Jienedicti,  pessime  servatur 
et  inolevit  consuetudo,  vel  potius  corruptela,  sic  quol  in  eis  non  admittuntur  nisi 
de  nobilium  aut  militarium  genere  procreati  (see  §  64,  note  b),  qui  velut  ex  militia 
geniti  moribus  laicalibus  et  militaribus  imbuti  Hterarum  studia  non  frequentant 
neque  curant,  et  sic  ignari  remanent  et  idiotae :  ex  quiijus  tunc  comniuniter  per 
electionem  talem  qualem  ad  Ecclesias  cathedrales  liujusmodi  militiae  dediti  in 
praelatos  promoventur,  interdum  vix  latinum  fari  scientes,  et  actus  militares  tarn 
in  vestibus,  quam  in  bcllorum  conflictibus,  et  armorum  insultibus,  quia  exercitati 
sunt  in  illis,  magis  pra;tendentes,  quam  quod  actibus  Pontiticalibus —  se  ingererent. 
Cap.  2,  damnabilis  usus  in  quibusdam  —  Ecclesiis  inolevit,  quod  videlicet,  quoad 
tractatus  capitulares  secret03  et  alios,  admittuntur  interdum  canonici  parvi,  ex 
maturitate  annorum  inhabiles.  Cap.  3:  In  quibusdam  Ecclesiis  statutum  repcritur, 
ut,  licet  numerus  canonicorum  prsbendatorum  sit  satis  magnus,  ipsorum  tamen 
capitularium  ad  sails  parvum  numerum  sit  restrictus,  in  iinem,  ut  creditur,  quod 
dicti  pauci  capitulares  ex  capitularibus  proventibus  uberius  valeant  impinguari. 
The  degree  of  their  ignorance  may  be  estimated  from  the  instance  of  the  chapter 
of  Zurich,  which  was  oldiged  to  employ  a  notary  to  infoi-in  the  bishop  of  Costnitz  of 
the  choice  of  one  of  their  officers,  quia  singuli  de  Capitulo  scribere  nescimus,  see 
Beytrage  z.ur  Gesch.  d.  deutschen  Sprache  u.  Nationalliteratur,  London  (in  d. 
Schweiz)  1778,  Th.  1.  S.  178. 

*  JVic.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  c.  7 :  Summi  Pontifices,  ut  aurei  rivuli  — 
suam  uberius  curiam  irrigarent,  omnibus  dicscesanis  et  pationis  prssentandi  facul- 
tatem  conferendique  libeitatera  —  ademerunt,  interdicentes  illis  sub  poena  anathe- 
matis,  ne  ausu  temerario  (sic  cniai  illorum  loquitur  tritum  jam  frequentiori  usu 
rescriptum)  in  quovis  beneficio  sibi  subjecto  aliquem  instituere  prassumcrent, 
quamdiu  quis  occurreret  ex  illi-,  quos  sua  auctoiitate  beneiicia  ilia  exspcctare 
concesserant,  qui  illud  adipisci  vellet.  Quantus  vero,  Deus  optime,  expectantiuni 
numerus  ex  illo  tempore,  et  qualium  undique  aflluxit,  atque  ibi  prajsto  f'uit !  Non 
tantum  a  studiis  aut  schola,  sed  ab  aratro  etiam  et  servilibus  arlibus  ad  parochias 
regendas  ceteraque  beneficia  passim  proticiscebantur,  qui  paulo  plusLatinas  linguae 
quam  Arabicae  intelligerent,  imo  qui  et  nihil  legere,  et  quod  referre  pudor,  alpha 
vix  nossent  a  betha  di-;cernere.  Ac  morum  in  illis  conipositio  hanc  forte  ignoran- 
tiam  excusabat .'  Imo  si  parum  docti,  negligentius — niorati :  utpote  qui  absque 
Uteris  in  otio  educati,  nihil  nisi  impudicitias,  ludos,  commessationes,  jurgia,  vanilo- 
quia  consectentur.  Inde  omnibus  in  locis  tot  sacerdotcs  improbi  et  miseri  atque 
ignari,  qui  ruinse  et  scandalo  sua  turpi. conversatione  subditis  sunt.     Cap.  24:  De 


Chap.  II.  National  Churches.  §  107.  Moral  condition  of  the  Clergy.  83 

constant  efforts  of  the  synods  to  restrain  the  dissohite  clergy  were  of 
no  avail. 5  Tiie  laity  were  glad  to  secure  their  families  in  any  way 
from  the  attacks  of  priestly  lust,  and  favored,  or  even  furthered,  the 
permanent   connexion   of  their  priests   with    concubines.''      Thus  it 

literis  vero  et  doctiina  quid  loqui  attinet  ?  Cum  omnes  fere  presbyteros  sine  aliquo 
captu  aut  rerurn  aut  vocabulorum,  luoroje  syllabaliinqiie  vix  legere  videamus. 
Quern  ergo  fructum,  qnam  exauditionem  ex  suis  orationibus  sive  sibi,  sive  et  aliis 
impetrabunt,  quibus  barbajum  est,  quod  orant  ?  Quomodo  per  suas  preces  Doini- 
num  alienis  propitiabunt,  quern  sibi  ipsi  sua  ignorantia  et  suae  foeditate  vita*  per 
suuin  ministeriuia  inf'en«iuii  faciunt  ?  Si  quis  hodie  desidiosus  est,  si  quis  a  labore 
abhorrens,  si  quis  in  otic  luxuiiari  volens,  ad  Sacerdolium  convolat.  Quo  sinml  ac 
perventum  est,  fornices  et  cauponulas  seduli  frequentant,  potando,  commessando, 
pransitando,  ca^nitando,  tesseris  et  pila  ludendo,  teinpora  tota  consumunt.  Crapu- 
lati  vero  et  inebriali  pugnant,  clamant,  tumultuantur,  nomen  Dei  et  Sanctorum 
suorum  pollutis<iiiiis  labiis  execrantur.  Sicque  tandem  compositi  ex  nieretricum 
suaruni  complexibus  ad  divinum  altare  veniunt.  How  deficient  the  clergy  were  in 
the  preparation  for  their  office,  and  how  the  people  were  neglected,  see  in  J\'ic.  de 
Clamengis  de  studio  theologico  in  iVAchery  Spicileg.  T.  I.  p.  473,  where,  amongst 
other  things,  we  find  the  "complaint  p.  478:  conterunt  inliniti  ovium  Rectores 
totam  in  studiis  (universities)  a;tateni.  —  Nee  tarn  procul  dubio  discere  cupiunt, 
quam  sub  titulo  et  umbra  studii  multiplicandis  ecclesiasticis  beneficiis  aique  promo- 
tionibus  sine  ulla  unquam  salietate  inbiare.  Of  the  fearful  immorality  of  the  clergy, 
see  the  writings  of  WicUff,  JS'icol.  de  Clamengis,  Matthctus  de  Cracovia,  Jo. 
Huss,  Jo.  Gerson,  Theod.  a  JSlem,  and  the  speeches  at  the  council  of  Constance, 
ed.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const,  in  his  historia  litteraria  Reformalionis,  P.  HI.,  and 
in  Walchii  monimentis  medii  a;vi  fasc.  II.  III.  IV.  e.  g  Bernhardi  Bapiisati  (a 
Benedictine  fioni  Gasconv)  invecliva  in  corruptum  ckM-um  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone. 
Const.  T.  I.  P.  XVII!.  p.  880:  In  Pra-lalis  inclusa  est  malilia  et  iniquitas,  negli- 
gentia,  ignorantia  et  vanitas,  superbia,  avai-itia  et  pompositas :  et  qui  solebant  esse 
ovium  pastores,  jam  effecti  sunt  lupi,  ovium  comestores.  —  Et  habeatis  pro  firmo, 
quod  revelatum  est  hie  cuidam  in  generali  concilio,  quod,  ni.>i  de  caetero  tollatur  et 
extirpctur  simonia  ab  Ecclesia  Dei,  rapacitas  et  tyrannia,  in  brevi  erit  tanta  perse- 
cutio  clericorum,  et  tarn  terribilis,  qualis  non  fuit  ab  initio.  —  Quare  hoc.'  Quia 
jam  supradicti  viri  Ecdesiastici  continuo  palam  et  publice  concipiunt  lasciviam, 
pariunt  ignoauniam,  nutriunt  avaritiam,  colligunt  superbiam,  divisiones  et  guerras 
ipsi  generant,  in  cautelis  et  deceptionibns  ambulant,  —  in  tantwn  quod  jam  totus 
fere  clerus  diabolo  est  subjectus.  —  Jo.  Gerson  de  simonia,  cap.  4  (Ibid.  T.  I. 
P.  IV.  p.  10)  :  Sicut  et  alia  vilia  regnare  videmus  passim  apud  homines,  et  multo 
plus  apud  clericos.  —  Recessit  enim  a  clero  omnis  lex,  omnis  Veritas,  omnis  vere- 
cundia,  ita  ut  hsc  audeant,  quae  etiani  latrones  et  similes  horrent,  etc. 

*  Comp.-  Die  Einfiihrung  der  erzwungenen  Ehelosigkeit  bey  den  chrisd.  Geist- 
lichen  u.  ihre  Fol^en,  von  D.  J.  A.  Theiner  u.  A.  Theiner  (Altenbura, 
1828,  2.  Bde.  8.)  Bd.  2.  Abth.  2.  S.  591  ff.  Also  Sermo  Mag.  Gerardi  Magni 
(  -f  1384)  de  focariis,  first  published  by  Th.  A.  Clarisse  in  Archief  voor  kerkelijke 
Geschiedenis,  inzonderheid  van  Nederland,  verzameld  door  Kist  en  Roijards  Deel 
1.  Leyden,  1829.  p.  364  seq. 

«  Cone.  Palentinum,  ann.  1322,  c.  7  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  703)  :  Quia  nonnuUi 
laicorum  clericos  compellunt,  in  sacris  prtecipue  ordiiiibus  constitutos,  ut  aliquas 
mulieres  concubinas  recipiant,  et  cum  eis  in  contubernio  publice  vivant  contra 
decorem  ordinis  clericalis: — nos  —  excommunicationis  sententias  ipso  facto  decer- 
nimus  subjacere  quemlibet,  —  necnon  universitatem  seu  communitatem  quamlibet 
sententiffi  interdicti,  qus  personam  quamvis  ecclesiasticam  duxerit  compellendam 
ad  recipiendum  in  concubinam  mulierem  quamcunque.  JVicol.  de  Clamengis  de 
prsesulibus  simoniaci-;,  in  0pp.  ed.  J.  M.  Lydius.  Lugd.  Bat.  1613.  4.  p.  165: 
Taceo  de  fornicalionibus  et  adulteriis,  a  quibus  qui  alieni  sunt,  probro  casteris  ac 
ludibrio  esse  solent,  spadonesque  aut  sodomitie  appellantur.  Denique  laici  usque 
adeo  persuasum  habent,  nuUos  caelibes  esse,  ut  in  plerisque  parochiis  non  aliter 
velint  presbyterum  tolerare,  nisi  concubinam  habeat,  quo  vel  sic  suis  sit  consultum 
uxoribus,  quoe  ne  sic  quidem  usquequaque  sunt  extra  periculum.     Thus  JEnea 


84  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

happened  that  in  many  countries  such  connexions  were  openly  suffer- 
ed amongst  those  whose  holiness  was  supposed  to  be  sulhed  by  wed- 
lock.''' The  pecuniary  mulcts  imposed  by  many  of  the  synods  for 
such  excesses,^  were  soon  converted  by  the  rapacity  of  the  bishops 
into  a  regular  tax.''^     Every  attempt  of  the  secular  authorities  to  inter- 

Sylvii  (about  1440)  Europa  s.  Cosmographiaj  lib.  secundus  c.  35  (in  Freheri 
Scriptt.  Germ.  T.  II)  of  the  Frieslandei's :  Phrisones  sacerdotes,  ne  aliena  cubilia 
polluant,  sine  conjuge  non  facile  adniittunt.  Vix  cuim  continere  hominem  posse, 
et  super  naturani  arbitrantur. 

^  Alvarus  Pelagiiis  de  planctu  ecclesise,  Lib.  II.  c.  27  :  utinam  nunquam  con- 
tinentiain  promisissent,  maxiiiie  Hispani  et  Rcgnicola.',  in  quibus  provinciis  in 
pauco  inajori  numero  sunt  filii  laicorum,  quam  Clericorum.  —  Ssepe  cum  parochia- 
nis  mulicribus,  quas  ad  confessionem  adniittunt,  scelestissime  fornicantur.  —  Multi 
Presbyteri  et  alii  constituti  in  sacris,  maxime  in  Hispania,  in  Austria  (Asturia?) 
et  GalJicia  et  alibi,  et  publice,  et  aliquoties  per  publicum  instrumentum  promittunt 
et  jurant  quibusdam,  maxime  nobilibus  nmlieiibus,  nunquam  eas  dimittere ;  et 
dant  eis  arras  be  bonis  ecclesis,  et  possessiones  ecclesia;  :  publice  eas  ducunt  cum 
consanguineis  et  amicis  et  solenni  convivio,  ac  si  essent  uxoi-es  legitima;.  —  Theod. 
a  JYiem  Nemoris  Unionis  Tract.  VI.  c.  35  :  In  eisdem  etiani  partibus  Hibernian  et 
Norwegias  juxta  consuetudines  patriae  licet  Episcopis  et  Presbyteris  tenere  publice 
concubinas,  et  eisdem  visitantibus  bis  in  anno  subditos  sibi  presbyteros,  ac  Eccle- 
siasticorum  Parochialiumque  Rectores,  suam  dilectam  duceie  secum  ad  demos  et 
hospitia  eorundem  subditorum  presbyterorum.  —  Et  si  forte  aliquis  ipsorum  visita- 
torum  casu  vel  fortuna  non  habeat  fbcariam,  ut  praevaricator  paternarum  traditio- 
num,  Episcopo  visitanti  proinde  procurationes  duplices  ministrabit.  Ac  etiam 
presbyterorum  amasijE  seu  uxores  in  eisdem  partibus,  statu  et  gradu,  in  ecclesiis 
ac  in  mensis,  eundo,  sedendo  et  stando  cajteris  donunabus,  etiam  militaribus,  prae- 
ponuntur.  Et  pane  idem  modus,  scilicet  quoad  luxuriam,  circa  presbyteros  Gasco- 
niEB,  Hispania3  ac  Portugaliae,  necnon  contiguarum  regionum  versus  Africam  in 
omnibus  observatur.  (Jnde  quodammodo  plures  naturales  ex  foedo  complexu  nati, 
quam  filii  legitinii  in  omnibus  illis  partibus  in  Ecclesiasticis  titulis  concedendis 
prasferuntur,  et  plures  legitimis  apertissime  promoventur.  Even  the  synods  con- 
tented themselves  with  prohibiting  concubinarii  publici,  see  Theinei-,  1.  c.  The 
Clerici  conjugati  of  whom  we  find  many  in  this  period  (e.  g.  §  105,  notes  6  and  9) 
are  clerici  minorum  oidinum,  who,  though  not  able  to  hold  benefices  (see  §  65, 
note  3),  still,  on  condilion  of  assuming  the  clerical  dress  and  the  tonsure,  were 
allowed  to  enjoy  all  the  privileges  of  the  clergy,  see  TJiomassini  vetus  et  nova 
Ecclesiae  discipl.  P.  I.  lib.  II.  c.  66. 

*  Thus  the  Cone.  Posoniense  (in  Presburg),  ann.  1309,  c.  5,  orders  that  the  concu- 
binarii publici  should  pay  quai-tam  partem  redituum  beneficiorum  suorum  as  mulct, 
adding  :  confidimus  enim,  quod  spirituali  poena,  excommunicationis  videlicet,  quae 
quamvis  sine  comparatione  periculosior,  minus  tamen  peccatis  exigentibus  formi- 
datur,  in  temporalem  mutata  vindictam,  subditorum  mutal)untur  et  mores.  Such 
pecuniary  penalties  were  imposed  especially  by  the  Italian  councils.  Thus  by 
the  Cone.  Pergam.  ann.  loll,  rubr.  6,  for  a  prelate  10,  for  any  other  5  librse 
Papienses.  Bavenn.  ann.  1317,  rubr.  4.  Benevent.  ann.  1331,  c.  55.  Conslitt. 
Eccl.  Ferrar.  ann.  1332,  c.  31  (24  librae),  etc. 

3  There  were  complaints  before  of  bribery  in  this  respect,  see  above,  §  65, 
note  6.  So  also  Cone.  Moguntin.  ann.  1310  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  313)  :  Cohabitationis 
vitium  —  quorundam  negligentia  pra;latorum,  immo  quod  detestalnlius  est,  aliquo- 
rum  malitia,  qui  quaestum  aestimant  pietatem,  sentitur  iterum  puUulare.  —  Si  qui 
—  ob  quaestum  tui-pem  hujusmodi  ad  se  delatum  in  subditis  suis  favere  vel  dissi- 
mulare  praesumpserint  (the  archdeacons  and  deacons  are  here  meant)  illi  per  suos 
praelatos  ab  honojibus  dejiciantur. — The  taxes  aftei'wards  customary  had  grown 
out  of  these  pecuniary  mulcts,  as  was  in  many  other  things  the  case  (see  §  S2, 
note  1).  JVic.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  eccl.  c.  22:  Jam  illud,  obsecro,  quale  est, 
quod  plerisque  in  dioecesibus  rectores  parochiarum  ex  certo  et  conducto  cum  suis 
prtelatis  pretio  passim  et  publice  concubinas  tenent  ?  —  Thenbaldi  publ.  Conquestio 
in  Cone.  Const,  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  XIX.  p.  909:   Ipsi  (sacer- 


Chap.  III.    Munacliism.     §  108.    Older  Orders.  85 

fere  for  the  remedy  of  these  abuses,  was  repelled  by  the  church  as  an 
invasion  of  its  riffhts.^^ 


CHAPTER     TPIIRD. 

HISTORY     OF     MONACHISM. 
«§>    108. 

CONDITION    OF    THE    OLDER    ORDERS. 

The  same  causes,  by  which  the  degeneracy  of  the  secular  clergy 
is  accounted  for,  led  also  to  the  entire  neglect  of  discipline  amongst 
the  older  monastic  orders,  already  deeply  infected  with  the  love  of 
luxury  and  the  desire  of  independence.^     We  find  amongst  them  at 


dotes)  —  non  solum  tabernas,  sed  etiam  lupanaria  intrare,  puellas  maritatas  atque 
moniales  corrumpere,  concubinas  in  domibus  publice  tenere,  et  cum  eis  procreare, 
atque  alias  supeiinducere,  statinique  post  celebrare  noa  abhorrent.  Episcopi 
autem  quoniam  eodem  vitio  laborant,  talia  corripere  non  praesumunt.  lino  aliquid 
anniiatim  ab  eis  recijiiunt,  et  omiies  in  tali  niiseria  stare  permittunt.  Under  these 
circumstances  the  want  of  chastity  in  the  priesthood  was  considered  at  most  a 
slight  crime.  Hence  Gerson  de  visitatione  Pra^latorum  (Opp.  ed.  du  Pin,  H.  p. 
564)  :  denuncietur  recipientibus  sacros  Ordines,  quod  faciunt  votum  castitatis  so- 
lemne,  ne  patent  se  liberos  ad  fornicandum,  sicut  fatui  quidam  putant. 

'"  Even  the  emperor  Charles  IV.,  notwithstanding  his  deep  reverence  for  the 
clergy,  felt  himself  compelled  to  interfere  in  this  matter :  see,  however,  Inno- 
centii  P.  IV  Ep.  ad  Carolum  (in  Raynald.  ann.  1359,  no.  11)  :  Habet  fide  digna 
insinuatio  facta  nobis,  quod  tua  seienitas,  attendens  quosdam  clericos  et  ecclesias- 
ticas  personas  —  effrenata  quadam  vivendi  licentia  contra  ecclesiastics  religionis 
decentiam,  et  clericalis  habitus  honestatem  seculaiibus  sese  actibus  immiscentes, 
ad  coercendos  illorum  ei-rores  et  transgressiones  temerarias  refrenandas  imperialis 
solicitudinis  operam  adhibere  fervore  devotionis  intendit,  jamque  super  his  non- 
nullis  prajlatis  —  certas  literas  destinavit,  comininationes  sequestrationis  ecclesias- 
ticorum  proventuum  faciendfe  per  saeculares  principes  continentes,  ne  clerici  ipsi, 
qui  tanquam  Dei  ministri  esse  debent  ceteris  modestias  et  gravitatis  exemplar,  in 
suam  et  aliorum  perniciem  incorrecti  ulterius  per  vitiorum  lubricum  gradiantur. 
Siquidem,charissime  fili,zelnm  tuum,quem  habes  ad  domum  Domini  multipliciter 
comraendamus,  etc.  —  verum  cum  tu  defensor  egregius  et  zelator  praecipuus 
ecclesiastics  libertatis  existas,  decet  excellentiam  tuain  accurata  diligentia  provi- 
dere,  ne  per  id,  quod  ortum  ex  puritate  devotionis  accepit,  debitos   transeundo 

terminos,  nostro  et  Apostolica.'  sedis  honori,  ac  prsfatse  libertati  ecclesiastics 

possit  in  aliquo  derogari.  Ideoque  magnitudinem  tuam  rogamus  et  hortamur 
attente,  quatenus  ab  hujusmodi  comminationibus  sequestrationis  ecclesiasticorum 
proventuum  faciends,  quod  absit,  per  sa;culares  principes,  de  castero  abstinens,  et 
si  quid  per  comminationes  ipsas  attentatum  forsan  extiterit,  quod  non  credimus, 
cum  id  proculdubio  foret  illicitum, — in  statum  pristinum  reformare  procurans, 
prajlatos  —  debita  charitate  sollicites  et  inducas,  ut  contra  eosdem  transgressores 
sui  officii  debitum  exequantur,  etc. 

'  The  progress  of  corruption  was  much  hastened,  in  particular,  by  the  system  of 
eommendams,  see  Gerson  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reform.  Ecclesiam  in  Cone.     (Opp. 


86  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.    1305  —  1409. 

this  time  few  traces  of  studious  employments,'-  but,  on  the  other  hand, 
the  most  extravagant  excesses,^  especially  during  the  schism;"*  to 
which  also  the  nuns  gave  themselves  up  in  a  manner  utterly  scanda- 
lous.^ 

ed.  du  Pin  II.  p.  174):  Jam  Monasteria  Ordinum  quorumcunque  —  danfiir  in 
Commendas  dictis  Cardinalihus,  qui  vix  habent  in  quolibet  deciinain  partem  Mona- 
chorum  ibidem  olim  existentium,  aut  paiicos  aut  nullos  omnino.  Unde  videbis, 
aliquos  nepotes  aut  con.sanguineos  laicos  Cardinalium  in  ipsa  Romana  Curia  otiose 
vacare,  et  nisi  luxuiiis  et  deliciis  inhaerere  : — et  pauperes  reiigiosi,  de  quorum 
fructibus  talis  ponqia  fit, —  giandi  semper  rerum  penuria  laborant. 

'  Not  a  single  distinguished  man  in  the  learning  of  the  time  appeared  amongst 
these  Orders.  What  sort  of  care  was  taken  of  the  convent  libraries  may  be  seen 
from  the  account  given  of  that  of  Monte  Cassino,  one  of  the  most  celebrated,  see 
Benvenuti  ImoUnsis  comm.  in  Dantis  paradisum,  cant.  XXII.  v.  74  (written 
1386,  in  Muratori  Antiquitt.  Ital.  medii  a'vi,  T.  1.  p.  129G) :  Vcnerabilis  prascep- 
tor  mens  Boccacius  de  Certaldo  (the  celebrated  novelist,  -f  1.375)  dicebat,  quod 
dum  esset  in  Apulia, — accessit  ad  nobile  monasterium  Montis  Casini.  —  Et  avidus 
videndi  librarian!,  quam  audivcrat  ibi  esse  nobilissimam,  petivit  ab  uno  Monacho 
humiliter, —  quod  deberet  ex  gratia  sibi  aperire  bibliothecam.  At  ille  rigide 
respondit,  ostcndens  sibi  altam  scalam :  ascende,  quia  aperta  est.  Ille,  Istus 
asccndens,  invenit  locum  lanti  thesauri  sine  ostio  vel  clavi :  ingressusque  vidit 
herbam  natam  per  fenestras,  et  libios  omnes  cum  bancis  coopeitos  pulvere  alto. 
lit  mirabundus  cospit  aperire  et  volvere  nunc  istum  librum,  nunc  ilium,  invenit- 
que  ibi  nuilta  et  varia  volumina  aniiquorum  et  peregrinorum  librorum.  Ex  quo- 
rum aliquibus  erant  detracti  aliqui  Quiuteini,  ex  aJiis  recisi  margines  chartarum, 
et  sic  multipliciter  defbrmati.  Tandem  miseratus,  labores  et  studia  tot  inclytorum 
ingeniorum  devenisse  ad  manus  perditissimorum  hominum,  dolens  et  illacrymans 
recessit.  Et  occurrens  in  claustro  petivit  a  Monacho  obvio,  quare  liliri  illi  pre- 
tiosissimi  essent  ita  turpiter  detruncati.  Qui  respondit,  quod  aliqui  Monachi 
volentes  lucrari  duos  ve!  quinque  solidos,  radebant  unuin  Quaternnm,  et  faciebant 
psalteriolos,  quos  vendebant  pueris,  et  ita  de  marginibus  laciebant  brevia  (these 
were  magical  scrolls  to  keep  off  sickness,  etc.),  quae  vendebant  mulieribus.  Nunc 
ergo,  o  vir  studiose,  frange  tibi  caput  pro  faciendo  libros. 

^  Clement  V.  at  the  council  of  Vienna  ( Clementin.  Lib.  III.  Tit.  10.  c.  1)  had 
to  forbid  the  nigris  nionachis  various  offences  in  dress  and  the  chase  :  the  arch- 
bishop Ernst  of  Prague  in  Syn.  Pragensi  ann.  135.5.  c.  38,  exccssum  in  vestibus, 
cibis  et  potibus,  equitaturis  et  lectisterniis,  —  seu  taxilloruin,  alearum,  et  scacho- 
rum  ludis,  ac  chorearum  lasciviis,  and  further  the  accumulation  of  property,  etc. 

■•  JVic.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  c.  32  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  III. 
p.  33)  :  De  monachis  autem  et  monasteriis  late  patet  ad  loquendum  materia,  nisi 
jam  me  dudum  ta;deret  in  tot  tantarumque  abominationum  enumeralione  demorari. 
—  Quid  autem  conimendabile  de  ipsis  dicere  possumus,  qui  —  quanto  niagis  inter 
csteros  Ecclesiae  filios  ex  votis  suaj  religionis  perfecti  esse  debebant,  quanto  magis 
abstracti  a  cura  sajcularium  —  in  sola  cajlestium  contemplatione  suspensi,  et  quanto 
inagis  continentes,  niagis  obedientes,  minus  vagabundi,  et  a  claustroi'um  septis 
rarius  egredientes  in  publicum  :  tanto  ab  his  omnibus  rebus  licet  eos  videre  magis 
alienos,  magis  videlicet  tenaces,  magis  avaros,  magis  saeculari  rei  —  immixtos, 
magis  insuper  lubricos,  indisciplinatos,  dissolutos,  inquietos,  magis  per  loca  publica 
et  inhonesta  (si  modo  frena  laxantur)  discursantes :  ita  ut  nihil  illis  Jeque  odiosuin 
sit,  quemadmodum  cella  et  claustruni,  lectio  et  oratio,  regula  et  religio.  Quocirca 
monachi  quidem  sunt  e.xteriori  habitu,  sed  vita,  scd  operibus,  sed  interna;  con- 
scientia;  spurcitia  a  perfectione,  quam  habitus  ille  dcmonstrat,  longissime  disjunct!. 
Fallit  autem  illos  nimium  sua  opinio.  Nam  quanto  sua  professione  rejecta  terrenis 
magis  adipiscendis  inhiant,  tanto  pauciora  habent,  tantoque  dotes  et  reditus  ipsorum 
magis  semper  in  nihilum  fluunt.  Ecce  onmium  coenobiorum  uberrimos  olim 
fructus  ita  hodie  attenuatos  cernimus,  ut  unde  centum  homines  vivere  solebant, 
vix  decern  nunc  aegeri'ime  vivant. 

*  JVtc.  de  Clamengis,  1.  c.  c.  36  :  De  monialibus  autem  plura  dicere.  etsi  plura, 
quae  dici  possent,  suppetebant,  verecundia  prohibet;  ne  non  de  coetu  virginum 


Chap.  III.  3Ionachism.     ^  109.     Maidicont  Orders.         87 
«^   109. 

INFLUENCE    OF    THE    MENDICANT    ORDERS. 

The  mendicant  orders  retained  at  least  a  greater  appearance  of 
decency  (as  was  indeed  necessary  if  they  wished  to  retain  their  influ- 
ence), and  the  studies  which  then  conferred  most  lienor,  those  of  scho- 
lastic philosophy  and  theology,  were  nowhere  more  zealously  pursued 
than  amongst  them.^     In  this  way  they  extended  their  influence  more 


Deo  dicatarum,  sed  rnagis  de  lupanaiibiis,  da  dolis  et  procacia  meretricum,  de 
stupris  et  incestuosis  operibus  pudendum  seriiionem  prolixe  trahamus.  Nam 
quid,  obsecro,  aliud  sunt  lioc  (euipoie  [)uellaruiii  nionasteria,  nisi  quadam,  non 
dico  Dei  sanctuaiia,  sed  Veneris  execranda  proslibula,  sed  lascivoruni  et  iinpudi- 
coruiii  juvenuni  ad  libidines  explendas  leceptacula ;  ut  idem  liodie  sit  puellam 
velare,  quod  ad  puhliea  scortandum  expotiere.  Compare  the  letter  of  Gregory 
XII.  A.  D.  1408,  to  an  abbot  in  FriesLind  on  the  condition  of  the  Benedictine 
convents  in  that  region  (in  Theod.  de  jXiem  Nenius  Unionis  Tract.  VI.  c.  34): 
nuper  ad  nostrum  pervenit  auditum,  quod  in  partibus  Frisia;  XXII.  nionasteria 
Ordinis  s.  Benedicti,  Bremensis^  Monasteriensis  et  Tiajectensis  dioeceseos  consis- 
tunt,  in  quibus  olim  —  tantummodo  moniales  dicti  ordinis  degebant,  sed  successu 
temporis  conligit,  quod  in  eisdem  etiani  mares  ejusdem  professionis  in  magno 
numero  qualitercunque  cum  monialibus  —  degercnt,  prout  degunt  ad  prKsens. — 
In  quibus  [monasteriis]  pene  oinnis  religio  et  ohscrvantia  dicli  ordini.-,  ac  Dei 
timor  abscessit,  libido  et  corruptio  carnis  inter  ipsos  mares  et  moniales,  necnon  alia 
multa  mala,  excessus  et  vitia,  qua;  pudor  est  effari,  per  singula  succreverunt.  — 
Fornicantur  etiam  qnam  plures  hujusinodi  monialium  cum  eisdem  suis  pra'latis, 
rnonachis  et  conversis,  et  in  iisdem  monasteriis  plures  parturiunt  filios  et  filias. — 
Filios  autem  in  monachos,  et  tilias  taliter  conceptas  quandoque  in  moniales  dicto- 
rum  monasterioruni  recipi  faciunt  et  procurant :  et  quod  miserandum  est,  nonnullae 
ex  hujusmodi  monialibus  niaternce  pietatis  oblifa:,  ac  mala  malis  accumulando, 
aliquos  foetus  eorum  mortificant,  et  infantes  in  luccm  editos  trucidant.  —  Insuper 
quasi  singula  moniales  hujusmodi  singulis  rnonachis  et  conversis  —  ad  instar  an- 
cillarum  seu  uxorum  —  sternunt  lectos,  lavant  etiam  eis  capita  et  pannos,  —  necnon 
decoquunt  ipsis  cibaria  delicata,  ac  die  noctuque  cum  ipsis  rnonachis  et  conversis 
in  commessationibus  et  ebrietatibus  creberrime  conversantur,  etc.  Theobaldi 
sermoin  Cone.  Const,  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  XIX.  p.  909)  :  Loca  sanc- 
timonialium  —  quasi  publica  loca,  plus  quani  theatra  ad  onines  vanitates,  etiam  a 
magnis,  non  sine  raaximo  scandalo  frequentantur.  Et  si  qui  forte  alti  status 
propter  verecundiam  temporalem  intrare  non  audeant,  sua  munuscula,  fercula  et 
literas  eis  mittunt,  easque  cum  maximo  scandalo  ad  se  invitant.  Quae  autem  ex 
his  sequuntur,  turpe  est  dicere,  sed  multo  turpius  est  facere. 

»  JSTicol.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Eccl.  c.  33  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  III.  p. 
33)  :  Venio  nunc  ad  Mendicantes,  qui  ex  professione  arctissimce  paupertatis  veros 
se  Christi  discipulos  verosque  imitatores  esse  jactant  atque  gloriantur :  —  qui 
eruditi  prsterea  in  divinis  Uteris,  quibus  pene  soli  hodie  insudant,  pabulum  verbi 
Dei,  quo  populi  reficiantur,  assidua  pradicatione  ministrant,  viam  eis  salutis  a-ter- 
nae,  quam  nemo  alius  docet,  aperiunt;  —  denique  soli  ipsi,  ut  asserunt,  cajterorum 
omnium  Ecclesia;  ministrorum  segniter  dormitantium  officia  peragunt,  ministeria 
exercent,  eorum  deHcta,  ignorantias  et  negligentia>!  supplent.  Cap.  34  :  Sed  libet 
ab  eis  quajrere  :  si  hunc  gradum  suprema;  perfectionis  —  attigerunt,  quid  est, 
quod  suis  eam  verbis  ita  magnificant,  quod  insolenter  adeo  inde  se  jactant,  quod 
universis  propterea  inani  gloriatione  se  pra;ferunt,  imo  quod  alios  omnes  sui  status 
comparatione  ab  omni  perfectione  evacuant  .'  Decebat  enim,  ut  alieno  ore,  et  non 
proprio  suo,  ilia  ajtherea  et  angelica  in  tcrris  perfectio  laudaretur,  si  modo  solidam 
laudem,  non  vanarn,  suspectara  et  odiosam  cupiebant  —Cap.  35  :  Videtur  autem 
haec  parabola  (of  the  pharisees  and  publicans)  contra  hos  quajstuarios  verbi  Dei 


88  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

and  more,  at  the  universities^  as  well  as  amongst  the  people.  The  stead- 
fast resistance,  of  the  university  of  Paris  especially,  to  the  assumed  pri- 
vileges of  these  orders  was  ineffectual,^  and  they  not  unfrequently  went 

adulatores  congruentissime  inducta.  Quia  sicut  Synagoga  sues  Pharisseos  habuit, 
adversus  quos  in  Evangelic  acerrime  Ciiristus  semper  invehit,  ita  niniirum  hi  novi 
et  subintroducti  Apostoli  Ecclesiae  Pliarissei  censendi  sunt,  quibus  omnia  a  Christo 
de  PharisiEis  dicta,  et  forte  alia  plurima,  nescio  an  deteriora,  convcniunt.  —  Refer- 
ring to  the  words  of  Christ :  Attendite  a  falsis  proplietis,  qui  veniunt  ad  vos  in 
vestimentis  oviiim,  intrinsecus  auteni  sunt  lupi  rapaces,  he  asks:  Annon  lupi 
rapaces  sunt,  ovicularuni  vellere  amicti,  qui  vita;  austeritatem,  castitateni,  humili- 
tatem,  sanctam  simplicitatein  exteriori  specie  simulant,  intus  vero  exquisitissimis 
deliciis  et  variarum  copia  voluplatum  ulti-a  omnem  mundanorum  luxuriam  exube- 
rant ?  Annon  lupi  rapaces  sunt,  sub  ovili  imagine  latitantes,  qui  more  sacerdotum 
Belis  in  suis  penetralibus  oblata  devorant,  mere  se  ac  lautis  epulis  cum  non  suis 
uxoribus,  licet  sa-pe  cum  suis  parvulis,  avide  satiantes,  cunctaque  libidinibus,  qua- 
rum  torrentur  ardore,  polluentes  ?  Annon  lupi  rapaces  sunt,  ibris  ovem  mentien- 
tes,  qui  ea,  qua;  facienda  dictant,  non  faciunt,  et  cum  aliis  prjedicaverint,  sua 
pra;dicatione  reprobi  efhciuntur  ?  etc.  —  Satis  eorum  perfidiam,  quantum  ad  nos- 
tram  pertinet  brevitatem,  detegere  videmur.  De  qua,  si  queiri  juvat  ampliora 
a"-noscere,  Cyrillum  videat,  et  illic  mira  de  eis  inveniet,  ad  fidelium  instructionem 
lono-e  antequam  orirentur  Spiritu  Sancto  revelante  pra;dicta.  Quamquam  nee 
aliqui  alii  scriptores  etiam  dcfuerunt,  qui  de  his  subdolis  illusoribus  raulta  valde 
utilia  et  prasclara  post  eorum  introitum  ad  Ecclesias  pra-monitionem  et  prcemunitio- 
nem  prodiderunt. 

'^  Of  the  twenty-nine  Doctors  of  theology,  assembled  at  Vincennes  by  Philip  of 
Valois,  A.  D.  1332  (see  above,  §  96,  note  37),  thirteen  were  mendicant  monks. 
Frequent  disputes  occurred  between  them  and  the  universities,  both  of  Paris  and 
Oxford  (Antony  Wood  hxsi.  et  antiquitt.  Univers.  Oxon.  p.  150-196).  The 
universities  complained  particularly  that  they  enticed  young  men  to  join  them,  and 
hence  that  many  parents  were  deterred  fiom  sending  their  sons  to  the  university. 
See  Richardi  Archiep.  Armachani  defensorium  curatorum  in  Brown  app.  ad  fasc. 
rerum  fugiend.  et  expetend.  p.  473. 

3  Clement  V.  A.  D.  1311,  in  the  Decretal  Diidum  (Clementin.  III.  T.  7,  c.  2) 
confirmed  the  decretal  of  Boniface  Vlll.  Super  cathcdram  (Extravagg.  Coram. 
III.  Tit.  6,  c.  2),  by  which  the  privileges  of  the  mendicant  orders  were  secured  to 
them  against  the  attacks  of  the  regular  clergy.  In  A.  D.  1321,  John  XXII.  in  the 
Bull  Vas  electionis  (Extravag.  Comm.  Lib.  V.  Tit.  III.  c.  2),  condemned  the 
three  propositions  of  the  Doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  Joannes  de  Poliaco :  quod  con- 
fessi  fratribus,  habentibus  licentiam  generalem  audiendi  confessiones,  tenentur 
eadem  peccata,  qua;  confessi  fuerant,  iterum  confiteii  pioprio  sacerdoti :  secundo, 
quod  stante  Omnis  utriusque  sexus  edicto  in  Concilio  generali  (see  above,  §  81, 
note  5)  Romanus  Ponlifex  non  potest  facere,  quod  Parochiani  non  teneautur  omnia 
peccata  sua  scniel  in  anno  proprio  Sacerdoti  coniiteri,  —  immo  nee  Deus  posset  hoc 
facere,  quia  —  implicat  contradictionem  :  tertio,  quod  Papa  non  potest  dare  potesta- 
tem  generalem  audiendi  confessiouem,  immo  nee  Deus,  quin  confessus  habenti 
licentiam  teneatur  eadem  contiteri  proprio  Sacerdoti.  These  propositions  had  been 
maintained  in  the  Quodlibetis  of  John  de  Poliaco  (Ms.  in  Paris,  see  d'jlrgentrS 
coll.  judiciorum  I.  p.  302),  from  which  some  extracts  are  made  by  Jo.  de  Turre- 
cremata  (about  1430)  in  his  Summa  de  Ecclesia,  lib.  II.  c.  59.  The  principles 
from  whici)  they  spring  were  those  which  the  French  theologians  had  maintained 
since  the  time  of  Philip  the  Fair,  in  opposition  to  the  papal  system  (comp.  above, 
§  62,  note  22)  :  Status  et  potestas  et  jurisdictio  LXXII.  discipulorum  continuatur 
in  sacerdotibus  Curatis,  sicut  status  et  potestas  et  jurisdictio  Apostolorum  in  Epi- 

gcopis. Sed  status  Discipulorum  a  Christo  institutus  est,  et  ipsi  ab  co  instiluti  et 

missi,  potestatem  immediate  ab  ipso  accipientes,  non  ab  aliquo  Apostolorum. — 
Ergo  et  status  Curatorum  et  ipsi  sunt  immediate  a  Christo  instituti,  et  ab  ipso  im- 
mediate potestatem  habent.  —  Quare  enim  potestas  collata  Petro  est  continuata  in 
Romano  Poniiiice  ;  et  potestas  collata  aliis  Apostolis  non  est  continuata  in  aliis 
Episcopis,  et  potestas  collata  Discipulis  non  est  continuata  in  Curatis,  non  potest 
dari  ratio.     Et  idee  Curati  sunt  veri  ordinarii,  habentes  jurisdictionem  ordinariam. 


Chap.  III.  Monacliism.  §  109.    Influence  of  Mendicant  Orders.     89 

non  jure  huraano  sibi  datam,  sed  a  Christo  immediate  in  prima  institutione  Eccle- 
sis  ;  —  et  etiam  non  sunt  vicarii  Episcoporum,  sed  Jesu  Christi,  —  inferiores  tamen 
et  minores  Episcopis  :  nee  ab  ipsis  possunt  destitni,  nisi  ex  rationabili  causa,  sicut 
nee  Episcopi  a  Papa.  —  Item  Episcopi  liabent  iufciiorem  potestatem  a  Deo  imme- 
diate, sub  Papa,  sed  non  a  Papa.  —  Ex  quo  patet,  quod  nee  Papa  Prselatis  potest 
potestatem  dataiii  a  Christo  eis  aut'erre,  et  aliis  non  Pi-Eelatis  dare,  nee  statum 
Ecelesia;  a  Christo  institutum  destrucre  et  mutaie.  —  A  remarkable  effoi-t  against 
the  mendicants  is  mentioned  by  Continuator  Chronici  Guil.  de  Nangis  in  d'Achery 
Spicileg.  T.  III.  p.  112:  Anno  Doin.  1351  insurrexerunt  Domni  Cardinales  et 
Prselati  alii  multi  cum  magna  multitudinc  Curatorum  contra  Religiosos  Mcndiean- 
tes  in  Curia  Roniana,  volentcs  et  pelcntcs  a  Domino  Papa  Clemente  VI.  eorum 
annullationem,  et  quod  dehcerent  in  se  :  Episcopi  allegantes  fortiter  in  Consisloiio, 
quod  ipsi  Mendicantes  non  crant  ab  Ecclesia  vocati  et  electi,  et  quod  eis  non 
incumbebat  tidelibus  prasdicare,  neque  confessiones  audire,  sed  neque  sepulturas 
recipere  alienas  :  unde  requirebant  dicti  Praelati  cum  Curatis,  quod  ipsi  Mendi- 
cantes cassarentur,  vel  quod  saltern  cessarent  a  prsmissis,  aut  ad  minus  quod  non 
solum  quarta  portio  de  sepulturis  alienis  daretur,  sed  totum  emoluinentum  ipsis 
Curatis  ex  integro  redderetur,  quia  nimis  erant  ditati  ipsi  Mendicantes  de  talibus 
sepulturis.  But  the  Pope  interfered  at  once  in  their  behalf:  objecit  etiam  Domnus 
Papa  ipsis  Praelatis  et  Curatis,  de  quo  si  ipsi  Mendicantes  tacerent,  de  quo  ipsi 
populo  pr^dicarent .'  quia  si  de  humilitate  prsdicaveritis,  vos,  inquit  Donmus 
Papa,  estis  super  omnes  status  mundi  magni,  superbi  et  elati  et  pomposi :  — 
si  de  paupertate,  vos  estis  magis  tenaces  et  cupidi,  unde  non  vobis  sutficiunt 
omnes  praebenda;  ac  beneficia  mundi:  si  —  de  castilate,  de  hoc,  inquit  nos  tace- 
mus,  quia  Deus  scit,  qualiter  quilibet  agit,  et  qualiter  quamphirimi  in  deliciis 
nutriunt  corpus  suum,  etc.  —  Richard,  archbishop  of  Armagh  (of  him,  see  Baluzii 
not.  ad  Vit.  PP.  Aven.  p.  950),  having  been  complained  of  to  the  Pope  on  account 
of  certain  injurious  allegations  against  the  mendicants,  defended  himself  before 
Innocent  VI.  A.  D.  1-357,  in  a  set  speech,  which  is  still  extant.  Defensoi-ium  cu- 
ratorum (in  Gohlasti  Monarehia,  T.  II.  p.  1392,  and  Brown  append,  ad  fascic. 
rerum  expet.  et  fug.  p.  466)  :  IV.  Quod  Dominus  noster  Jesus  Christus  docuit, 
non  debere  hominem  spontanee  mendicare  ;  V.  quod  nullus  potest  prudenter  et 
sancte  spontaneam  mendicitatem  super  se  assumere  perpetuo  observandam  ;  VIII. 
quod  pro  confessione  parochianorum  —  eligibilior  est  parochialis  Ecclesia,  quam 
fratrum  oratorium  sive  ipsorum  Ecclesia;  IX.  quod  ad  confessionem  parochiano- 
rum—  eligibilior  est  persona  ordinarii  quam  fratris  persona.  Richard  remained  a 
long  time  in  Avignon  and  (Prima  vita  Innocent  VI.  in  Baluzii  vit.  PP.  Aven.  p. 
338)  duravit  quKstio  hujusmodi  per  aliquod  tempus.  Sed  tamen  indecisa  remansit 
propter  obitum  suum  (Richard's),  qui  sapervenit;  de  quo  dicti  fratres  potius  de 
Gaudeamus  quam  de  Requiem  cantaverunt.  Comp.  d'Argentrc  collectio  judicio- 
rum  de  novis  erroribus,  T.  I.  p.  378.  He  was  answered  by  the  Franciscan  and 
professor  of  theology  in  Oxford,  Rogerus  Chonoe,  or  Connovius  de  confessionibus 
per  Regulares  audiendis  in  Goldast.  1.  c.  p.  1410. — On  the  2d  of  January,  1409 
(more  Gallicano  1408),  the  Franciscan,  Joannes  de  Gorello,  was  compelled  by  the 
Sorbonne  to  revoke  the  following  propositions  which  he  had  maintained  ( Bulcei 
hist.  Univ.  Paris,  T.  V.  p.  189;  d'Jlrgentri  collectio  judiciorum,  T.  I.  P.  II.  p. 
178)  :  I.  quod  sacramentum  posnitentia;  nihil  agit  in  habente  gratiam  virtute  sacra- 
menti ;  II.  quod  debite  confessus  non  possit  obligari,  ut  iterum  confiteatur  eadem 
peccata  ;  III.  Curatis  non  competit,  ut  tales  sunt,  prasdicare,  confessare,  extremam 
unctionem  dare,  sepulturas  dare,  decimam  recipere.  Fundatur  in  hoc,  quod 
Curati  non  sint  de  institutione  Christi  et  Ecclesije  primarias,  sed  per  Dionysium 
Papam  fuerunt  ordinati.  Item  quia  stat  Curatos  esse,  qui  non  sunt  sacerdotes ; 
IV.  fratribus  competit  principalius,  vel  essentialius,  praedicare  et  confessiones 
audire,  quam  Curatis.  Fundatur,  quia  fratribus  competit  ex  regula,  etc.  Instead 
of  these  he  had  to  adopt  the  following  :  I.  DD.  Curati  sunt  in  Ecclesia  minores 
Praelati  et  Hierarchse  ex  prima  institutione  Christi,  quibus  competit  ex  statu  jus 
praedicandi,  jus  confessiones  audiendi,  jus  sacrainenta  ecclesiastica  secundum  exi- 
gentiam  sui  status  Pai'ochianorum  ministrandi,  jus  sepulturas  dandi,  jus  insuper 
decinias  et  alia  jura  parochialia  recipiendi ;  II.  Item,  quod  jus  praedicandi  et  con- 
fessandi  competit  Praelatis  et  Curatis  principaliter  et  essentialiter ;  et  Mendicanti- 
bus  per  accidens  ex  privilegio  ;  quoniam  sunt  introducti,  vel  admissi  ex  concessi- 
one  et  beneplacito  DD.  Praelatorum  ;  III.  Item  quel  eadem  peccata  possunt  licite 

VOL.    III.  12 


90  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

even  beyond  these  assumed  privileges  with  impunity.'*  The  old  jealousy 
between  the  Franciscans  and  Dominicans  was  still  kept  alive  by  doc- 
trinal differences,'^  but  any  absolute  collision  between  these  two  great 

et  meritorie  pluries  confiteri  in  multis  casibus,  et  quod  virtute  s.  Sacramenti  pote- 
nt eis  prodesse  quaelibet  talis  reiterata  confessio,  etc.  In  revenge  for  this,  the 
Minorites  prevailed  on  Alexander  V.  to  issue  a  bull,  October  12,  1409  (in  Bulmus, 
i.  c.  p.  196),  contirining  anew  the  privileges  of  the  mendicants,  and  condemning 
the  following  propositions,  which,  no  doubt,  were  maintained  by  the  university  of 
Paris:  I.  Confessus  fratri  admisso  in  forma  Dudum  (Clement  111.7,2)  tenetur 
eadem  peccata  —  itcrum  Curato  confiteri.  II.  Conclusiones  Joannis  de  Poliaco 
damnata;  per  Joannem  XXII.  sunt  satis  verae.  III.  Statutum  Joannis  XXII. 
edituin,  Vas  electionis,  est  irritum  et  inane,  quia  cum  illud  fecit,  erat  hsreticus. 
IV.  Stante  statuto,  Otnnis  utriiisque  sexus,  ncc  Dens,  nee  Papa — potest  facere, 
quin  confessus  fratri  mendicanti  admisso  iterum  teneatur  confiteri  suo  Curato.  V. 
Confessio  fratiibus  admissis  facta  est  dubitabilis.  Quapropter  omnes  tenentur 
dimittere  incertum,  et  sic  solum  confiteri  suis  sacerdotibus  curam  animarum  ha- 
bentibus  sub  poena  peccati  mortalis.  VI.  Quamvis  fiatres  admissi  habeant  aucto- 
ritatem  absolvendi  et  audiendi  confessiones,  tamen  populus  subjectus  non  habet 
potestatem  accedendi  ad  Mendicantes  admissos  sine  licentia  proprii  sacerdotis ,  et 
Fratres  petentes  privilegia  pro  confessionilms  audiendis  et  sepulturis  habendis  sunt 
in  peccato  niortali  et  excommunicati ;  et  Romani  Pontifices  talia  privilegia  conce- 
dentes  Mendicantibus,  aut  eisdem  confirmantes,  sunt  in  peccato  mortali  et  excom- 
municati. VII.  Fratres  non  sunt  aut  fuerunt  Pastores,  sed  fures,  latrones  et  lupi. 
VIII.  Sacerdos  Curatus  dans  licentiam  Mendicantibus  audiendi  confessiones  magis 
dispensat  cum  statuto  Oninis  utriusque  sexus,  quiun  Papa  Fratiibus  dans  licen- 
tiam juxta  formam  Decretalis  Dudum.  The  university  was  highly  incensed  at 
this  bull  :  Gerson  delivered  a  discourse  against  it  (0pp.  ed.  Du  Pin,  T.  II.  p.  431 
seq.)  :  the  Soi-bonne  pronounced  it  intolerabilis  et  totius  status  Ecclesiastic!  turba- 
tiva  (Bulceus,  1.  c.  p.  201),  etc.,  and  John  XXIII.  had  to  repeal  it  in  1410  (Bu- 
leeus,  p.  204). 

*  Thus  at  the  council  of  Vienne,  the  following  complaints  were  brought  by  one 
of  the  bishops,  de  excessibus  exemptorum,  referring,  no  doubt,  especially  to  the 
mendicants  ( Raynald,  ann.  1312,  no.  24)  :  ipsi —  publico  excommunicatos  a  suis 
ordinariis  ad  sacramenta  et  sacramentalia  admittunt  in  suis  ecclesiis  et  capellis.  — 
In  eisdem  etiam  dispensationes  clandestinas  et  benedictiones,  quamquam  inter  per- 
sonas  fixcommunicatas  aut  consanguinitate  vel  affinitate  conjunctas,  seu  alias 
matrimoniali  vinculo  confoederatas  celebrare  non  verentes.  —  Et  dum  a  talibus 
excessibus  —  ab  ordinariis  arguuntur,  de  sua  exemptione  confisi  reddunt  pro  verbis 
humilibus  verba  tumida  et  superba,  etc.  Reformatorii  Cone.  Constantiensls  decre- 
tales,  lib.  III.  Tit.  X.  c.  12  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  XII.  p.  715)  :  Multorum 
querela  Curatorum  ad  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  deducta,  qualiter  fratres  ordinum 
mendicantium  limites  Apostolici  privilcgii  —  multipliciter  excedant :  sic  quod 
superiores  dictorum  fratrum  non  eo  modo,  sicut  deberent,  sed  in  scriptis,  imo  inter- 
dum  nomine  non  expresso,  Ordinariis  locorum  suos  terniinarios,  ut  plurimum  idio- 
tas,  et  interdum  minus  quam  presbyteri  curati  scientes,  pra;senlant ;  prasentati 
soli  absque  socio  per  parochias  velut  vagi  transcuriunt,  absolutiones  suas,  ultra 
curatorum  efficaciores,  tanquam  Apostolica  auctoritate  concessas,  predicant  SEepius  ; 
quod  in  casibus  eis  non  coinmissis  absolvunt,  ()ecuniaria  etiam  pactione  pra;cedente 
aut  interveniente  ;  decedentibus  et  testari  volentibus  secretius  ingerunt,  sibi  et 
non  Curatis  legari  et  apud  suos  conventus  sepeliri :  quibus  omnibus  secretius  inge- 
stis  et  practicatis  canonicam  ipsis  curatis  non  exhibent  portionem,  etc. 

*  See  above,  §  7-5.  Especially  concerning  the  immaculate  conception  of  the 
Virgin,  and  concerning  evangelical  poverty.  So  too  they  vied  with  each  other  in 
extolling  their  respective  founders.  After  the  example  of  the  Franciscans  (see 
above,  §  70,  note  3;  comp.  §  110,  note  16)  the  Dominicans  also  began  now  to 
compare  their  Dominic  to  the  Saviour  himself,  cf  Vita  s.  Catharinie  Senensis  (of 
the  third  order  of  St.  Dominic,  'f  1380),  written  by  the  general  of  the  order,  Rai- 
mundus  Cajiuanus,  P.  II.  c.  7  (Acta  SS.  Aprilis;  T.  III.  p.  904)  :  he  relates  that 
Catharine  saw  in  a  vision,  suinmum  et  aeternum  Patrem,  de  ore  suo  (ut  videbatur) 
coEBternuin  sibi  Filium  producentem. — Quod  dum  attenderet,  ex  alia  parte  vidit 


Chap.  III.  Monachism.  %  110.  Inter.  Hist,  of  the  Franciscans.     91 

orders  was  avoided  by  their  choosing  separate  spheres  of  activity. 
The  Dominicans  having  ahnost  the  entire  control  of  the  Inquisition, 
and  the  spiritual  care  of  the  higher  classes,  gradually  lost  the  charac- 
ter of  a  mendicant  order.^  The  Franciscans,  on  the  other  hand, 
aimed  rather  at  an  influence  over  the  great  mass  of  the  people, 
and  left  no  means  untried  (not  excepting  holy  frauds)  '  to  inspire 
them  with  a  deep  reverence  for  the  order,  and  extort  from  them  their 
wealth. 


<^   110. 

INTERNAL    HISTORY    OF    THE    FRANCISCANS. 

The  abolition  of  the  order  of  Coelestine-Eremites  by  Boniface 
VIII.  (see  Vol.  II.  §  70,  note  15),  had  only  the  effect  of  renewing 
and  widening  the  breach  between  the  Spirituales  and  the  fratres  de 
communitate.     The  former  were  not  to  be  prevailed  upon,  by  all  the 

beatissimum  Patriarcham  Dominicum  ex  ejusdem  Patris  produci  pectore,  luce  ac 
splendoribus  circumdatum  :  audivitque  ex  eodem  ore  prolatara  vocem,  qua  verba 
infrascripta  formabat :  Es;o,  dulcissima  filia,  istos  duos  filios  genui,  unum  naturali- 
ter  generando,  alium  amabiliter  et  dulciter  adoptando.  —  Sicut  hie  (ilius  a  me  natu- 
raliter  et  aeternaliter  genitus,  assumpta  natura  humana,  in  omnibus  fuit  perfectis- 
sime  obediens  mihi  usque  ad  mortem  ;  sic  filius  adoptivus  meus  Dominicus,  omnia 
qua;  operatus  est  ab  infantia  sua  usque  ad  terminum  vitae  sua;  fuerunt  regulata 
secundum  obedientiam  prajceptorum  meorum,  nee  unquam  semel  fuit  transgressus 
quodcunque  prasceptum  meum.  —  Et  sicut  filius  naturalis  hie,  tamquam  verbum 
aeternum  oris  mei,  locutus  est  palam  mundo  ;  —  sic  filius  meus  adoptivus  Domini- 
cus veritatem  verborum  meorum  prsedicavit  palam  mundo.  —  Sicut  filius  meus 
naturalis  misit  discipulos  suos,  —  sic  iste  adoptivus  misit  fi-atres  suos,  etc. 

^  Comp.  the  Dominican  Petri  Paludani,  in  Paris  (about  1330),  tract,  quod 
fratres  Pradicatores  possunt  habere  possessiones  et  reditus. 

■^  Especially  by  the  carrying  to  a  greater  extent  the  absolution  granted  at  Porti- 
uncula  (see  §  69,  note  8).  The  Cardinal  Bonifacius  de  Vitaliniis  (or  rather  de 
Amanatis,  see  Baluzii  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  1340)  relates  in  his  Comment  in  Clemen- 
tinas A.  D.  1388,  that  the  Franciscans  maintained,  that  on  every  1st  of  August  as 
many  souls  could  be  released  from  purgatory  as  any  one  would  go  in  and  out  of 
the  church.  See  /.  B.  Thiers  traite  des  superstitions,  qui  regardent  les  sacre- 
mens  (Paris.  1701.  4  voll.  12mo.),  vol.  III.  p.  2b9.  — Hermanni  Corneri  (Domi- 
nican in  Labeck)  Chron.  ad  ann.  1359  (in  Eccardi  Corp.  hist,  medii  a;vi,  T.  II.  p. 
1101)  :  the  Franciscan  Arnoldus  de  Villa  Preodii  Vercellensis  Dioecesis  maintain- 
ed, quod  nullus  possit  damnari,  deferens  habitum  Ordinis  s.  Francisci,  asseruitque 
constanter,  b.  Franciscum  omni  anno  semel  descendere  de  ccelo  ad  purgaforium, 
et  eripere  inde  animas  omnium  illorum,  qui  illo  anno  defuncti,  in  habitu  Oidinis 
sui  extiterunt  sepulti,  et  ad  purgatorium  fuerant  missi.  (This  Franciscan  was 
Arnaldus  Montanerius  Villae  Podii  Ceritani  Dioec.  Urgellensis.  See  Eymerici 
Directorium  Inquisitorum,  P.  II.  Qu.  11  in  fine.  Also  Wadding  ann.  Minorum, 
ann.  1371,  no.  28,  sees  nothing  impossible  in  this  yearly  descent  of  St.  Francis  to 
purgatory.)  Hujus  autem  erroris  assertores  nedum  sed  et  publici  pronuntiatores 
ac  prsdicatores  plures  in  Ordine  prfedicto  impra'sentiarum  existunt,  qui  ausu 
temerario  talia  figmenta  et  mendacia  non  verentur  populo  intimare.  Imo  tempo- 
ribus  meis,  me  prcBsente,  in  provinciali  Synodo  in  urbe  Hammeburgensi  celebrata 
anno  Dom.  1406  —  Dominus  Joannes  Episcopus  Lubicensis  —  hunc  errorem  in 
publico  consistorio  ipsi?  fratribus  Minoribus  ibidem  prresentibus  objecit,  —  tanquam 
per  dictos  fratres  publico  pr^dicatum  in  urbe  Lubicensi. 


92  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

efforts  of  the  popes,  to  reunite  themselves  with  the  order,^  and  pre- 
ferred to  be  excluded  from  the  church  as  heretics  rather  than  yield  ; 
as  was  seen  in  the  year  1317,  when  John  XXII.  summoned  a  party 
of  them  before  the  In(]uisition  in  Narbonne  and  Beziers.-  Those 
who  had  been  thus  rejected  (fratricelli)  now  joined  themselves  to  the 
motley  company  of  the  Beghards,^  with  whom  they  shared  their  wild 

'  See  a  disputation  or  conference  held  before  Clement  V.  (in  Wadding,  ann. 
1310,  no.  1  seq.).  After  this,  A.  D.  1312,  Clement  gave  a  new  decision  concern- 
ing the  rules  in  the  constitution,  Exivi  de  Paradiso  (Clementin.  Lib.  V.  Tit.  11, 
c.  1),  in  which  he  concedes  something  to  both  parties,  in  order  to  bring  about  a 
union. 

^  How  they  got  possession  of  the  convents  in  Narbonne  and  Beziers,  see  in 
Wadding,  ann.  1314,  no.  8;  the  proceedings  of  John  XXII.  against  them,  ibid, 
ann.  1317,  no.   11  seq. 

^  Of  the  former  connexion  of  the  Beghards  with  the  Franciscans,  see  §  71,  notes 
9  and  11.  Also  John  XXII.  bull  Sancta  Romana  of  December  30,  1317  (in 
Extravagg.  Jo.  XXII.  Tit.  VII.)  :  Nonnulli  profana;  multitudinis  viri,  qui  vulgari- 
ter  Fratricelli,  seu  fratres  de  pauptrc  vita,  Bizochi  sive  Beguini,  vel  aliis 
nominibus  nuncupnntur  in  partibus  Italia?,  necnon  in  insula  Siciliensi,  comitatu 
provinciffi,  Narbonensi  et  Tolosana  civitatibus  —  habitum  novae  religionis  adsume- 
re,  congregationes  et  conventiculas  facere,  et  siiperiorcs  sibi  ipsis  eligere,  quos 
ministros,  seu  custodes,  vel  gardianos,  ant  nominibus  aliis  appellant,  plurimos  ad 
eorum  sectam  recipere,  —  publice  mendicare,  quasi  eorura  secta  foret  una  de  reli- 
gionibus  per  sedem  apostolicam  approbatis,  temeritate  damnabili  praesumserunt,  et 
proBsumunt  etiani  incessauter.  Et  ut  ipsorum  error  Veritas,  et  impietas  religio 
reputetur  ;  plurimi  eorum  regulam  seu  ordinem  fratrum  Rlinorum,  quern  s.  Fian- 
ciscus  instituit,  se  profiteri  ad  lilterain  conservare  confingunt,  quanquam  in  obedi- 
entia  generalis,  vel  provincialium  ministrorum  ipsius  ordinis  non  morentur,  praten- 
dentes  se  a  sanctas  memoriae  Cojlestino  P.  V.  —  hujus  status  —  privilegium  habu- 
isse.  Quod  tamen,  etsi  ostenderent,  non  valeret;  cum  bonas  memoriae  Bonifacius 
P.  VIII.  —  omnia  ab  ipso  Ca?lestino — concessa  —  viribus  penitus  vacuavei-it. — 
Nonnulli  etiam  ex  ipsis  asserentes,  se  esse  de  tertio  ordine  b.  Fi'ancisci,  Pceniten- 
tium  vocato,  praedictum  statum  et  ritum  eorum  sub  velamine  talis  nominis  sata- 
gunt  palliare  :  cum  tamen  in  regula  ipsius  tertii  ordinis  talis  vivendi  ritus  nullate- 
nus  sit  concessus.  —  Ipsorum  quam  plurimi  —  a  veritate  catholics  fidei  deviantes, 
ecclesiastica  sacramenta  despiciunt  ac  crrores  alios  student  multipliciter  seminare. 
Then  a  strict  prohibition  of  this  way  of  life  under  penalty  of  excommunication.  — 
In  the  bull  Gloriosam  Ecclesiain  of  January  23,  1318  (in  the  Biillario  Rom. 
and  in  Raynahl,  ann.  1318,  no.  45),  the  bishops  are  called  upon  to  take  prisoners 
the  Pseudo-Minorites  who  had  fled  to  Sicily,  and  there  formed  a  peculiar  party, 
distinguishing  themselves  by  quosdam  habitus  cum  parvis  caputiis  curtos,  stiictos, 
inusitatos  et  squalidos,  and  deliver  them  up  to  the  order  for  punishment.  Also  a 
short  account  is  given  of  the  controversies  that  have  taken  place,  and  of  the  dif- 
ferent heresies.  Namely:  I.  Primus  error  —  diias  fingit  Ecclesias,  unam  carna- 
lem,  divitiis  pressam,  etfluentem  deliciis,  sceleribus  maculatam,  cui  Roraanum 
Prsesuleni,  aliosque  inferiores  Piselatos  dominari  asserunt :  aliam  spiritualem, 
Irugalitate  mundatii,  virtute  decoram,  paupertate  succinctam,  in  qua  ipsi  soli 
eorumque  complices  continentur,  cui  etiam  ipsi  spiritualis  vitae  merito,  si  qua  fides 
est  mendaciis,  principantur.  II.  Secundus  error — venerabiles  Ecclesiaj  sacei'do- 
tes  —  sic  jurisdictionis  clamitat  auctoritate  desertos,  ut  nee  sententias  ferre,  nee 
sacramenta  conlicere,  nee  subjectum  populum  instruere  valeant ;  —  quia  apud 
ipsos  solos,  ut  ipsi  somniant,  sicut  spiritualis  vitae  sanctitas,  sic  auctoritas  perseve- 
rat.  III.  In  nullum  eventum  asserunt  fore  juraudum,  dogmatizantes,  mortalis 
criminis  contagione  poUui  et  poena  teneri,  quos  contigeiit  jui'amenti  religione 
constringi.  IV.  Sacerdotes  rite  — ordinalos,  quibuslibet  tamen  criminibus  presses, 
non  posse  conlicere  vel  conferre  ecclesiastica  saci-amenta.  V.  Evangelium  Christi 
in  se  soils  hoc  in  tempore  —  esse  completum,  quod  hactenus,  ut  ipsi  somniant, 
obtectum  fuerat,  immo  prorsus  extinctum.  —  Multa  sunt  alia,  quae  isti  prfesumptiosi 
homines  contra  conjugii  venerabile  sacramentum  garrire  dicuntur,  multaque  de 


Chap.  III.  Monachism.  <^  110.   Inter.  Hist,  of  the  Franciscans.     93 

fanaticism;^  and  great  numbers  of  both  fell  victims  to  the  Inquisi- 
tion.^ 

Amongst  the  great  mass  of  the  Franciscans  (fratres  de  communi- 
tate)  the  renunciation  of  all  property,  even  as  a  community,  had 
become  a  mere  name  by  the  construction  put  upon  the  rule  by  the 
popes.  But  on  this  name  the  order  laid  such  stress,  that  in  the  year 
1321  they  fell  into  a  violent  controversy  with  the  Dominicans  on  the 
question,  whether  Christ  and  the  Apostles  possessed  any  thing  what- 
ever even  in  common.*^  John  XXII.,  wearied  of  the  continual  con- 
troversies on  this  subject,  decided  in  favor  of  the  Dominicans,  not- 
withstanding  the    earnest   representations   of  their   opponents,'''  and 


cursu  temporum  et  fine  sECuli  somniant,  multaque  de  Antichristi  adventu,  quem 
jamjani  instaie  asserunt,  flebili  vanitate  divulgant,  etc.  Comp.  Culpaj  Beguinoruni 
in  the  Liber  Sententiaruni  Inquisitionis  Tolosans  ab  anno  1307  -  1323,  p.  29S  seq., 
appended  to  Ph.  a  Limhorch  hist.  Inquisitionis.  These  Beguines  held  in  high 
respect  the  Postilla  Fr.  Petri  OHvi  (see  §  70,  note  12),  which  they  had  in  the 
language  of  the  country.  The  church  of  Rome,  therefore,  was  to  them  Babylon 
meretrix  magna,  John  XXII.  mysticus  antichristus,  pra^parator  vice  majoiis  anti- 
christi (p.  304),  regula  s.  Francisci  ununi  et  idem  cum  evangelio  Christi  (p.  302), 
namely,  vita  Christi,  quam  in  hoc  mundo  servavit  et  servandum  Apostolis  suis 
tradidit  (p.  303).  S.  Franciscus  seu  ordo  ejus  debebat  ecclesiam  renovare,  of 
course  only  the  Spirituales.  A  Beguine  who  was  tried  1321  (p.  298),  credidit 
informatus  per  scripturam  dicti  fratris  P.  Johannis  (Olivi),  quod  infra-  XIV  annos 
computandos  a  prKsenti  tempore  Antichristus  major  complevisset  cursum  suum, 
etc. 

*  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  Planctu  Eccl.  Lib.  II.  c.  51,  de  erroi-ibus  Begardorum 
says  of  the  tertius  error  Begardorum  de  spiritu  libertafis  (see  above,  §  87,  note 
28):  Tempore  meo  in  provincia  b.  Francisci  multi  s^culares  et  fratres  minores 
pro  ista  carnali  spiritu  libertatis  per  inquisitores  hsreticas  pravitatis  incarcerati  fue- 
runt.  —  tales  valde  spirituales  videbantur  in  lucis  angelum  transformati.  This  is 
a  sufficient  answer  to  Wadding's  (ann.  Minorum,  ann.  1317,  no.  24  seq.)  attempts 
to  deny  the  origin  of  the  Fratricelli  from  the  Franciscans. 

^  Such  victims  were  looked  on  by  their  party  as  martyrs.  Thus  Mosheim  men- 
tions (Institutt.  hist.  eccl.  p.  583,  note  25)  a  Martyrologium  Spirilualium  et  Fratri- 
cellorum,  in  which  one  hundred  and  thirteen  martyrs  are  enumerated  from  1318  to 
the  time  of  Innocent  VI. 

^  See  the  account  given  by  the  contemporary  Alcolaiis  Minorita  in  Baluz.  PP. 
Aven.  T.  I.  p.  598:  Anno  Dom.  MCCCXXI  —  quidam  Beguinus  seu  Bizotus 
fuit  captus  in  civitate  Narbona  pro  facto  haeresis  per  Ai'chiepiscopum  Narbonen- 
sem  et  fratrem  Johannem  de  Belna,  Ordinis  fratrum  Praedicatorum  Inquisitorem 
hsereticK  pravitatis.  Qui  Beguinus  inter  alia  asserebat,  quod  Christus  et  Apostoli 
viam  perfectionis  sequentes  nihil  habuerunt  jure  proprietatis  et  dominii  in  speciali, 
nee  etiam  in  comniuni.  Qui  Inquisitor  volens  judicare  dictum  Beguinum  convo- 
cavit  ad  consilium  omnes  Priores,  Gardianos  et  Lectores  religiosorum  et  quamplu- 
res  alios  sapieutes,  inter  quos  affuit  frater  Berengarius  Taloni  Lector  in  conventu 
fratrum  Minorum  de  Narbona.  Et  inter  caetera  praefatus  Inquisitor  fecit  legi  pree- 
fatum  articulum  de  paupertate  Christi  et  Apostolorum  ejus,  pro  quo  volebat  Beo-ar- 
dum  hujusmodi  tanquam  hrereticum  judicare.  Prslibatus  frater  Berengarius  Lec- 
tor super  dicto  articulo  requisitus  respondit,  quod  hoc  dicere  non  erat  hasreticum, 
sed  dogma  sanum,  caiholicum  et  fidele,  maxime  cum  hoc  esset  per  Ecclesiam  in 
decretali  Exiit  qui  seminat  (Nicolai  IV.  see  above,  §  70,  note  10)  diffinitum. 
Quo  facto,  ac  si  asseruisset  hsresim  dictus  Lector,  praefatus  Inquisitor  eidem  pra»- 
cepit,  ut  dictum  suum  statim  in  prKsentia  omnium  revocaret.  Qui  Lector  revocare 
noluit  quoquo  modo,  sed  —  ad  sedeni  apostolicam  solemniter  appellavit,  et  cum 
appellatione  sua  venit  apud  Avinionem. 

'  See  the  two  Declarationes  of  the  General  Chapter  of  the  Franciscans,  held  in 
Perusium  in  June  and  July,  1322,  in  Wadding,  ad  h.  a.  no.  51  seq. 


94  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

declared  the  Franciscan  doctrine  to  be  heresy,^  renouncing  in  the 
name  of  the  church  of  Rome  all  claim  to  the  possessions  of  that  order 
(1322).^  The  more  zealous  Franciscans,  with  the  general  of  the 
order,  Michael  de  Cesena,  at  their  head,  took  refuge  with  Lewis  of 
Bavaria, 1*^  and  opposed  the  heretic  Pope  as  long  as  they  lived. i^    The 

**  As  Nicolas  IV.  in  his  bull  Exiit  had  forbidden  all  further  comment  on  the 
same  under  penalty  of  excommunication,  John  XXII.  began  with  allowing  this, 
in  order  that  the  subject  might  be  investigated  anew,  in  the  bull  Quia  nonnun- 
quam  (Extravagg.  Jo.  XXII.  Tit.  XIV.  c.  2)  :  then  in  the  bull  Cum  inter  nou- 
nullos  of  November  12,  1322  (ibid.  c.  4),  he  decides  :  in  posterum  pertinaciter 
adfirmare,  quod  Redemtori  nostro  ejusque  apostolis  iis,  quK  ipsos  habuisse  scriptura 
sacra  testatur,  nequaquam  jus  ipsis  utendi  competierit,  nee  ilia  vendendi  sen 
donandi  jus  babuerint,  aut  ex  ipsis  alia  adquirendi,  qua;  tamen  ipsos  de  pramissis 
fecissc  scriptura  sacra  testatur,  seu  ipsos  potuisse  facere  supponit  expresse  :  cum 
talis  adsertio  ipsorum  usum  et  gesta  evidenter  includat  in  prsmissis  non  justa,  quod 
utique  de  usu,  gestis  seu  factis  Redemtoris  nostri,  Dei  Filii,  sentire  nefas  est, 
sacra;  scripturae  contrarium,  et  doctrinae  catholicae  inimicum  :  adsertionem  ipsam 
pertinacem  de  fratrum  nostroruni  consilio  deinceps  erroneam  fore  censendam  merito 
ac  ha;reticam  declaramus. 

^  By  the  bull  Ad  conditorem  canonum  of  8  Dec.  1322  (Jbid.  c.  3).  He  shows 
in  this  the  fallacy  of  the  right  of  property  hitherto  asserted  by  the  church  of  Rome  : 
Constat,  quod  post  ordinationem  prffdictam  (JJxiit,  JVicolai  IV.)  non  fuerint  in 
adquirendis  ac  conservandis  bonis  in  judiciis  et  extra  minus  solliciti,  quam  ante 
illam  fuerant  fratres  ipsi.  —  Adhuc  nee  utique  profuit  dictis  fratribus  ordinatio 
supra  dicta,  quantum  ad  hoc,  quod  propter  carentiain  talis  proprii  se  pauperiores 
dicere  valeant,  quam  si  res  ipsas  cuju  iilo,  quo  carere  se  dicunt,  dominio  obtinerent. 
Licet  etiam  prasdecessor  noster  pradictus  dominium  earum  rerum,  qua;  ipsis  fra- 
tribus offei-ji  seu  conferri,  aut  alias  obvenire  contigeret,  —  in  se  Romanamque 
ecclesiam  recipienduui  duxerit ;  —  attento  tamen  ipsorum  frati-um  utendi  modo  et 
ejus  effectu,  —  non  ipse  usus  Iratrum  dici  debet,  sed  potius  Romanae  ecclesias 
dominium  esse  simplex.  Quis  enim  simplicem  usuarium  dicere  polerit,  cui  rem 
usuariam  licet  peruuitare,  vendere  ac  donare  .'  Procul  dubio  ha;c  naturce  repug- 
nare  noscuntur,  nee  ad  usuarium  pertinere,  quae  tamen  de  rebus  mobilibus  ante 
dictis  faciunt  fratres  ipsi.  Quod  autcm  dominium  Romana;  ecclesi*  reservatum 
simplex  censeri  debeat,  ex  hoc  patet,  quod  ex  illo  nullum  eidem  ecclesiae  temporale 
obvenit  —  commodum,  etc.  Further:  Quod  autem  quoad  res,  quae  usu  consu- 
muntiir,  non  sint  censendi  usuarii  frati-es  ipsi,  ex  sequentibus  liquet  satis.  Dicere 
siquidem,  quod  in  talihus  rebus  usus  juris  vel  facti  separatus  a  proprietate  rei  seu 
dominio  possit  constitui,  repugnat  juri,  et  obviat  rafioni.  Hence  nolentes  in  poste- 
rum sub  prajtextu  —  talis  dominii  temporalis  verbalis,  nudi  ac  aenigmatici  tanta 
bona,  quanta  dicti  fratres  faciunt,  infici,  —  sancimus,  quod  in  bonis,  qua;  in  poste- 
rum conferentur, —  fiatribus  seu  ordini  supra  dictis  (exceptis  ccclesiis,  oratoriis, 
officinis  et  habitationibus,  ac  vasis,  libris  et  vestimentis  divinis  officiis  dedicatis  —  ) 
nullum  jus  seu  dominium  aliquod  —  Romana;  ecclesia"  adquiratur,  sed  quoad  hoc 
habeantur  prorsus  ordinationes  hujusmodi  pro  non  factis.  Et  —  districtius  inhibe- 
mus,  ne  deinceps  pi-o  recipiendis,  petendis,  extorquendis,  defendendis  seu  adminis- 
trandis  bonis —  quisquam  nominetur  —  nomine  s.  Romanae  ecclesia;  procurator,  etc. 
An  appeal  was  made  against  this  bull  on  the  14th  of  Jan.  1323,  by  Fr.  Bonagra- 
tia,  belbre  the  papal  commissary,  on  which  he  was  thrown  into  prison  (Wadding, 
ann.  1323,  no.  I). 

'0  See  above,  §  96,  note  28. 

!•  Compare  Michalis  C'cesenatis  tract,  contra  errores  Jo  XXII  (in  Goldasti 
Monarchia  II.  p.  1236),  Ejusd.  litterae  ad  omnes  fratres  ordinis  minorum  A.  D. 
1333  (ibid.  p.  1338  seq.)  and  ad  Regem  Rom.  et  Principes  Alemania;  (ib.  p.  1344). 
—  Guil.  Ockami  compendium  errorum  Papa;  (ibid.  p.  957),  Ejusd.  opus  nonaginta 
dierum  contra  errores  Jo.  XXII  (ibid.  p.  993).  On  the  other  hand  the  Domini- 
cans defended  the  decision  of  the  Pope,  especially  Petrus  Paludanus  in  Paris 
(1330,  Patriarch  of  Jerusalem,  "f  1342),  tract,  de  paupertate  Christi  et  Apostolo- 
rum  contra  Michselem  dc  Caasena  (Ms.   in  bibl.   Colbert.).     Other  works  on  the 


Chap.  III.  Monachism.  §  110.  Inter.  Hist,  of  the  Franciscans.    95 

majority,  however,  submitted,  and  chose  a  new  general,  nominated 
by  the  Pope  (A.  D.  1329). i-^ 

The  ordinances  of  John  XXII.  could  not  fail  to  produce  a  still 
greater  laxity  in  observing  the  rules  of  Francis, ^^  and  the  reconciliation 
of  the  Spirituales  with  the  order  thus  became  less  possible  than  ever. 
Throucrhout  tlie  14th  century,  therefore,  they  were  continually  renew- 
ing tiieir  attempts  to  unite  themselves  in  small  remote  settlements  in 
various  parts  of  Italy,  for  the  strict  observance  of  the  rules  they  held 
so  dear.  At  first  these  associations  were  not  seldom  broken  up. 
Afterwards,  however,  they  were  protected  by  some  of  the  generals 
of  the  order,!*  till   they  became  so  considerable,  that  they  were  for- 

subject  see  in  Raynald,  ann.  1323,  no.  38  seq.  As  early  as  1324,  John  XXII. 
himself  defended  his  Constitutiones  in  a  new  bull  Quia  quorundam  (Extravap;g. 
Jo.  XXII.  Tit.  XIV.  c.  5)  and  excommunicated  his  opponents.  Petrus  Rogerius 
(a  Benedictine,  and  professor  of  theology,  in  Paris,  afterwards  Pope  Clement  VJ.), 
relates  in  his  Lectura  on  this  bull  {«.eeBaluzu  not.  ad  Antonii  Augustini  de  emen- 
datione  Gratiani  dialog,  lib.  I.  dial.  17),  that  a  Parisian  theologue,  no  doubt  a  Do- 
minican, went  so  far  as  to  maintain  :  adserere  Christum  et  Apostolos  nihil  habuisse 
est  magis  ha^reticum,  quam  adserere  Deum  non  esse  incarnatum.  Namely  :  illud 
est  magis  hajreticum,  quod  est  contra  majorem  evidentiam  fidei. —  Sed  adserere, 
quod  Christus  et  Apostoli  nihil  habuerunt  in  proprio  vel  communi  est  contra 
majorem  evidentiam  tidei.  llli  enini,  qui  erant  tempore  Chrisli  et  Apostolorum, 
clare  videbant,  quod  Christus  et  Apostoli  habebant  aliqua  vel  in  proprio,  vel  in 
communi ;  non  tamen  ita  clare  videbant,  quod  Deus  esset  incarnatus,  quia  non 
videbant  clare  Christum  esse  nisi  purum  honunem.     Ergo,  etc. 

^2  At  a  general  chapter  in  Paris,  Wadding,  ann.  1329.  The  Franciscans  now 
went  back  to  their  old  fiction,  that  the  real  ownership  of  the  property  bestowed 
on  them  remained  with  the  donor  (see  above,  §  70,  note  5),  see  Alvarus  Pelagius 
de  Planciu  Eccl.  lib.  II.  c.  55  :  fi-atres  minores  possunt  habere  usum  quemlibet 
separatum  a  proprietate,  cujus  proprietas  Romanae  ecclesiae  erat  olim,  et  nunc 
dantium,  propter  Extravagantem,  quam  fecit  Papa  Joannes  XXII  contra  fratres 
minores,  quK  incipit  Ad  Conditorem. 

^^  See  the  confession  of  the  Franciscan  Alvarus  Pelagius  II.  c.  66,  that  the 
brethren  often  de  pecunia,  quae  pro  eis  deponitur,  emunt  et  faciunt  superflua. — 
Item  non  pro  necessitatibus  ingruentibus  —  faciunt  pecuniam  deponi,  sed  pro  futuris 
necessitatibus  et  non  necessitatibus. — Item  vadunt  aliqui  per  terras  et  villas, — 
eleemosynas  pecuniarias  procurando  et  petendo,  et  importunitates  frequenter  in- 
gerendo,  famulum  retro  ducendo,  et  denariis  pixides  et  loculos  implendo.  —  Item 
ponunt  aliqui  cippos  et  areas  in  eorum  ecclesias,  ut  ibi  saeculares  ponant  pecunias. 
—  Item  tangunt  pecunias  vel  cum  cera  vel  cum  ligno  vel  cum  palea.  Portant 
etiam  quidani  eorum  pecunias  sulas  in  habitibus  et  tunicis.  Quidam  etiam  eorum 
faciunt  sibi  pecuniam  poni  in  capitiis,  etc. 

>■*  Thus  Philip  of  Majorca  was  denied  by  John  XXII.  (Wadding,  ann.  1328, 
no.  28),  and  afterwards  by  Benedict  XII.  (ibid.  ann.  1340,  no.  23),  on  his  applying 
for  permission  to  found  a  company  of  strict  Franciscans,  and  the  latter  said  to 
Robert  of  Sicily,  who  interceded  in  behalf  of  the  applicant,  quod  idem  Philippus 
sectas  Beguinorum  —  promotor,  defensor,  rector  et  conservator  extitit,  —  et  his 
nequaquam  contentus  tam  contra  Joannem  P.  XXII — quam  sedem  praedictam 
multa  enormia  et  hferetica  —  publice  asseruit,  et  etiam  praedicavit  interdum. — 
A  small  society  of  the  sort  was  formed  by  Johannes  de  J^alilnis,  near  Biuliano, 
A.  D.  1334,  with  the  permission  of  the  general  of  the  Order  {Wadding,  ann. 
1334,  no.  24) :  but  as  it  spread  further,  the  envy  of  the  Order  was  awakened,  and 
the  new  society  was  accused  of  heresy  (spiritum  libertatis  inter  eos  doniinari  — 
eos  receptasse  aliquos  hEereticos)  and  dispersed  by  order  of  the  Pope  {Wadding, 
1355,  no.  1  seq.).  —  Those  which  were  permanently  established  were  the  congre- 
gation of  the  Clarenes,  formed  by  Angelas  de  Cingulo,  from  the  remnant  of  the 
Coelestines,  A.  D.  1302,  in  the  Mark  of  Ancona  {Wadding,  ad  h.  a.  no.  8) ;  and 


96  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

mally  sanctioned  by  the  council  of  Constance  under  the  name  of 
fratres  regularis  observantioe,  as  distinguished  from  the  fratres  con- 
ventuales.!-* 

In  proportion  as  the  Franciscans  relaxed  from  the  strictness  of  the 
supposed  evangelical  mode  of  life,  which  their  founder  had  estab- 
lished, it  seemed  as  if  they  hoped  to  appease  the  saint  by  the  increased 
extravagance  of  their  praises,  and  the  impious  comparisons  they 
instituted  between  him  and  Christ.^'"'  The  prophecies  of  John  de 
Rupescissa  show  that  they  were  still  looking  for  the  approaching 
renovation  of  the  church  through  the  instrumentality  of  their  order. ^^ 

thatof  Prttt/wfms,  Paolucci  of  Foliani,  a  pupil  of  John  de  Vallibus,  who  estahlishecl 
himself  in  the  ruined  hermitage  of  Briiliano  by  permission  of  the  general  of  the 
Order  {Wadding,  ann.  1368,  no.  10),  and  so  much  increased  his  society  [Wad- 
di7ig,  ann.  1380,  no.  29  ;  1384,  no.  4;  1385,  no.  4  ;  13S8,  no.  1 ;  1390,  no.  1),  that 
he  was  considered  the  founder  of  the  more  strict  rule. 

>3  Sessione  XIX.  d.  23  Sept.  1415.  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  IV.  p.  515. 

'^  Compare  Div.  II.   §   70,  note  3.     This  was  the  date  of  the  appearance  of  the 
famous  Liber  conformitatum  by  the  Franciscan  Bartholomoii  Mbicii  or  Earth,  de 
Pisis,  written  1385,  and  offered  to  the  general  chapter  held   at  Assisi   1399,  and 
received   with  much   applause  (the  only  complete  edition,  Mediolani,  1510,  fol.). 
An    extract   by  Erasmus   Alberus,    with    a    preface    by   Luther:   Der  BarfQsser 
Monche  Eulenspiegel  u.  Alcoran,  1531,   also   1573  and   1614.   12mo.,  still  fuller 
in  the  translations  :  I'Alcoran  des  Cordeliers  and  Alcoranus  Franciscanorum,  which 
have  been  often  published.     This  work  consists  of  three  books,  showing  40  points 
of  agreement  between   St.   Francis  and   Christ,    which    are   pointed  out    in    the 
superscription,  e.   g.  Lib.   I.    1.  Jesus  prophetis  cognitus,  Franciscus  declaratur 
(alleged  prophecies  of  St.  Francis  tam   ante  ortum,  quam  in  ortu  et  post  ortum 
declarato  et  agnito).     2.  Jesus  emissus  cailitus,   Franciscus  deslinatur.     3.  Jesus 
Iffite  progenitus,  Fiancisco  vir  latatur  (prophets  and  angels  rejoiced  at  the  birth  of 
St.  Francis,  as   at  the  birth  of  Christ).  —  6.  Jesus  abjectus  cernitur,  Franciscus 
separatur.     e.  g.  Nam  apostoli  etsi  navem  et  alia  reliquerunt,  non  tamen  vestimen- 
tum,  quod  in  dorso  habebant :  beatus  vero  Franciscus  non  solum  omnium  terreno- 
rum  facultati   abrenunciavit,  sed  et  pannos  et  femoralia  rejecit,  nudum  corpore  et 
mente  se  offerens  brachiis  crucitixi,  quod  de  nullo  alio  sancto  mundum  abrenun- 
ciante  alicubi  legitur,  et  sic  in  hoc  b.  Franciscus  singularis  ab  omnibus  reperitur. 
Thus  one  of  the  Order  saw  in  a  vision  the  courts  of  heaven,  and  therein  numerous 
seats,  inter  quas  vidit  unam  eminentiorem  aliis  et  pra;  omnibus  gloriosius  fulgentem, 
et  ornatam  ouuii  lapide  pretioso,  et  admirans  ejus  pulchritudinem  coepit  cogitare, 
cujus  esset,  et  statiin  vocem  audivitdicentem  sibi :  haec  sedes  fuit  Luciferi,  et  loco 
ejus   sedebit   humilis    Franciscus.  —  Lib.    If.    Conf.    13.     Jesus  signis  miriticus, 
Franciscus  divulgatur.     In  St.  Francis  too  the  prophecy  was  fulfilled  :  omnia  sub- 
jecisti  sub  pedibus  ejus  et  constituisti  eum  super  omnia  opera  manuum  tuarum, 
as  well  as  quod  cantatur  in  evangelic  sui  festi :  omnia  mihi  tradita  sunt  a  patre 
meo.     Lib.   III.  Conf.    37:    Jesus  transcendens  angelos,  Franciscus  sublimatur, 
closing  thus :  sic  b.  Franciscus  super  angelos,  archangelos,  thronos,  dominationes, 
virtutes,  potestates,  principatus  et  cherubin  est  elevatus,  et  in  ordine  seraphico  in 
sede  Lucifeii  locatus  et  sublimatus,  quo  concluditur,  quod  omnes  inferiores  ordines, 
tam  quoad  angelicos  spiritus  quam  humanos,  b.  Franciscus  sublimatus  in  ordine 
supremo  excessit  gratia  et  meritis.     It  is  true  that  this  work,  under  the  strange 
title  of  BartholomcBUs  Conformi,  was  included  in  the  Index  librorum  prohibit,  in 
1564  :  but  still  the  P^ranciscan  Henr.  Sedulius  in  his  Apologeticus  adv.  Alcoranum 
Franciscanorum  pro  libro  conformitatum,  Antverp.  1607.  4to.,  says  in  the  Prolego- 
menis  :   Pudere  nos  libri  conformitatum,  tam  hoc  est  falsum,  quam,  quod  scribit 
Lutherus,  verum,  nos  pro  hac  abominatione  necdum  poenitentiam  agere,  hanc  non 
recantare.    Compare  (B  a  u  m  g  a  r  t  e  n  s)  Nachrichten  von  einer  hallischen  Biblio- 
thek,  Bd.  1.  S.  286-359. 

''  He  was  thrown  into  prison  by  Clement  VI.,  A.  D.   1349,  in  Avignon,  as  a 
false  prophet  and  heretic  {Brown  Append,  ad  Fasciculum  rerum  expetendarum  et 


Chap.  III.     Monachism.     §111.    Neic   Orders.  97 

^   111. 

NEW    ORDERS. 

In  this  period  also  there  sprung  up  new  orders,  though  new  only 
in  the  form,  not  the  spirit,  and  hence  worn  out  as  speedily  as  the  old 
had  been.  The  Olivetans  were  a  fraternity  of  the  Benedictines 
founded  by  John  Tolomeus  on  the  Mount  of  Olives,  near  Siena 
(Congregatio  s.  Maria)  niontis  Oliveti,  confirmed  by  John  XXII. 
A.  D.  1319).^  The  order  of  the  Jcsuates  was  established  in  Siena 
itself  by  John  Colombino  (Jesuati,  confirmed  by  Urban  V.  A.  D. 
1367),  and  was  a  mendicant  order,  composed  entirely  of  laymen, 
who  adopted  the  rule  of  St.  Augustine. ^  In  Spain  and  Italy  there 
were   several    orders   of    Jcroinites.^      The    order    of    St.   Birgitta 

fus;iend.  p.  494.  Contin.  Clironici  Gitil.  de  JVangis  ad  ann.  1356,  in  d'Achery 
Spicil.  T.  III.  p.  114),  but  was  afterwards  released,  and  continued  to  be  regarded 
by  his  order  as  innocent  of  the  charges  brought  against  him  {Wadding,  ann.  1357, 
no.  15).  In  the  year  1356,  he  announced  in  his  Liber  inscriptus  Vade  mecuni  in 
tribuiatione  (Broivn,  1.  c.  p.  496)  in  20  intentionihus  the  near  appearance  of  Anti- 
christ, the  renovation  of  the  church,  etc.  Characteristic  of  the  work  is  the  follow- 
ing :  Intentio  secunda  est,  universum  clerum  ac  dominos  supremos, —  et  universse 
EcclesicB  Papas  et  Cardinales,  etc.  cum  subditis  clericis  eisdem  reducere  ad  modum 
Vivendi  sanctissimum  Christi  et  Apostolorum  sanctorum :  quoniam  impossibile 
foret  Ecclesis  aliter  recuperarc  praefatum  sajculum  perditum  et  execratum,  quo- 
niam impossibile  foret  iniideliiun  populorum,  Judxorum,  Tartarorum,  Saracenorum 
et  Turcarum  ad  Christi  religionem  repugnantem  carnem  et  sanguinem  reducere, 
nisi  per  viros  spiritualissimos,  legem  spiritualissimam  Christi  non  tarn  verbo  quam 
opere  prsedicantes :  si  enim  Praelati  Ecclesis  incederent  ad  praedicandam  pauper- 
tatem  Christi  cum  200  vel  300  equis,  sicut  nonnulli  ex  eis  hodie  incedunt;  — 
talibus  utique  prsdicatoribus  dicerent  intideles  illud  Evangelii :  Vade  r.cp.ce,  me- 
dere  et  cura  ieipsum.  Quare  omnino  necesse  est  ad  reparationem  mundi,  modum 
Vivendi  Chiisti  et  Apostolorum  suorum  inchoai-i  a  summis  et  omnibus  Pra;latis 
Ecclesia;  generaliter.  —  Et  ad  hunc  modum  vivendi  reducenlur  cum  flagellis  duris- 
simis,  videlicet  infra  annum  Doni.  1370.  —  Intentio  septima  est  intelligere  modum 
denudandi  Ecclesiam  universam  ab  onmibus  temporalibus  rebus.  Indignabitur 
siquidem  mundus  ante  annum  Dom.  1365  contra  fastum  divitiarum,  temporalem 
gloriam  mundanae  superbia;  clericorum,  et  tyrannic!  ac  laici  populi  subito  et  in- 
sperate  consui-gent  et  auferent  ab  eis  dominia  temporalia,  —  et  ipsos  relinquent  in 
puris  et  nudis  Evangelicis  declaratis,  et  insuper  multis  tribulationibus  et  derisioni- 
bus  eos  atficient,  nee  ipsis  quibuscunque  excommunicationibus  aut  bellicosis  insul- 
tibus  poterint  obviare,  etc.  —  Intentio  decima  est  super  apparitione  duorum  admi- 
randorum  prophetarum  induendorum  factis,  qui  Apoc.  c.  10,  resistent  bestia; 
ascendenti  de  mari :  quoniam  antequam  perveniat  mundus  ad  annum  Dom.  1365, 
mittet  Deus  miraculose  duos  pauperrimos  Cordelarios  (cordeUers),  abjectos  fratres 
minores,  qui  ad  lileram  sunt,  de  quibus  dicit  Dominus  Jesus  Christus,  ./3poc.  11: 
Dabo  duobus  testibus  meis,  et  prophetabunt  dies  MCCLX,  etc.  —  unus  autem 
horum  duorum  erit  Papa  Romanus,  generalis  Christi  vicarius,  et  alter,  ejus  socius, 
Romanaj  Ecclesis  cardinalis.  —  Hi  igitur  duo  pauperculi  sacratissimi  minores 
abjecti,  Cordelarii  abjecti,  sunt  mystice  Elias  et  Enoch,  etc. 

'  Raynald.  ann.  1320,  no.  50. 

'  Of  the  history  of  St.  Joannes  Columbinus,  and  the  origin  of  the  Order,  see 
Acta  SS.  ad  d.  31  Jul.  (Jul.  T.  VII.  p.  333). 

^  Namely,  in  Spain  the  Eremits  s.  Hieronymi,  founded  by  Peter  Ferdinand 
Pecha,  chamberlain  of  Peter  the  Cruel,  king  of  Castile,  about  A.  D.  1370,  and 
confirmed,  A.  D.  1373,  who  followed  the  Regula  Augustini.     The  third  general  of 

VOL.    III.  13 


9S  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

(Brigitta)  was  founded  by  a  female  of  that  name  in  the  convent  of 
Wadstena  about  the  year  1363,  and  confirmed  by  Urban  V.  in  1370. 
It  united  monks  and  nuns  in  the  same  convent,  according  to  peculiar 
rules.'' 


«^  112. 

OF    THE    FREER    SPIRITUAL    ASSOCIATIONS. 

See  J.  L.  Mosheiinde  Beghardiset  Beguinabiis  comm.  ed.  G.  H.  Martini,  Leips. 

1790.  8vo. 

Neither  the  indiscriminate  denunciation  of  the  Beghards  and 
Beguins  by  Clement  V.  for  their  heresy, ^  nor  the  violent  persecu- 
tions to  which  they  were  continually  exposed,  nor  even  the  mistrust 
with  which  all  unmonastic  spiritual  associations  were  regarded  by  the 
Inquisition,  could  check  the  tendency  to  such  associations  (a  sign  not 
to  be  mistaken  of  the  decline  of  monachism),  especially  in  Germany 
and  the  Netherlands.  As  early  as  the  pontificate  of  John  XXII. 
such  of  them  as  held  the  orthodox  doctrines  were  taken  under  the 
protection  of  the  Pope.^     In  the  Netherlands  and  in  Germany  great 

the  Order,  Lupus  Olivetus,  established  a  separate  congregation  amongst  them,  by 
permission  of  Martin  V.,  A.  D.  1424,  fo  which  he  gave  a  system  of  rules  taken 
from  the  works  of  Jerome,  (see  in  Luccb  HoJstenii  Codex  Regularum  nionast.  ed. 
^1/.  Brockie,  T.  III.  p.  43) :  in  Spain  this  congregation  was  united  again  with  the 
Order,  A.  D.  1595,  but  in  Italy  it  continued  to  exist  separately  under  the  name 
Congr.  Monachorum  Eremitarum  s.  Hieronymi  de  observantia  s.  de  Lombardia, 
see  HoUtenius- Brockie,  T.  IV.  p.  1.  —  In  Italy  Peter  Gambacorti  or  Petrus  de 
Pisis,  from  1377,  founded  the  pauperes  EremitEe  Petri  de  Pisis  or  Eremitae  s. 
Hieronymi.  Also  the  Congregatio  Fesulana  founded  by  Charles  de  Monte2:ranelli 
(f  1417).  See  Helyot  hist,  des  ordres  monastiques,  T.  III.  p.  423seq.  ;'^T.  IV. 
p.  18  seq. 

♦  Concerning  the  life  of  St.  Birgitta,  see  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  23  Jul.  Jo.  Vastovii 
vitis  Aquilonia,  s.  vitae  Sanctorum  in  Scandinavia  Colon.  1623.  Ibl.  ed.  cum  notis 
Erici  Benzel  Upsal.  1708.  4to.  —  Her  Revelationes  have  been  often  published, 
e.  g.  Romae  et  Colon,  1628.  Monachii,  1680,  fol.  — the  rules  of  her  order,  as  con- 
firmed by  Urban  VI.  1379,  in  Holstenius- Brockie ,  T.  III.  p.  100  seq.  According 
to  cap.  10,  each  convent  was  to  contain  60  sisters,  and  13  priests  to  wait  on  them, 
juxta  numerum  XIII  Apostolorum,  quorum  Paulus  terlius  decimus  non  minimum 
laborem  sustinuit,  4  deacons  and  8  lay  biothers,  so  that  tantus  omnium  personarum 
erit  numerus,  quantus  erat  XIII  Apostolorum  et  LXXII  discipulorum.  The 
males  a  Monasterio  Sororum  omnino  sint  separati,  unam  habentes  pro  se  curiam, 
in  qua  habitabunt,  etc.  Cap.  12:  Abbatissa  eligatur  a  Conventu,  legitime  vero 
electa  ab  Episcopo  confirmetur,  quae  ob  reverentiam  beatissimse  Virginis,  cui  hie 
Ordo  dedicata  est.  Caput  et  Domina  esse  debet,  quia  ipsa  Virgo,  cujus  Abbatissa 
gerit  vicem  in  terris,  ascendente  Christo  in  caslos,  Caput  et  Regina  extitit  Aposto- 
lorum et  Discipulorum  Christi. 

'  Compare  the  two  Constitutions  published  at  the  council  of  Vienna,  A.  D. 
1311,  Clementin.  Lib.  III.  Tit.  11.  c.  1;  and  Lib.  V.  Tit.  3.  c.  3.  In  the  first: 
statum  earundem  (Beguinarum)  perpetuo  duximus  prohibendum,  et  a  Dei  ecclesia 
penitus  abolendum.     cf  Mosheiin  de  Beghardis,  p.  244  seq. 

2  Extrav.  comm.  Lib.  III.  Tit.  IX.  A.  D.  1318  (not  1325,  see  Mosheim,  1.  c. 
p.  627) :  quia  in  multis  mundi  partibus  piurimse  sunt  mulieres,  qua*  similiter  vuigo 


Chap.  III.     Monachism.     ^   112.  Beghards  and  Lollards.     99 

progress  was  made  by  the  society  of  the  Alexiani,  or  fratres  Cellitcs, 
called  Lollards  by  the  people,  who  had  associated  themselves  in 
Antwerp,  soon  after  the  year  1300,  for  the  care  of  the  sick  and  the 
dead.3  Lollard  soon  became  synonymous  with  Beghard,  and  equiva- 
lent to  heretic."^  Li  spite  of  all  opposition  they  spread  themselves 
more  and  more,  till  Gregory  XL  at  length  decreed  that  they  too 
should  be  left  unmolested,   as  long   as  they  were  free    from  heresy.^ 

Beghinffi  vocatae,  segregatae,  quandoque  in  parentum,  ant  suis,  interdum  vero  aliis 

—  doniibus  insiniul  habitantes,  vitas  ducunt  honcstas,  ecclesias  devote  frequentant, 

—  nee  se  vel  alium  —  pra;iiiis«is  opinionibus  erroiibiisque  involvunt:  —  nos  Beghi- 
nas  hujusmodi  non  culpabiles  —  sub  prohibitione  ct  abolitione  (Clementis  V)  prae- 
missis  —  voliumis  non  includi,  loconini  ordinaiiis  nihiloniinus  injungentes,  ut  eas 
sub  prwtextu  hujusmodi  nullatenus  niolestai'ipermittant.  —  Caeterum  statuni  Beghi- 
naruiu  hujusmodi,  quas  esse  permittimus,  —  nullatenus  ex  pra;missis  intendimus 
approbare.  Compare  the  bull  addressed  to  the  bishop  of  Strasburg,  A.  D.  1318,  in 
Mosheim,  1.  c.  p.  630.  In  another  addressed  to  the  Italian  bishop,  A.  D.  1326, 
Ibid.  p.  638,  he  interferes  in  behalf  of  the  mulieres,  Beguinas  vulgariter  uuncu- 
patas,  seu  de  pcenitentia  b.  Dominici,  in  Lombardise  et  Tusciae  partibus. 

3  Lollhard  from  lollen,  lullen,  i.  e.  to  sing  softly.  Annales  Holland,  et  Ultra- 
ject.  in  J?.  Matthcei  Analect.  vet.  svi,  T.  I.  p.  431 :  Die  Lollardtjes  die  broehten 
de  dooden  by  een,  of.  MatthcBi,  1.  c.  T.  \\.  p.  345,  643.  Jo.  Bapt.  Gramaye 
Antwcrpia,  Lib.  II.  c.  6.  p.  16.  Ejusd.  Lovanium  in  his  Antiquitt.  Belgicis, 
Lovan.  1708.  fol.  p.  18.  Mosheim  institt.  hist.  Eccl.  p.  589,  note  y.  Ejusd. 
comm.  de  Beghardis,  p.  583  seq. 

*  See  Jo.  Hocsemii  (a  Canonicus  in  Liege  about  1348)  gesta  Pontiff.  Leodiens. 
lib.  1.  c.  31  (in  Chapeavilli  gestorum  Pontiff.  Leod.  scriptores,  T.  II.  p.  350)  : 
Eodem  anno  (1309)  quidam  hypoci-it*  gyrovagi,  qui  Lollardi  sive  Deum  laudantes 
vocabantur,  per  Hannoniam  et  Brabantiam  quasdam  mulieres  nobiles  deceperunt. 

*  Two  bulls  of  the  7  Apr.  1374,  and  2  Dec.  1377,  addressed  to  the  German  and 
Netherland  bishops,  in  Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  396  and  401.  In  the  second: 
Ad  audientiam  nostram  pervenit,  quod  in  vestris  civitatibus  et  dioscesibus  sint 
nonnuUi  pauperes  utriusque  sexus,  qui  humiliter  et  honeste  in  tidei  puritate  et 
honestis  vestibus  aut  habitibus  in  paupertate  et  castitate  vivunt,  et  ecclesias  devote 
frequentant.  Et  quod,  licet  hujusmodi  pauperes  nobis  et  Romanse  ecclesis  et 
eorum  Pradatis  et  Curatis  reverenler  obediant,  nullis  erroribus  se  involvendo, — 
tamen  nonnuUi  —  Inquisitores  hsieticae  pravitatis  —  hujusmodi  pauperes  occasions 
vestium  indebite  et  injuste  perturbant,  ipsorum  vestes  simplices  et  honestas  decur- 
tari,  transformari  —  faciendo,  necnon  occasione  hujusmodi  vestium  sacramenta 
ecclesiastica  inhibendo,  et  alia  gravamina  inferendo.  —  Quocirca  fraternitati  vestrae 
per  Apostolica  scripta  mandamus,  quatenus  quilibet  vestrum  in  dloecesi  sua  pau- 
peres ipsius  occasione — vestium  nullatenus  molestet,  nee  ab  aliis  molestai-i  — 
permittatis.  For  the  same  purpose  Boniface  IX.  issued  a  b<ill  on  the  7th  of  Jan. 
1394,  to  the  same  bishops  (in  Mosheim,  p.  653),  in  which  is  added  to  this  descrip- 
tion of  the  personas  pauperes  the  following  ti-aits,  which  were  peculiar  to  the 
original  Lollhards  :  pauperes  et  miserabiles  personas,  petcntes,  ad  eorum  recipiunt 
hospitia,  et  alia  exercent,  prout  possunt,  opera  caritatis,  infirmos  scilicet  visitando, 
et,  si  opus  sit,  in  eorum  infirmitatibus  eos  forsilan  requisiti  custodiendo  et  fovendo, 
ac  decedentium  corpora  fidelium  —  rogali  ad  sepulturam  ecclesiasticam  deferendo. 
Quamvis  circa  prajmissa  Vos  et  Inquisitores  ha-reticas  pravitatis — personis  ipsis 
auxilio  in  praemissis  esse  deberetis,  verumtamen  ipsas  personae  per  vos  ac  plerosque 
ex  inquisitoribus  ipsis,  ac  etiam  per  officiales  et  vicarios  vestros  in  Spiritualibus 
generales  —  circa  prasmissa  pia  opera  et  modum  vivendi  multipliciter  minus  debits 
frequentius  tribulantur,  et  eisdem  circa  prcrmissa  diversa  gravamina  inferuntur. 
The  bishops  are  therefore  exhorted,  when  such  persons  in  their  diocese  are  free 
from  the  heresy  of  the  Beghards,  to  secure  to  them  the  practice  of  their  peculiar 
habits  of  life,  citra  tamen  formam  et  ritum  religionis  aut  alium  modum  vivendi 
reprobatum. — In  these  ordinances,  the  persons  to  whom  they  referred  are  only 
described,  no  name  given  them  ;  they  were  called  by  the  people,  however,  Beg- 


100  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

After  this  an  association  of  the  clergy  was  formed  by  Gerhard  Groot, 
a  priest  of  Daventer  (1*  A.  D.  1384),  (fratres  vitae  communis),^  who, 

hards  and  Lollhards,  though  the  Popes  understood  under  these  names  only  heretics, 
against  whom  they  were  constantly  passing  the  most  severe  enactments.  Thus 
Boniface  IX.  on  the  31st  of  Jan.  1395  (in  jilosheim,  p.  409) :  Cum,  sicut  pro  parte 
dilectorum  fiiiorum,  univei-sorum  Inquisitoruni  ha'retica;  pravitatis  auctorilate 
Apostolica  per  Alemanniam  deputatorum,  propositum  exiitit  coram  nobis,  in  parti- 
bus  illis  sint  nonnulla?  secta;  utriusque  sexus  hominum,  vulgo  Beghardi,  seu 
LuUardi  et  Zwestriones,  a  se  ipsis  vero  pauperes  Fratricelli,  seu  pauperes  pueiuli 
nominati,  qui  —  novum  religionis  seu  conformeni  habituni  assumere,  congrega- 
tiones  et  conventicula  facere,  in  communi  habitare,  superiores,  quos  Procuratores 
vel  servos  fratrum,  aut  Marthas  sororum  nuncupant,  sub  ip?is  eligere  et  pubiice 
gregatim  niendicare  pi-*sumunt,  sub  quorum  etiam  habitu  et  i-itu  vivendi  —  semper 
hasreses  et  hsretici  latitarunt: — cum  autem,  sicut  etiam  accepimus,  hujusmodi 
Beghardi,  seu  Lullardi,  seu  Zwestriones  exemptionibus  et  concessionibus  a  sede 
prffifata  jactent  se  fulcitos;  —  nos  igitur  —  onines  et  singulas  exemptiones  et  con- 
cessiones  hujusmodi  eisdem  Beghardis,  seu  Lullardis  et  Zwestiionibus  —  per  nos 
vel  quoscunque  praedecessores  nostros  —  forsan  factas  —  penitus  revocamus,  ac 
volumus  quod  hujusmodi  Beghardi  seu  Lullardi  et  Zwestiiones,  quocunque  etiam 
nomine  nuncupentur,  in  et  super  ha?resibus  —  conveniri,  et  per  Inquisitores  — 
puniri  possint  et  debeant.  This  bull  is,  to  be  sure,  directed  solely  against  the 
heretic  Beghards,  without  taking  back  at  all  the  protection  granted  to  the  orthodox 
pauperes.  The  two  classes  were,  however,  ditFicult  to  distinguish  from  each  oilier 
in  practice,  and  thus  the  heretics  sometimes  availed  themselves  of  the  papal  pio- 
tection.  Hence  the  treatment  of  these  societies  depended  in  fact  on  the  decision 
of  the  bishops  and  the  inquisitors,  with  regard  to  them,  and  the  papal  letters  failed 
to  insure  the  safety  of  the  orthodox  pauperes. 

®  The  life  of  Gerhard  and  his  immediate  successors  has  been  given  by  Hmmas 
a  Keinpis,  who  belonged  to  this  society  fiom  1400-  1471,  in  0pp.  Tboma'.  Paris. 
1549.  lol.  159.  cd.  H.  SommaUi,  Antv.  1607.  4to.  p.  765.  Geibard  studied  theology 
in  Paris,  and  delivered  lectures  with  some  success  in  Cologne;  but  afterwards 
chose  to  devote  himself  to  an  ascetic  life.  He  was  soon  distinguished  in  his  native 
country  as  a  preacher.  Vita  Gerardi  Magni,  c.  15  :  tantusque  affectus  audiendi 
verbum  Dei  in  populo  fuit,  ut  turbam  convenientein  ecclesia  vix  caperet.  Nam 
multi  sua  prandia  relinquebant,  et  negolia  necessaria  suspendentes,  ad  ejus  sei'mo- 
nem  pia  pi-orsus  aviditate  tracti  concurrebant.  Sffpe  namque  duos  sermones  uno 
die  prffdicavit,  et  quandoque  spiritu  fervoris  concepto  tribus  horis  aut  amplius 
sermonem  continuavit.  Pi'asdicavit  autem  in  principalioribus  civitatibus  dioecesis 
Trajectensis — primum  sermonem  teuthonicum.  —  Et  benedictus  Deus,  qui  misso 
desuper  spiritu  sancto  accendit  coi-da  fidelium  suorum,  et  auxit  populum  suum 
vehementer,  ut  de  paucis  granis  conversis  surgercnt  multas  congregationes  devoto- 
rum  fratrum  et  sororum  in  castimonia  vitaa  Deo  servientium,  ex  quibus  nonnuUa 
monasteria  regularium  ac  sanctimoiiialium  fceminarum  initium  sancts  conversa- 
tionis  acce])erunt.  —  Siquidem  primo  ad  proximas  regiones  HollandiK,  Gelria, 
Brabantiae,  dehinc  ad  remotiores  partes  Flandriae,  Frisis,  Westfalia?,  Saxoni*  ordo 
regularis  et  devotorum  conventus  deo  prosperante  cursim  emanavit,  insuper  ad 
audientiam  apostolica;  sedis  odor  bonse  opinionis  pervenit.  Ipse  namque  venerabilis 
magister  Gerardus  spiritu  Dei  repletus,  cum  videret  paulatim  numerum  discipulo- 
rum  suorum  augmentari.  et  ad  studium  cEelestis  exercitii  conflagrare,  operam  dedit 
et  consuluit,  ut  devoti  quandoque  in  unam  domum  pro  mutua  exhortatione  conve- 
nirent,  et  de  Deo  ac  charitate  servanda  sincere  tractarent,  et  si  qui  simul  stare 
vellent,  de  labore  manuum  suarum  victum  quEererent,  et  communem  vitam  quan- 
tum possent  sub  disciplina  ecclesiastica  tenerent.  Nullum  etiam  perinisit  pubiice 
mendicare,  nisi  evidens  necessitas  cougisset,  nee  curiose  per  domes  sub  obtentu 
alimonis  circuire,  sed  potius  domi  mancre,  et  operi  manual!,  ut  Paulus  suasit, 
insistere  suasit,  neque  nliqua  negotia  devotionis  impeditiva  spe  uberioris  hjcri  cen- 
suit  exercenda,  ne  diabolo  instigante  daretur  inhrmis  occasio  recidi\  andi  rursum 
ad  pristina  mala.  Habuit  etiam  in  proposifo  aedihcandi  monasterium  clericorum 
ordinis  Canonicorum  regularium,  volens  quosdam  de  idoneis  clericis  sibi  adhseren- 
tibus  ad  religionis  habitum  promovere,  ut  aliis  devotis  essent  in  exemplurn,  etc. 


Chap.  III.     Monachism.      §   112.  Beghards  and  Lollards.     101 
taking  the  Apostles  for  their  example,  were  supported  by  the  work  of 

He  was  prevented  from  doing  this  himself  by  his  early  death,  but  his  successor, 
Florentius,  erected  several  such,  Thomas  a  Ktmpis  in  vita  Florenlii,  c.  27:  niaxi- 
mam  operain  dedit  niultis  prodesse  ad  aternae  salutis  regnum,  suadens  hunc  niise- 
ruin  et  caducuiu  spernere  inundum.  Misit  ergo  plures  personas  ad  diversa 
monasteria  et  ad  novas  domos  pro  alioruni  conversioiie  extruendas.  Ex  quihus 
aliqui  in  Windesliein,  aliqui  in  monteni  sancta;  Agnetis,  aliqui  in  Northern,  aUqui 
in  Gelriam,  aliqui  in  Hollandiani  perrexerunt.  Quidaiii  etiam  monasteriorum 
priores,  nonnulli  rectores  congregationum  et  nionialium  confessoies  efiecti  sunt. — 
Fuerunt  eodem  tempore,  quo  claruit  et  floruit  in  Daventria  insignis  sacerdos  Dei 
Florentius,  plures  devoti  sacerdotes  in  dioecesi  Trajectensi,  qui  populum  fidel^m 
sermonibus  sacris  instruxere,  et  religiosos  conventus  sive  fratrum  sive  sororum 
strenue  gubernare  noverant.  Hi  omnes  debita  cum  reverentia  domino  Florentio 
humiliter  se  submittebant,  et  angelicum  virum  super  arduis  causis  libenlissime 
consultantes,  ejus  j  oiius  discretioni  et  prudentiffi  quam  sibi  ipsis  credere  maluerunt. 
Thus  was  formed  a  voluntary  union  of  clergy,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to  lead 
a  religious  life,  and  induce  others  to  do  so,  and  ready  to  be  employed  in  the  most 
different  spheres.  Some  lived  an  active  life  as  officiating  clergy  :  others  as  cano- 
nici  regulares  in  the  monasteries  connected  with  the  society:  besides  these  there 
were  established  in  many  cities  of  the  Netherlands,  and  the  north  of  Gei-many, 
so  called  Frater-houses  (domus  fratrum  clericorum  de  communi  vita),  in  which 
clergy  and  laity  lived  together  without  any  particular  rule,  but  still  under  the 
superintendence  of  a  superior  (Rector  clericorum),  supporting  themselves  by  the 
work  of  their  hands,  and  performing  all  clerical  duties  when  requii-ed,  especially 
ready  to  aid  in  forming  and  leading  pious  associations  amongst  the  laity.  The  dis- 
tinguished school  at  Deventer  was  not  indeed  connected  with  the  Frater-house 
there  either  in  its  origin  or  constitution  :  but  the  brethren  were  of  great  use  by 
undertaking  the  care  of  such  pupils  as  applied  to  them.  Thus  Thomas  a  Kempis 
relates  (Lib.  de  discipulis  Dom.  Florentii,  c.  1),  that  when  he  came  to  Deventer 
studii  causa  in  annis  adolescentiaj  (1393)  he  applied  to  Florentius,  who  introduced 
him  into  the  school,  datis  insuper  lihris,  qnibus  me  egere  putavit.  Demum  hospi- 
tium  cum  quadam  honesta  et  devota  niatrona  gratis  impetravit,  qua;  mihi  et  aliis 
niultis  clericis  (pupils)  saepius  bene  fecit.  Then  he  goes  on  to  praise  the  brethren : 
nunquam  prius  tales  homines,  tam  devotos  et  ferventes  in  charitate  Dei  et  proximi 
me  vidisse  memini,  qui  inter  ssculares  viventes,  de  saeculari  vita  nihil  habebant, 
nihilque  de  terrenis  negotiis  curare  videbantur.  Nam  domi  quiete  manentes 
libris  scribendis  operam  sollicite  dabant,  sacris  lectionibus  et  devotis  meditationibus 
frequenter  insistentes,  etc.  —  Cap.  9  de  Domino  Jimllio  de  Buren  (the  successor 
of  Florentius  since  A.  D.  1400) :  Cum  studii  causa  se  Daventriam  apphcuisset, 
ubi  studium  particulare  tunc  satis  viguit,  tanta  diligentia  in  scholasticis  artibus 
profecit,  ut  in  brevi  inter  primaries  unus  de  doctioiibus  fieret.  —  Dei  autem  munere 
factum  est,  ut  tale  ingenium  in  saeculari  vita  non  periret.  —  Pi-a;ventus  ergo  cae- 
lesti  gratia,  et  ab  altissimo  inspiratus,  accessit  domum  Domini  Florentii,  et  attractus 
est  pietate  sermonum  ejus.  —  Igitur  postposilis  scholis  —  factus  est  humilis  frater, 
etc.  Cap.  14  de  Arnoldo  Schanhovice  :  who  also  came  to  Daventer  propter  doc- 
trinae  studium.  Dominus  Florentius — concessit  ei  mansionem  in  antiqua  domo 
sua,  ubi  plures  clerici  numero  fere  viginti  in  communi  bursa  stabant,  unam  com- 
munem  mensam  et  sumptum  habentes,  et  in  magna  devotione  domino  famulantes. 
—  Eodem  tempore  adjuvante  domino  Florentio  et  consulente  domum  illam  inhabi- 
tare  coepi,  et  fere  per  annum  in  congregatione  ilia  cum  Arnoldo  permansi.  —  Ibi 
quippe  didici  scribere,  et  sacram  scripturam  legere,  et  quae  ad  mores  spectant, 
devotosque  tractatus  audire.  —  Quicquid  tunc  scrihendo  lucrari  potui,  in  sumptus 
communes  tradidi,  et  quod  mihi  defuit,  larga  pietas  dilecti  domini  mei  Florentii  pro 
me  persolvit,  et  paterne  in  omnibus  subvenit.  Compare  Chronicon  Collcgii  Win- 
deshemensis,  or  according  to  the  title  which  it  bears.  Liber  de  origine  moderuEe 
devotionis  omnium  Presbyterorum,  Clericorum  et  Sororum  sive  Beguinarum  fotius 
nostra;  provinciae  Almaniae,  et  consequenter  de  origine,  processu  et  consummatione 
temporali  et  spirituali  monasterii  nostri  in  AVindesem,  Ordinis  Canon.  Rcgui.  etc. 
in  V.  F.  de  Gudenus  SyUo^e  prima  variorum  diplomataiiorura  monumentorumque 
veterum  ineditorum,Francof  1728.  8.  p.  400.  Concerning  Gerhard  Gioot's  works, 
see  Th.  A.  Clarisse  in  Kists  u.  Royaards  Archief  voor  kerkelijke  Geschie- 
denis,  Th.  1.  (Leyden,  1829)  S.  355  ff. 


102  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

their  hands,  and  proposed  to  themselves  no  other  object  than  by 
example  and  precept  to  promote  true  Christian  piety  each  in  his  own 
sphere.'''     Under   their  direction  associations,   male   and  female,  were 

'  Cornp.  the  Conclusa  et  proposita,  non  vota,  in  nomine  Domini  a  Mag.  Gerardo 
edifa  (in  Gerardi  vita  scripta  a  Thorn,  a  Kempis,  c.  18),  which  may  be  considered 
as  the  principles  of  the  society  :  Ad  gloiiam  et  honorem  et  seivitium   Dei  intendo 
vitam  nieam  ordinate,  et  ad  salutem  aninia;  mes.     Nullum  bonum  temporale,  sive 
corporis,  sive  honoris,  seu  fbrtunse,  scu  scientiae  praiponere  saluti  aniniae  nieae.  — 
Piimum  est  nullum  amplius  beneficium  desiderare.  —  Quanto  plura  beneficia  et 
plura   bona  habeo,  lanto  pluribus   ego  servio,  —  et  est  contra  libertatem  spiritus, 
quae  est  principale  bonum  in  vita  spirituali.     Item  nulli  Cardinali  vel  Ecclesiastico, 
attento  hoc  fine  serviam,  ad  beneficia  vel  bona  temporalia  consequenda,   quia  hoc 
servitium  multis  lapsibus  et  recidivationibus  proximum  est,  et  tu  debilis  es.  —  Ra- 
rissime  est,  quod   qui   scientiis  lucrativis,   vel  medicine,  vel  legibus,  vel  decretis 
inha;ret,  rectus  sit  vel  a?quus  in  ratione,  vel  Justus  vel   quietus  vel  recte  vivens. 
Item  tu  nullum  tempus  consumes  in  geometricis,  arithmeticis,  rhetoi-icis,  dialecti- 
cis,  grainmaticis,  lyricis  poetis,  judicialibus,  astrologis.    H;ec  enim  omnia  per  Sene- 
cam  reprobantur,  et  retracto  oculo  bono  viro  respicienda  sunt,  quanto  niagis  spiri- 
tuali vel   Christiano  respuenda  ?     Item  inutilis  teniporis  consumptio  est,  et  nihil 
prodest  ad  vitam.     Item  inter  omnes  scientias  genlilium  moralia  minus  abhori-enda 
sunt,  quae  sa-pe  sunt  multum  utilia  et  proficua,  tam  in  propria  persona,  quam  in 
docendo    alios.     Unde   sapientiores  omnem   philosophiani    ad   mores  retorquebant, 
sicut  Socrates  et  Plato.     Et  si  de  altis  rebus  dixerunt,  eliam  sub  levi  moralitate  ea 
figurative  secundum  b.  Augustinum  et  experientiam  tuam  tradiderunt,  ut  et  inve- 
niri  posset  semper  mos  juxta  cognitionem.     Unde  et  Seneca  hfpc  secutus  in  quaes- 
tionibus  naturalibus  toliens   admiscet  moralia.     Quidquid   enim  meliores  nos  non 
facit,  vel  a  malo  non  retrahit,  novicutn  est.  —  Nunquam  capies  gradum  in  medici- 
na  ;  —  similiter  nee  gradum  in  legibus  vel  canonibus,  quia  finis  graduum  est  vel 
lucrum,  vel  beneficia,  vel  inanis  jactantia.  —  item  nullam  artem  studere,  nullum 
librum  facere,  nullum  iter  arripere  vel  laborem,  nullam  practicam  scienliam  exer- 
cere   ad   dilatandam   Ihmam  meam   et  nomen  scientis   nieas,  etc.  —  Item  omnem 
disputationem  publicam  vitare  et  abhorrere,  quas  est  litigiosa  vel  ad  triumphandum 
vel   ad   apparendum,   sicut  sunt    omnes  dispulationes   theologorum    et    artistarum 
Parisii :  immo  nee  ad  discendum  interesse.     Patet,  quia  contra  quietem    unt,  —  et 
inutiles  et  semper  cnriosa^,  et  nt  pluiimum   superstitiosa?,   aniniales,  diabolica?  et 
tcrrenas.  —  Item    nuniiuam  di^putabo  cum   quocunque  private,  nisi  pra;oi-dinetur 
certus  finis  evidentis  boni.  —  Radix  studii  lui  et  speculum  vita;  sint  primo  evange- 
lium  Christi,  quia  ibi  est  vita  Christi :  delude  vita;  et  collationes  patrum  :  deinde 
epistol^  Pauli  et  canonicae  et  actus  Apostolorum  :  deinde  libri  devoti,  ut  nieditatio- 
nes  Bernardi,  et  Anselmi  horologium,  de  conscicntia  Bernardi,  soliloqnia  Augus- 
tini,  et  consimiles  libri  :  item  legenda  et  flores  sanctorum,  instructiones  patrum  ad 
mores,  sicut  pastorale  Gregorii,  de  opere  monachali  b.  Augustini,  Gregorius  super 
Job,  et  similia  ;  homilice  evangeliorum  ss.  Patrum  et  quatuor  Doctorum  ;  intellectus 
ss.  Patrum,  et  postillie  super  epistolas  Pauli,  quia  contincntur  in  capitulis  Ecclesia; ; 
studium  in  libris  Salomonis  parabolarum,  et  ecclesiasta",  et  ecclesiastici,  quia  conti- 
nentur  in  ecclesia  in  lectionibus  et  capitulis :  orabo  spiritu,  orabo  et  niente  ;  stu- 
dium et  intellectus  psalterii,  quia  continetur  in  ecclesia  ss.  patrum  :  psallam  spiritu, 
psallam  et  mente  :  librorum  Mosaicorum  studium,  historiarum  Josuas,  Judicum  et 
Regum,  prophetarum,  et  expositiones  Patrum   in   his.      De    modo    transcurrendi 
decieta  propter  scire   instituta  majorum  et  ecclesia;,   non  ad   incorporandum,  sed 
transcurrere,  ne  ignoi'antia  juris  pietatem  vertas  in  inobedientiam,  ut  videas  grosses 
ecclesije  primitiva;  fi-uctus,  ut  scias  a  quibus  debes  cavere,   et  a  quibus  monere 
cavenduin.     Onmi  die  quando  poles,  audire  missam  usque  ad  fineni,  etc. —  Vita 
Florentii,  c.  14  :  Quod  a  venerabili  magistro  Gerardo  didicit  et  accepit,  hoc  dili- 
genter  observavit,  cujus  senientia  fuit,  ut  nemo  ad  congregationem  suscipi  deberet, 
nisi  secundum   b.    Pauli  dictum   manibus  laborare  vellet.     Est  namque  operatio 
sancta  ad  omnem  spiritualem  profectum  utilissima,  per  quam  carnis  lascivia  doma- 
tur,  et  ab  evagandi  levitate  mens  dissoluta  citius  refi-aenatur.  —  Igitur  ars  scribendi 
libros,  qua;  clericis  melius  convenit,  et  quiefius  exerceri  potest,  a  fi-atribus  domus 
ejus  est  maturius  arrepta,  et  pro  communi  bono  servando  usitatius  introducta.    Ipse 
vero   venerandus  pater  Florentius,  ne  vacuum  nomen  gereret  rectoris,  —  dedit 


Chap.  III.     ^lonadiiiin.     <§   H^.     Brghards  and  Lollards.     103 

soon  formed,  very  smilar  both  in  form  and  object  to  the  Beghards  and 
Beo-uins.  On  this  account  they  became  suspicious  to  the  Inquisition,^ 
and  were  exposed  to  frequent  persecutions,  though  this  did  not  pre- 
vent their  spread. 

scriptoribus  exempluin  clarum,  niembranas  puinicando,  quaterniones  lineando  et 
coiuponcndo.  Quia  licet  minus  bene  scribere  sciret,  in  prsepaiando  tamen  aliis 
necessaria,  quani  plurimum  scrip(orcs  adjuvit  manu  sua  oleo  sancto  consecrata. 
Interdum  cum  opus  esset,  —  assumpto  socio  libros  jam  scriptos  perlegit  et  con-exit, 
etc. 

*  See  the  opinion  which  they  obtained  from  the  law  faculty  at  Cologne,  A.  D. 
1398,  in  Mosheim  de  Bef^hardis,  p.  433  :  Sequentes  quaestiones  cum  suis  solutio- 
nibus  super  casu,  qui  sequitur,  sunt  scriptas  et  formatae  pro  munimine  Beghardo- 
rum,  etc.  Casus  :  In  aliquibus  partibus  plures  personam  se  simul  receperunt  ad 
cohabitandum  aliquo  modo,  sicut  Clerici  in  una  dome,  in  quo  libros  pro  pretio  scri- 
bunt,  alii  vei-o  non  scientes  scribere,  scientes  tamen  opera  diversa  mechanica,  qus 
similiter  exercent  pro  pretio  in  alia  domo,  aut  etiam  aliud  faciunt  opus  manuale. 
Et  istEB  persona;  laboraut  manibus,  et  de  his,  qua;  laboiibus  acquirunt,  vel  de  suis 
propriis,  si  qua;  habent,  vivunt,  et  omnia  sibi  invicem  pro  majore  concordia  libei-e 
communicant,  vel  in  commune  ponunt,  comedunt  simul,  et  non  mendicant.  Ha- 
bent etiam  inter  se  unam  personam  probam,  qu£e  curam  domus  habet,  cujus  monitis 
acquiescent  vel  obediunt,  sicut  boni  scolares  magistro.  The  question  whether  such 
a  mode  of  life  without  a  monk's  vow  (extra  religionem)  was  lawful,  was  answered  by 
the  faculty  in  the  affirmative  ;  on  the  other  hand,  we  have  the  Observationes  Inqui- 
siloris  Belgici  in  Magistrorum  Coloniensium  responsum  —  pro  detectione  figmento- 
rum  secla;  Gherardinorum  (1.  c.  p.  443)  :  diversas  sunt  congregationes  non  solum 
Clericorum,  sed  maxima  fceminarum,  qus  in  diversis  doiiiibus  singulas  Marthas 
habentibus,  simul  in  communi,  sub  cura  et  reginiine  earundem  Marthanun  degunt 
nee  aliquid  proprii,  —  sed  omnia  in  communi  habentes,  partim  de  laboi'ibus  manu- 
um  pro  majori,  aut  de  eleemosynis  ad  modum  religiosorum  vivunt.  Quibus  non 
licet  comedere,  bibere,  sedere,  stare,  surgere,  exire,  loqui,  vel  dormire,  aut  quod- 
cunque  aliud  facere  sine  speciali  licentia  Marlhte  vel  submarthae  petita  et  obtenta. 
—  Singulatim  culpas  suas  dicunt,  —  et  pasnas  a  Martha  injunctas  obedienter  reci- 
piunt.  Quae  omnia  —  licet  de  se  non  sint  mala,  immo  bona  et  laudabilia  ;  multi 
tamen  contra  ipsas  clamant,  novas  congregationes  ad  modum  religiosorum  propria 
temeritate  facere  sine  licentia  speciali  sedis  Apostolicne  non  licere.  —  Est  una  Mar- 
tha principalis  in  Trajecto,  qua?  domos  sororum  ibidem,  et  alios  domos  earundem  in 
oppidis  circumjacentibus,  quolibet  anno  ad  minus  semel,  vel  bis,  aut  pluries,  visitat 
directe.  —  Presbyter  quidam  cum  dicta  Martha  in  eadem  domo  hospitatur,  et  ista- 
rum  congregationum  legislator  est  atque  gubernator  supremus. —  Non  volunt  regu- 
1am  approbatam  assumere,  nee  permittuntur  ah  ipsarum  niemorato  gubernatore, 
dicente,  se  velle  potius  stabulum  pecudum  custodire,  quam  eas,  si  omnino  vellent 
aliquam  approbatam  regulam  accipere. 


104  Tliird  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

CHAPTER     FOURTH. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCES. 
>§>    113. 

THIRD    PERIOD    OF    THE    SCHOLASTIC    THEOLOGY. 

[  See  §   73  and  74.  ] 

Bossuet's  History  of  the  World.  Contin.  Schrockhs  Kirchengesch.  Th.  34.  — 
Comp.  Tiedemanns  Gesch.  d.  Philosophie,  Bd.  5,  S.  12-5.  Tennemanns 
Gesch.  d.  Philosophie,  Bd.  8,  zweite  Halfte,  p.  803,  840  (Tennemann's  Hist,  of 
Philosophy,  trans).  Lend.  1832.  8vo.). 

The  third  period  of  the  Scholastic  philosophy  begins  with  two 
distiiirruished  men,  who  boldly  threw  off  all  fetters,  and  struck  out  a 
new  path  for  themselves.  These  were  the  Dominican  Durand  of 
St.  Pourcain  (de  Sancto  Porciano,  from  A.  D.  1313  teacher  of  the- 
ology in  Paris,  then  Magister  S.  Palatii,  from  1326  Bishop  of  Meaux, 
"f  1333,  Doctor  resolutissimus),i  and  the  Franciscan  William  Occam 

>  His  chief  work  is  his  Opus  super  sententias  Lombardi  (ed.  Paris.  1508.  Venet. 
1571.  fbl.).  How  little  regard  he  paid  to  mere  names  may  be  seen  fiom  Lib.  I. 
Dist.  in.  P.  II,  Qu.  6:  Quod  dicitur  de  intentione  Aristotelis,  dicendum,  quod 
quicqnid  ipse  intcnderit,  de  quo  non  est  tantuni  curandum,  sicutde  veritate,  tamen, 
etc.  He  leaned  decidedly  to  Nominalism,  see  Tenneman,  Bd.  8,  zweyte  Hillfte.  S. 
805. —  Though  first  a  zealous  Thomist,  he  afterwai'ds  differed  from  Thomas  in  many 
particulars,  comp.  Durandi  de  s.  Porciano  temerarise  opiniones,  qufe  in  scholis 
communiter  improbanlur  in  (VArgentri  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus,  T. 
I.  p.  330.  Namely,  in  his  views  of  the  sacraments.  Thus  Lib.  IV.  Dist.  I.  Qu.  4: 
Utrum  in  sacramentis  novcB  legis  sit  aliqua  virtus  inharens  causativa  gratics, 
etc.  ?  —  Alia  opinio  est  antiqua  et  sine  calumnia,  et  magis,  ut  mihi  videtur,  conso- 
nat  dictis  Sanctorum,  scil.  quod  in  sacramentis  non  est  aliqua  virtus  causativa 
gratise  ;  —  sed  sunt  causa,  sine  qua  non  confertur  gratia;  quia  ex  divina  pactione 
vel  ordinatione  sic  fit,  quod  recipiens  sacramentum  recipit  gratiam,  nisi  ponat 
oblcem  ;  recipit  gratiam  non  a  Sacramento,  sed  a  Deo.  Lib.  IV.  Dist.  4,  Qu.  1  : 
Utrum  character  sit  aliquid  in  animal —  Character  non  est  aliqua  natura  abso- 
luta,  sed  est  sola  relatio  lationis,  per  quam  ex  institutione  vel  pactione  divina  depu- 
tatur  aliquis  ad  sacras  actiones.  Quod  declaratur  sic  :  Sicut  nummus  sortitur  ratio- 
nem  pretii,  et  merellus  rationem  signi  ex  humana  institutione,  sic  res  naturales 
sortiuntur  rationem  Sacramenti,  et  homo  rationem  Ministri  ex  divina  institutione, 
etc. —  Cum  scriptum  sit  Eccl.  24  Qui  elucidant  me,  vitam  aternam  habebunt  ; 
ad  ea  quae  sunt  fidei,  cum  sint  satis  obscura  de  se,  non  est  conveniens  adducere 
vias  obscuras,  et  quae  plus  habent  obscuritatis  et  dilficultatis,  quam  principale  pro- 
positum.  Comp.  on  the  foregoing  subjects  the  doctrine  of  Thomas  in  §  77,  note 
17.  —  Lib.  IV.  Dist.  11,  Qu.  1,  on  the  transubstantiation  :  salvo  meliori  judicio 
potest  ffistimai-i,  quod  si  in  isto  sacramento  fiat  conversio  substantia  panis  in  corpus 
Christi,  quod  ipsa  fit  per  hoc  quod  corrupta  foi'ma  panis,  materia  ejus  sit  sub  forma 
corporis  Christi  subito  et  virtute  divina,  sicut  materia  alimenti  fit  sub  forma  nutriti 
virtute  naturae.  —  Prffidictus  autem  modus  conversionis  substantiae  panis  in  corpus 
Christi  constat,  quod  est  possibilis  :  alius  autem  modus,  qui  communius  tenetur,  est 
inintelligibilis  ;  nee  unus  istorum  est  magis  per  ecclesiam  approbatus  vel  reproba- 


Chap.  IV.    Theological  Sciences.    §113.    Scholastic  Theology.     105 

(teacher  of  theology  at  Paris,  from  A.  D.  1322  Provincial  of  his  order 
ill  England,  from  1328  with  Lewis  of  Bavaria,  "f  1347,  Doctor  singu- 
laris  et  invincibilis ;  Venerabilis  inceptor).-  The  latter  in  particular, 
as  undaunted  in  attacking  the  prejudices  of  the  philosophers  as  the 
usurpations  of  the  popes,-^  brought  about  a  great  epoch  in  the  history 
of  Scholastic  philosophy  by  reviving  the  already  forgotten  doctrines 
of  the  Nominalists.'*     His  followers,  Occamists,  soon  laid  themselves 

tus,  quam  alius.  Nee  omnes  difficultates  fidei  diOicultatibus  superaddere,  quin 
potiusjuxta  documentum  scripturas  conandum  est  obscuritates  elucidare.  Lib.  IV. 
Dist.  26,  Qu.  3:  An  inatrimonium  sit  sacramentuml  —  Tenendum  est  absolute, 
quod  matrimonium  est  sacramentum,  cum  hoc  determinet  Ecclesia  Extra  de  hmret. 
ad  abolendam  (Deer.  Gi-eg.  V.  7,9).  —  Sunt  alia  duo  circa  matrimonium,  circa 
quae  sine  periculo  hreresis  licitum  est  contraria  opinari :  quorum  unum  est  theolo- 
gicum,  videlicet  utrum  in  matrimonio  conferatur  gratia  ex  opere  operate,  sicut  in 
aliis  sacramcntis  novas  legis ;  secundum  est  logicum,  videlicet  utrum  matrimoniuna 
habeat  plenam  univocationein  cum  aliis  sacramcntis.  Quantum  ad  primum  aliter 
opinantur  Jurista?,  et  aliter  Theologi :  Jurista;  enim,  qui  noverunt  textum  decreto- 
rum  et  decretalium,  —  et  aliqui  eorum  fuerunt  de  collegio  Cardinalium  s.  Romanas 
Ecclesiae,  tenent  quod  in  sacramento  matrimonii  non  confertur  gratia,  —  Quorum 
opinio  an  sit  vera  an  falsa,  —  non  determino  quoad  pi-aesens  :  sed  solum  hoc  accipio 
tanquam  verum,  quod  cum  prajdicti  doctores  noverint  jura  canonica,  et  eorum 
scripta  et  dicta  habeantur  a  Papa  et  Cardinalibus,  —  quorum  est  specialiter  scire, 
quid  Ecclesia  Roinana  pradicat  et  obsei-vat,  nee  scripta  eorum,  quoad  prsdictura 
articulum  de  mati'imonio  reprobentur  tanquam  erronea  ;  —  quod  sentire,  quod  per 
sacramentum  matrimonii  non  conferatur  gratia,  non  est  contra  determinationem 
ecclesiae,  nee  contra  id,  quod  Romana  Ecclesia  praedicat  et  observat.  —  Huie  etiam 
opinion!  consentit  Magister  sententiarum.  —  Modern!  autem  theologi  quasi  commu- 
niter  tenent,  quod  per  sacramentum  mati-imonii  confertur  gratia  (comp.  above,  §  77, 
note  17).  To  the  second  question,  utrum  matrimonium  habeat  perfectam  univo- 
cationem  cum  aliis  sacramentis,  he  answers,  that  according  to  the  piior  et  conmiu- 
nior  definitio  sacramenti,  quod  sacramentum  est  sacrae  rei  signum  marriage  is 
certainly  a  sacrament :  est  enim  signum  sacra;  rei,  id  est  conjunctionis  Christi  et 
ecclesia;  ;  with  the  difference,  it  is  true,  that  in  aliis  sacramentis  res  sacra,  cujus 
sunt  signum,  non  solum  est  signiticata,  sed  et  contenta ;  in  matrimonio  autem  res 
sacra,  cujus  est  signum,  est  solum  significata,  non  contenta.  But  when  the  sacra- 
ment is  defined  as  aliquod  signum  corporale  vel  sensibile  extrinsecus  homini  appo- 
sltum  ad  efiectum  sanctificationis  spiritualis ;  quantum  ad  hoc  matrimonium  non 
videtur  habei-e  perfectam  univocationem  cum  sacramentis  novce  legis.  —  The 
result :  matrimonium  non  est  sacramentum  stricte  et  proprie  dictum,  sicut  alia 
sacramenta  novae  legis,  but  they  sacrae  rei  signum,  and  thei'efore  largo  modo  sacra- 
mentum. 

^  The  most  important  of  his  theological  works  is  the  Quaestiones  super  IV. 
libros  Sententiarum,  ed.  Lugduni.  1495.  fol.,  to  which  edition  his  Centilogium 
theologicum  theologiam  speculativam  sub  centum  conclusionibus  complectens  is 
appended.  Occam  has  likewise  left  various  philosophical  works,  see  above,  §  97, 
notes  12  and  18. 

*.  See  what  he  says  with  reference  to  his  teacher.  Duns  Scotus,  in  the  Prologus 
ad  lib.  I.  Sentent.  Qu.  I.  Having  cited  him  in  support  of  an  assertion,  he  adds  : 
Et  si  dicatur,  quod  alibi  ponat  oppositum,  parum  me  movet :  quia  ego  non  allego 
eum  tanquam  auctorem,  nee  dico  prsedictam  opinionem,  quia  ipse  eam  ponit,  sed 
quod  reputo  veram  :  et  ideo  si  alibi  dixit  oppositum,  non  euro. 

^  See  especially  in  Sent.  lib.  I.  Dist.  2,  Qu.  4-8.  Especially  Qu.  4.  Of  the 
notion  of  the  Realists,  quod  quodlibet  universale  univocum  est  quredam  res  extrin- 
secus exti-a  animam  realiter  in  quolibet  et  singulariter,  distincta  realiter  a  singulari, 
et  a  quolibet  alio  universal!,  ita  quod  homo  universalis  est  una  vera  res  extra  ani- 
mam existens  realiter  in  quolibet  homine,  et  distinguitur  realiter  a  quolibet  homine, 
he  says  here  :  Ista  opinio  est  simplieiter  falsa  et  absurda.  Nulla  una  res,  numero 
non  variata  nee  multiplicata,  est  in  pluribus  suppositis  vel  singularibus  :  —  sed  talis 

VOL.    III.  14 


106  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

open  to  censure  by  their  paradoxical  assertions,''  and  hence  at  Paris 
Nominalism  was  strictly  forbidden.*'  Still  its  adherents  imperceptibly 
got  the  advantage,  and  at  the  end  of  the  14th  century  were  the  pre- 
vailing party.  In  other  places,  however,  their  doctrines  were  still 
violently  opposed,^  and  at  Prague  they  were  actually  driven  from  the 
city  in  the  year  1408.^ 

The  third  period  of  the  Scholastic  theology  is  characterized  by 
the  violence  of  the  disputes  between  the  different  parties,  especially 
between  the  Nominalists  and  the  Realists.  This  controversy  had  the 
effect  of  drawing  attention  almost  exclusively  to  the  philosophical 
definitions  of  theology,  in  which  the  Nominalists  found  a  safe  field 
for  the  gratification  of  the  love  of  paradox,  which  had  grown  out  of 
their  desire  to  imitate  the  originality  of  their  leader.  Thus  this  age 
is  distinguished  by  unfruitful  quibbles  on  abstract  points,^  whilst  the 

res  si  poneretur,  esset  una  numero,  ergo  non  esset  in  pluribus  singularibus,  nee  de 
essentia  iliorum.  —  Qu.  8  :  Universale  non  est  aliquid,  I'eale  habens  esse  subjecti- 
vum,  nee  in  aiiima  nee  extra  animani.  Sed  tainen  habet  esse  objectivum  in 
aninia,  et  est  qnoduani  fictuni  habens  esse  tale  in  esse  objectivo,  quale  habet  res 
extra  in  esse  subjective.  Et  hoc  per  istum  niodurn,  quod  intellectus  videns  aliquam 
rem  extra  animani,  tingit  consimilem  rem  in  mente,  ita  quod,  si  haberet  virtuteni 
productivam,  talem  rem  in  esse  subjectivo,  numero  distinclam  a  priori  produceret 
extra.  —  Universale  est  exemplar  et  indifTerenter  respiciens  onuiia  singularia  extra  : 
—  et  ita  isto  modo  univei-sale  non  est  per  generationem  sed  per  abstractionem,  quas 
non  est  nisi  fictio  qunedam.  Comp.  Tiedemann,  Bd.  5,  S.  168.  Tennemann,  Bd. 
8,  S.  846. 

^  Comp.  Errorcs  Joannis  de  Mercuria  Ord.  Cist,  which  were  condemned  A.  D. 
1.347,  in  BulcBi  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  T.  IV.  p.  298.  D'Jirgentri  collect,  judiciorum, 
T.  I.  p.  342  ;  and  Errores  Nicolai  de  Ultricuria,  condemned  A.  D.  1348,  in  Bulanis 
1.  c.  p.  308,  and  d'Argentri,  1.  c.  p.  355.  The  last  maintained,  amongst  other 
things,  the  remarkable  propositions  :  Quod  de  rebus  per  apparentia  naturalia  quasi 
nulla  certitude  potest  haberi.  Ilia  tamen  modica  potest  haberi  in  modico  tempore 
vel  bi'evi,  si  homines  convertant  intellectum  suum  ad  res,  et  non  ad  intellectum 
dictorum  Aristotelis  et  sni  Coramentatorum.  —  Mii'atur,  quod  aliqui  student  in 
Aristotele  et  Conimentatore  usque  ad  decrepitam  senectutem,  et  propter  eorum 
sermones  logicos  deserunt  res  morales  et  curam  boni  communis ;  in  tantum  quod 
cum  exsurrexit  amicus  veritatis,  et  fecit  sonare  tubam  suam,  ut  dormientes  a 
somno  excitaret,  contristati  sunt  valde,  et  quasi  armati  ad  capitale  praslium  contra 
eum  ii'ruerunt. 

"  In  Paris,  Occam's  pupil,  John  Buridan  (in  1327  rector  of  the  university),  suc- 
ceeded him  as  the  zealous  advocate  of  Nominalism,  see  Tennemann,  1.  c.  S.  914. 
In  reference  to  him,  though  without  mentioning  any  name,  the  Facultas  Artium 
A.  D.  1339,  forbad  the  doctrinam  Guilielmi  dicti  Ockaiu,  with  the  threat  against 
any  one  who  should  continue  to  teach  it :  ipsum  a  lectura  per  annum  privamus 
(see  Bulcpus  IV.  p.  257.  D'Jlrgentri,  I.  p.  .337).  A  new  prohibition  appeared 
A.  D.  1340  (in  Bulaus  IV.  p.  265.  D'Argentri  I.  p.  338)  against  the  new  doc- 
trine, e.  g.  :  quod  nulli  Magistri  —  audeant  aliquam  propositionem  famosam  illius 
auctoris,  cujus  librum  legent,  dicere  simpliciter  esse  falsa m,  vel  esse  falsam  de 
virtute  sermonis,  si  crediderint,  quod  auctor  posuerit,  aut  ponendo  illam  hahuerit 
verum  intellectum  ;  sed  vel  concedant  earn,  vel  sensum  verum  dividant  a  sensu 
falso,  quia  pari  ratione  propositiones  Biblia;  absoluto  sermone  e.ssent  negandae, 
quod  est  periculosum. 

''  Thus  in  Oxford,  see  A.  fVood  hist,  et  antiqu.  Univ.  Oxon.  p.  169. 

*  In  this  case  the  enmity  between  the  sects  was  increased  by  national  hatred. 
The  victorious  Bohemians  were  Realists,  the  vanquished  Germans  Nominalists. 
See  .S^nea  Sylvii  hist.  Bohemica,  c.  35. 

"  Jn.  Gersnnii  Epist.  altera  de  reform.  Theologite  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  I.  p.  122)  : 
In  facultate  Theologiae  videtur  esse  necessaria  reformatio  super  sequentibus  inter 


Chap.  IV.     Theological  Sciences.    §  113.  Scholastic  Theulugi/.     107 

more  practical  parts  of  theology  were  so  little  objects  of  attention, 
that  even  the  doctrine  of  Predestination  taught  by  Thomas  Bradwar- 
dine  (A.  D.  1325  teacher  of  theology  in  Oxford,  1348  Archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  t  1349,   Doctor   profundus), i"   which  at  any  other  time 


cfetera.  Primo,  ne  tractentur  ita  conimuniter  doctrinas  iautiles  sine  iructu  et 
solklitate,  quoiiiain  per  eas  doctiina;  ad  salutcm  necessaria;  et  utiles  deseruntur. 
Nesciunt  necessaiia,  quia  supervacua  didicerunt,  inquit  Seneca.  Secundo  per  eas 
studcntes  seducuntur,  qui  scilicet  putant  illos  principaliter  esse  Theologos,  qui 
talibus  se  dant,  spreta  Biblia  et  aliis  Doctoribus.  Tertio  per  eas  termini  a  ss.  Pa- 
tribus  usitati  transmutantur.  —  Quarto  per  eas  Theologi  ab  aliis  Facultatibus  irri- 
dentur.  Nam  ideo  appellantur  phantastici,  et  dicuntur  nihil  scire  de  solida  veritate 
et  moralibus  et  Biblia.  Quinto  per  eas  viae  errorum  multiplices  aperiuntur. — 
Sexto  per  eas  Ecclesia  et  tides  neque  intus  neque  foris  aedificantur.  —  Tales  nunc 
currunt  propositiones  ex  talibus  doctiinis  :  Iniinitae  sunt  durationes  in  diyinis, 
secundum  prius  et  postering,  quamvis  a-ternaj.  Et  ita  de  mensura.  Spiritus 
Sanctus  libere,  contradictorie,  contingenter  producitur  ex  parte  principii  quo.  In 
divinis  est  absolute  potentialitas  ad  non  esse  Spiritus  Sancti.  Pioducere  Filium  in 
divinis,  ut  sic,  nihil  est,  etc.  —  Item  monendi  videntur  Magistri  nostri, —  quod 
materia;  secundi,  tertii  et  quarti  Sentenliarum  magis  tractarentur  (quia  vix  legitur 
nisi  primus,  occuparnlo  tempus  in  pramissis  doctrinis)  et  similiter  Biblia.  Et 
pro  honore  Dei  attendatur  diligenter,  quanta  est  neccssitas  pro  instructione  po- 
pulorum,  et  pro  resolutione  materiarum  moralium  temporibus  nostris.  Et  tunc 
credendum  est,  quod  in  tanta  angustia  temporis,  et  inter  tot  animarum  pericula 
non  raultum  placebit  ludere,  ne  dicam  phantasiari  circa  ea  qus  prorsus  super- 
vacua  sunt. 

1"  De  Causa  Dei  adv.  Pelagium,  libb.  III.  ed.  H.  SaviVms.  Lond.  1618.  fol- 
The  preface  contains  a  complaint  against  the  theologians  of  his  time  :  Ecce  enim, 
—  sicut  olim  contra  unicum  Dei  Prophetam  octingenti  et  quinqiiaginta  Propheta; 
Baal; — ita  et  hodie  in  hac  causa,  quot,  Doniine,  hodie  cum  Pelagic  pro  libero 
arbitrio  contra  gratuitam  gratiam  tuam  pugnant,  et  contra  Paulum  pugilem  gratia; 
spiritualem  ?  Quot  etiam  hodie  gi-atiam  tuam  fastidiunt,  solumque  liberum  arbitri- 
um  ad  salutem  sufficere  stomachantur  .'  aut  si  gratia  utanlur  vel  perfunctorie, 
necessariam  eam  simulant,  ipsamque  se  jacfant  libcri  sui  arbitrii  viribus  prome- 
reri,  ut  sic  saltem  nequaquam  gratuita  sed  vendita  videatur  ?  —  Non  enim  ve- 
rentur  astruere,  suam  voluntateni  in  actione  communi  prai^^ire  ut  dominam,  tuam 
subsequi  ut  ancillam.  —  Totus  pine  mundus  post  Pelagium  abiit  in  errorem. 
Exurge  igitur  Domine,  judica  causam  tuam.  Bradwardine  goes  so  far  beyond 
Augustine,  that  he  maintains,  lib.  III.  c.  2:  Deus  quodammodo  necessitat  quam- 
libet  voluntatem  creatam  ad  quemlibet  liberum  actum  suum,  ad  quamlibet  etiam 
liberam  cessationem  et  vacationem  ab  actu,  et  hoc  necessitate  naturaliter  pra- 
cedente.  —  Videlicet  universaliter  omnis  eftectus  a  quocunque  agente  rationali 
vel  irrationali  et  libero  producitur  hoc  modo,  quod  posito  suo  agente  cum  omni- 
bus suis  dispositionibus  sutficienlibus  naturaliter  praeviis  quibus  ilium  producit, 
necessario  et  indefectibiliter  sequitur  ipsum  produci,  et  producitur  ex  necessi- 
tate naturaliier  prajcedente.  —  Curollarium  :  Unde  consequitur  evidentei-,  quod 
aliqualis  necessitas  antecedens  et  libertas  ac  meritum  non  repugnant,  et  quod 
nulla  causa  inferior,  sed  tantum  superior,  scil.  Dei  voluntas,  est  necessitas  ante- 
cedens, et  quod  omnia  quK  sunt,  fiunt  et  eveniunt,  sunt,  fiunt  et  eveniunt  de 
aliqua  necessitate  ipsa  naturaliter  pra;cedente.  cf.  (VArgentrd  collect,  judiciorum 
de  novis  erroribus,  T.  I.  p.  323.  Of  some  of  Bradwardine's  followers  and  oppo- 
nents, ibid.  p.  328.  Albert,  bishop  of  Halberstadt,  appears  to  have  been  one  of 
the  former,  on  which  account  Gregory  XI.  ordered  an  inquisition  to  be  made  con- 
cerning him  (Raynald,  ann.  1372,  no.  33).  According  to  the  Pope's  letter  his 
doctrine  was,  quod  omnia  in  hoc  mundo  ex  necessitate  eveniunt,  et  quod  fata 
cuilibet  homini  vitns  ac  mortis  necessitatem  imponunt,  et  quod  non  est  habendum 
consilium,  nee  deliberandum  de  aliquo,  cum  omnes  actus  hominum,  etiam  a 
libero  arbitrio  procedentes,  noscantur  ex  necessitate  coelestis  influenlia;  provenire. 
This  doctrine  is  stated  to  have  had  the  consequence  already,  nonnulli  etiam  nobiles 
et  alii  de  partibus  illis,  —  per  haec  putantes  tolli  mcrita  et  demerita,  incipiunt 
omittere  invocationem  divini  auxilii  et  sanctorum,  nonnullaque  aUa  opera  pieta- 
tis,  etc. 


108  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

would  have  set  all  in  a  flame,  was  but  little  noticed.  At  the  end  of 
this  century,  some  of  the  most  distinguished  men,  John  Charlier  de 
Gerson  (from  A.  D.  1381  teacher  at  Paris,  1395  Chancellor  of  the 
University,  f  1429  in  Lyons,  Doctor  Christianissimus),^^  and  Nicolas 
de  Clamenge  (Artist,  1393  Rector  in  Paris,  the  private  secretary  of 
Benedict  XIII.,  lived  in  retirement  from  the  year  1408,  and  died 
before  1440), ^^  were  themselves  aware  how  unfruitful  the  theological 
controversies  of  the  time  must  be  for  the  church,  and  already  pro- 
posed a  reform. ^3 

»  His  life  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  IV.  p.  26.  He  has  left  a  mul- 
titude of  small  writings  and  discourses  of  a  theological,  moral,  and  ascetic  charac- 
ter, amongst  which  are  many  occasional  writings  ;  best  collection  by  Lud.  Ellies 
du  Pin.  Antwerp  (Amsterdam).  1706.  .5  voll.  fol. 

12  His  life  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  1.  c.  T.  I.  P.  II.  p.  71.  His  writings  refer  chiefly  to 
the  faults,  and  the  reformation  of  the  morals,  and  the  ecclesiastical  discipline  of  the 
time  ;  ed.  Jo.  Mart.  Lydhis.  Lugd.  Bat.  1613.  4to.  Several  of  them  were  pub- 
lished at  a  later  date  by  Herm.  v.  d.  Hardt.  in  the  Cone.  Const,  and  others. 

'^  Jo.  Gerson  Epistt.  duas  de  reform,  theol.  coiiip.  note  9,  above.  JVicol.  de 
Clamengis  lib.  de  studio  theologiae  in  d'Jlchery  Spicil.  T.  I.  p.  473.  e.  g.  p.  476 : 
Mirer  Theologos  nostri  temporis  paginas  divinorum  Testamentorum  ita  negiigenter 
legere,  et  nescio  quarum  satis  sterilium  subtilitatum  indagine  sua  ingenia  conte- 
rere,  utque  verbis  utar  Apostolicis,  languere  circa  qiiasiiones  et  pugnas  verbo- 
rum  (1  Tim.  vi.  4),  quod  Sophistarum  est,  non  Theologorum.  —  Solebant  antiqui 
Patres  et  Theologi,  quorum  per  Ecclesiam  sunt  approbata  scripta,  nihil  dicere  vel 
astruere,  nisi  quod  Scripturarum  teslimonio  posset  confirmari :  unde  et  Hierony- 
njus  ait :  Quod  de  scrinturis  sacris  non  habet  auctoritatem,  eadem  facilitate 
contemnitur  qua  probatur.  Rectissime  plane  illi  quidem,  quoniam  in  his,  qua; 
divina  sunt,  nihil  debemus  temere  definire,  nisi  ex  ca;lestibus  possit  oraculis  appro- 
bari :  quK  divinitus  enuntiata  de  his,  qua;  scitu  de  Deo  sunt  necessaria  aut  ad 
salutem  oportuna,  si  diligenter  investigarentur,  nos  sufficienter  instruuut.  —  Nunc 
autem  plerosque  videmus  scholasticos  sacrarum  inconcussa  testimonia  literarum 
tarn  tenuis  a;stimare  momenti,  ut  ratiocinationem  ab  auctoritate  ductam  velut 
incrtem  et  minime  acutam  sibilo  ac  subsannatione  irrideant,  quasi  sint  majoris 
ponderis,  qua;  phantasia  humana;  imaginationis  adinvenit,  quam  quae  divinitas 
coelitus  aperuit,  cum,  teste  Apostolo,  oinnis  scriptura  divinitus  inspirata  utilis 
sit  ad  docendum,  ad  argitendum,  etc.  (1  Tim.  iii.  16)  :  ad  qu^  ilia  sunt  parum 
utilia,  in  quibus  hodie  plurimi  exercentur,  qua»  licet  intellectum  utcumque  acu- 
ant,  nullo  tamen  igne  succendunt  affectum,  nuUo  motu  excitant,  nullo  alimento 
pascunt,  sed  frigidum,  torpentem,  aridum  relinquunt.  Inde  est,  quod  ad  praedi- 
candum  tardi  adeo  et  ignavi  sunt,  quia  scientiam  ad  hoc  utilem  minime  didice- 
runt,  supervacuisque  occupati  utilia  et  necessaria  omiserunt.  Ilia  est  vera  scien- 
tia,  qua;  Thcologum  decet,  quamque  omnis  debet  Theologus  expetei-e,  qua;  non 
modo  intellectum  instruat,  sed  infundat  simul  atque  imbuat  affectum.  —  Non  ergo 
theologico  det  eo  fine  operam  studio,  ut  theologiam  sciat,  hoc  enim  qua^dam  curi- 
ositas  est ;  non  ut  vulgi  favorem  aut  plausum  populi  sibi  per  hoc  acquirat,  quia 
ventus  inanis  est ;  —  non  ut  ad  honores  et  dignitates  perinde  promoveatur,  quia 
ambitio  est ;  —  sed  ea  mente  ac  proposito  theologia;  aggrediatur  studium,  ut  de 
talento  doctrinse  sibi  divinitus  commisso,  fideliter  Deo  serviendo,  secura  ad  salu- 
jtem  a'ternara  quoscuraque  poterit  perducat  ac  lucrifaciat,  etc. 


Chap.  IV.    Theological  Sciences.    §114.   Mystic  Theology.     109 

<^   114. 

MYSTIC    THEOLOGY. 

Gotfr.   Arnoldi  historia   et  descriptio  theol.    mysticK.    Francof.    1702.  8vo. 

Scholastic  theology  having  thus  ceased  to  have  any  connexion  with 
religious  feeling,  it  was  natural  enough,  on  the  other  hand,  that  that 
forin  of  religion  which  appealed  wholly  to  the  feelings,  Mysticism, 
should  likewise  be  cultivated  to  the  exclusion  of  every  thing  else. 
Amongst  the  Mystics  of  the  time  we  may  notice  the  Dominican  John 
Tauler^  of  Slrasburg  (Theologus  sublimis  et  illuminatus,  t  A.  D. 
1361),!  distinguished  as  a  widely  influential  preacher.-  Another 
preacher,  scarcely  less  distinguished,  was  Henry  Suso  of  Ulm 
(t  1305).='  But  more  famous  than  either  amongst  the  Mystics  of  all 
ages  is  John  Ruysbroech,  prior  of  the  regular  canons  in  Gruenthal  in 
Brabant  (Doctor  ecstaticus,  t  A.  D.  1381),"*  of  all  the  Mystics  the 
most  dreamy  and  enthusiastic.^     John  Gerson,   on   the  other  hand, 

1  He  has  left  numerous  short  works  of  an  ascetic  character,  amongst  which  the 
most  remarkable  is  the  Nachfolge  des  arnien  Lebens  Christi.  His  sermons  have 
been  very  often  translated  into  various  German  dialects,  and  published  in  the 
latest  form,  Frankf.  A.  M.  1826.  3  Th.  Bvo.  See  the  account  of  Tauler's  life  and 
writings  prefixed  to  this  edition.  The  Historic  des  ehrw.  Doctors  Joh.  Taulers, 
professedly  by  himself,  which  is  pretixed  to  his  sermons,  is  only  an  account  of  his 
conversion.  Comp.  Bayle  Diet.  s.  v.  Tauler.  Obeilini  diss,  de  J.  Tauleri  dictione 
vernacula  et  mystica,  Argentor.  1786.  4to.  Of  Tauler's  mysticism,  see  de  W  e  tte 
christi.  Sittenlehre,  Th.  2,  zweyte  Halfte,  S.  220  ff. 

2  Many  of  his  hearers  were  so  affected  by  his  preaching  that  they  fell  down 
senseless,  see  the  Historic  des  ehrw.  D.  Taulers,  cap.  10,  11. 

^  Henrici  Suso7iis  0pp.  e  suevico  idiomete  latine  translata  per  Laur.  Surium 
Colon.  1555.  8vo.  The  Vita  Susonis,  ibid.  p.  4.35,  is  an  account  of  his  conversion, 
written  by  a  pious  lady,  and  edited  by  himself,  cf.  Quetif  et  Echard  Scriptt. 
Ord.  Prasdicat.  T.  I.  p.  653  seq. 

■»  Jo.  Busbrochii  0pp.  e  Brabantias  germanico  idiomate  reddita  latine  per  Laur. 
Surium,  Colon.  1552.  fol.  The  life  of  Ruysbrock  prefixed  (p.  1  seq.),  was  writ- 
ten by  a  Canonicus  regularis,  soon  after  his  death,  some  verbal  alterations  only 
having  been  made  by  Surius. 

*  Comp.  his  visions  :  for  instance,  what  he  said  to  his  visiter,  Gerhard  Groot 
(Vita  Rusbr.  c.  8)  :  Magister  Gerarde,  certum  ae  firmum  habeto,  nullum  me 
unquam  verbum  scriptis  meis  inseruisse,  nisi  ex  instinctu  Spiritus  Sancti,  et  in 
singulari  quadam  ac  dulcissima  prassentia  supersanctissima  Trinilatis.  QuEe  verba 
fratres  quidam,  etiamnum  superstites,  ferunt  se  ex  ore  sancti  viri,  testamenti  loco 
extremis  vita?  ejus  temporibus  accepisse.  Comp.  Jo.  Gersonii  Epist.  ad  fr.  Bar- 
tholom.  Carthusiensem  super  tertia  parte  libri  Jo.  Ruysbroech  de  ornatu  spirituali- 
um  nuptiarum  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  I.  p.  59)  :  His  general  view  of  the  work  :  com- 
peri  multa  ibidem  tradi  salubria  et  alta  documenta.  But  tertia  pars  ejusdem  libri 
prorsus  repudianda  rescindendaque  est,  because  it  is  there  taught,  quod  anima 
perfecte  contemplans  Deurn  non  solum  videt  eum  per  claritatem,  quae  est  divina 
essentia,  sed  est  ipsamet  claritas  divina.  Imaginatur  enim,  —  quod  anima  tunc 
desinit  esse  in  ilia  existentia  quam  prius  habuit  in  proprio  genere,  et  convertitur 
seu  transformatur  et  absorbetur  in  esse  divinum,  etc.  (The  words,  p.  62  :  Erat 
autem  de  secta  Begardorum,  which  must  be  referred  to  Ruysbroeck,  ought  un- 
doubtedly to  read,  Erant  autem  de  s.  B.  namely  they,  quorum  aliquos  ipse  Auctor 
juste  reprehendit,  etc.)     Gei-son  was  answered  by  the  canonicus  Jo.  de  Schoenha- 


110  Third  Period.     Dlv.  IV.     A.  D.   130",  —  1409. 

felt  both  the  excellencies  and  the  dangers  of  mysticism,  and  taught 
both  by  precept  and  example,  how  it  might  be  united  with  religious 
speculation  in  such  a  manner,  that  each  should  supply  the  defects  of 
the  other  ;  enforcing  always  the  precept,  that  mysticism  must  be 
guided  by  knowledge.^  Towards  the  end  of  the  14th  century  a  prac- 
tical and  beneficial  mysticism  was  introduced  by  the  Brethren  of 
Common  Life''  and  by  their  means  exercised  a  wide  influence 
amongst  the  inhabitants  of  the  German  provinces. 


^   115. 

HISTORV    OF    THE    OTHER    THEOLOGICAL    SCIENCES. 

Casuistry  continued  to  be  a  subject  of  zealous  study.     To  the  old 

xiia,  in  defence  of  Kuysbroeck  (ibid.  p.  63),  to  which  Gerson,  however,  soon 
replied  (1.  c.  p.  78).  Of  Ruysbroeck's  doctrine,  see  de  Wette  Sittenlehre,  Th. 
2,  zweyte  Halfte,  S.  237  ff. 

*  Gei-son's  writins^s  are  found  in  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin,  T.  III.  He  gives  a  theory  of 
mystic  theology  in  his  Considerationes  de  niyst.  theol.  ibid.  p.  361.  Of  its  relation 
fo  speculative  theology,  see  Consid.  I  :  Aliqua  est  fheologia  mystica  ultra  earn, 
quffi  vol  symbolicn  vel  propria  noniinatur.  Ita  eniin  separate  tractavit  de  ea  sub 
propiio  titulo  b.  Dionysius  a  conscio  divinorum  secretorum  Paulo  doctus.  Cum 
eniin  scripsisset  de  theologia  symbolica,  quas  utitur  corporeis  similitudinibus  trans- 
latis  ad  Deum,  ut  quod  est  leo,  lux,  agnus,  lapis  et  similia  ;  —  cum  prseterea  tra- 
didisset  theologiam  propriam,  per  quam  ex  affectibus  repertis  in  creaturis,  prae- 
sertim  perfectioribus,  ad  extra,  consurgimus  ad  affirmanduni  aliqua  de  Deo,  ut 
quod  est  ens  et  vita,  a  quo  omnibus  derivatum  est  esse  et  vivere  :  tandem  addidit 
modum  inveniendi  Deuiii  perfectioren)  csteris  quo  per  abnegationem  et  per  exces- 
sus  mentales  tanquain  in  divina  callgine  videatur  Deus,  hoc  est  in  occulto  et  in 
ab<condito :  —  propterca  hie  liber  intitulatur  de  theologia  mystica :  mysticum 
autem  interpretatur  absconditum.  —  Consid.  II.:  Theologia  mystica  innititur  ad 
sui  doctrinam  experientiis  habitis  ad  intra,  in  cordibus  animarum  devotarum  :  sicut 
alia  duplex  theologia  ex  his  procedit,  qua;  extrinsecus  ostenduntur.  —  Consid. 
VIII. :  Expedit  scholasticos  viros  etiam  devotionis  expertes  in  scripturis  devotis 
theologiae  mystica-  diligenter  cxerceri,  dunuiiodo  credant  eis.  Hoc  ideo  dicitur, 
quia  quis  novit,  si  tandem  ipsis  ex  familiari  tali  coUocutione  aggener-abitur,  ut  solet, 
quidam  amor  et  ai-dor  experiendi  ea,  quas  sola  interim  fide  tenent,  et  qua;  docta 
ratiocinatione  conferunt  ad  invicem.  —  Rursus  alius  iructus  est  pro  illis,  quos  pra;- 
dicatio  sumpta  ah  hujusmodi  doctrina  poterit  accendere  ad  amorem  Dei  jam  pra;- 
conceptum,  remanente  etiam  frigido  pectore  ejus,  qui  loquitur.  —  Denique  com- 
pertum  est,  multos  habere  devotionem,  sed  non  secundum  scientiam,  quales  procul 
dubio  pronissinii  sunt  ad  errores,  etiam  supra  indevolos,  si  non  regulaverint  affectus 
suos  ad  normam  legis  Christi,  si  prasterea  capili  proprio,  propife  scilicet  prudentifp, 
inha?serint,  spreto  aliorum  consilio.  Hoc  in  Begardis  et  Turelupinis  manifestum 
fecit  experienlia.  —  Propterea  necesse  est  pro  argutione,  aut  directione  talium 
esse  viros  studiosos  in  libris  eorum,  qui  devotionem  habuerunt  secundum  scientiam. 
Eos  nihilominus  commonitos  velim,  ne  citius  debito  damnare  pra;sumant  personas 
devotas,  simplices  in  suis  affectibus  admirandis,  ubi  nihil  adversum  vel  iidei  vel 
bonis  riioribus  palam  inveniunt ;  sed  aut  vencrentur  incognita  sub  silentio,  suspen- 
sam  tenentes  sententiam,  aut  consilio  peritiorum  examinanda  remittant.  Peritiores 
autem  sunt,  quos  utraque  instructio  reddit  ornatos  ;  una  intellectus,  ct  affectus 
altera,  quales  fuerunt  Augustinus,  Hugo,  s.  Thomas,  Ronavcntura,  Guillielmus 
Parisiensis,  et  caterorum  admodum  pauci  ;  cujus  raritatis  causam  inferius  afferre 
conabimur.  Cornp.  de  Wette,  1.  c.  S.  251  ff.  ./.  G.  V.  Engelhardti  comm.  de 
Gersonio  mystico  Partic.  II.  Erlang.  1822-23.  4to. 
7  See  above,  §  112,  notes  6  and  7. 


Chap.  IV.   Theol.  Sciences.  §  115.   Casuistry  and  Ethics.     Ill 

text-book  of  this  study,  the  Sumnia  Raymundia  (§  7G,  note  7),  were 
now  added  the  work  of  the  Minorite  Astesanus  (f  1330  Summa 
Astesana),!  and  that  of  the  Dominican  Bartholomew  de  St.  Concordia 
in  Pisa  ('f  1347  Summa  Bartholina,  Pisanella  or  Magistruccia).'^ 
The  study  of  ethics  was  but  little  attended  to,  and  only  as  connected 
with  the  study  of  canonical  law  and  clerical  rights.  Scarcely  any 
thing  was  done  for  the  science  of  ethics.^  The  fondness  of  the 
Schoolmen  for  quibbling,  and  defending  any  opinion  they  might 
happen  to  take  up,  proved  pernicious  in  the  highest  degree  to 
the  interests  of  morality.  The  consequences  are  best  seen  in 
the  controversies  called  forth  by  the  murder  of  the  duke  of  Or- 
leans at  the  instigation  of  the  Duke  of  Burgundy,  23  Nov.  1407.^ 
In  justification  of  this  deed  the  Franciscan  John  Parvus  (Jean  Petit, 
Doctor  theol.  at  Paris,  f  1411)  maintained  that  to  murder  a  tyrant 
was  a  lawful  deed.^  And  though  this  work  was  condemned  by  the 
bishop  of  Paris  after  the  family  of  Orleans  had  regained  the  ascen- 
dancy (A.  D.  1414),'^  yet  when  the  Duke  of  Burgundy  brought  the 
matter  before  the  Council  of  Constance,  it  was  seen  that  the  hierar- 
chy were  by  no  means  so  watchful  in  questions  of  morals,  as  of  doc- 

'  Printed  nine  times  in  the  fifteenth  centurv,  Fahricii  Bibl.  med.  et  inf.  Latin. 
T.  I.  p.  145. 

*  Printed  sevei'al  times  in  the  fifteenth  century,  Quetif  et  Echard  Scriptt.  Ord. 
Pra-dicat.  T.  I.  p.  623.  Fabric.  1.  c.  p.  177. 

3  Concerning  Geison's  ethical  writings  in  his  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin.  T.  III.  see 
Schrockh,  Th.'^34.  S.  241. 

*  All  the  authorities  on  this  subject  are  collected  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin. 
T.  V.  The  narrative  is  from  the  chronicle  of  Enguerrant  de  Monstrelet,  ibid, 
p.  3  seq. 

*  See  his  Justificatio  Ducis  Burgundiae  recitata  d.  8  Mart  1408  coram  Rege,  1.  c. 
p.  15.  He  arranges  his  views  in  VlII  veiitates :  I.  Omnis  subditus  et  vasallus, 
qui —  machinatur  contra  salutem  corporalem  sui  Regis,  —  dignus  est  duplici  niorte, 
scil.  prima  et  secunda.  II.  plus  puniendus  est  miles,  quam  simplex  subditus  in 
hoc  casu,  Baro  quam  simplex  miles,  etc.  III.  In  casu  supradicto  licitum  est 
cuilibet  subdito  sine  quocumque  mandate  vel  prajcepto,  secundum  leges  natui'alem, 
moralem  et  divinani,  occidere  et  facere  occidi  ipsum  proditorem  et  infidelera 
tyrannum,  et  non  modo  licitum,  sed  honorabile  ac  meritorium,  prascipue  quando  est 
adeo  potens,  quod  justitia  non  potest  bono  modo  fieri  per  superiorem.  He  rests  this 
ob  reverentiam  XII  Apostolorum  on  12  grounds,  uamely,  three  theological  au- 
thorities, that  of  St.  Thomas,  of  John  of  Salisbury,  and  various  others,  with 
three  philosophical  authorities,  that  of  Aristotle,  Cicero,  and  Boccacio,  with  three 
proofs  from  civil  laws,  and  three  exam.ples  from  the  Scriptures.  IV.  In  casu 
supradicto  honorabilius  est,  magis  licitum  et  meritorium,  quod  ipse  infidelis  tyran- 
nus  occidatur  per  unum  consanguineum  et  subditum  Regis,  quam  per  extraneum 
qui  non  esset  de  sanguine  regis;  et  per  Ducem,  quam  per  Comitem,  etc.  VII. 
In  casu  supradicto  unicuique  licitum  est,  honestum  et  meritorium  occidere  et 
facere  occidi  supradictum  tyrannum  per  insidias,  cautelas  et  explorationes,  et  etiam 
licitum  est  dissimulare  et  tacere  suani  voluntatem.  He  then  accuses  the  duke  of 
Orleans  with  having  practised  magical  arts  on  the  king,  given  him  poison,  having 
been  guilty  of  treachery,  and  finally  concludes,  quod  dictus  Doniinus  Burgundia; 
in  nullo  debet  culpari,  vcl  redargui  de  casu  qui  accidit  in  persona  dicti  criminosi 
defuncti  Ducis  Aurelianensis,  et  quod  Dominus  Rex  non  solum  debet  contentaii, 
sed  etiam  debet  habere  praefatum  Dominum  Buigundiaj  acceptum,  et  suum  factum 
autorisare,  quando  opus  est. 

'  The  Acta,  1.  c.  p.  49-342.  See  the  Sententia,  in  which  nine  assertiones 
from  the  work  of  John  Parvus  are  condemned,  p.  322  seq. 


112  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305—1409. 

trine.  Whilst  the  true  moral  view  was  boldly  advocated  by  the 
undaunted  Gerson  in  opposition  to  the  sophisms  of  the  Mendicant 
monks,'^  the  council  did  not  venture  to  decide  definitely  for  either. 
It  condemned  indeed  the  doctrine  of  the  murder  of  tyrants,  but  not 
the  work  itself  of  Jean  Petit,^  and  declared  the  decision  of  the  bishop 

''  The  Dominican,  Martin  Porree,  bishop  of  Arras,  petitioned  the  council  as  the 
plenipotentiary  of"  the  duke  of  Burgundy  (1.  c.  p.  338)  :  Sententia  Epise.  Parisien- 
sis  et  Inquisitoris  Francise,  qute  de  jure  est  nulla, ^=-adnulletur:  —  tarn  veritates 
Parvi,  quain  assertiones  per  Johannem  de  Gersono  eidein  Parvo  falso  impositas,  in 
sua  piobabilitate  relinquendo.  Nameh',  p.  360 :  dictae  assertiones  non  sunt  erro- 
neaj  condenuiand*,  eo  quod  de  earum  possibilitate  sine  evidenti  contradictione  iideL 
sacra;  scripture  et  honoruin  iiioruin  sunt  opiniones  graves  niagnorum  Doctoruni  eas 
asserentium  probabiles,  ut  pra;fertur.  testiinonio  Sci'ipturarum  naturalium,  mora- 
lium  et  divinarum.  Compare  Scriptum  Episc.  Atrebatensis  dd.  11  Oct.  1415- 
(ibid.  p.  391)  :  Si  novem  assertiones  pcrtineant  ad  fidem,  secundum  intentionem 
Joannis  Gerson,  qua  temeritate  condeMina\'it  eos  Episcopus  Parisiensis,  cum  sciret 
aut  scire  deberet,  quod  hujusmodi  materia?  fidei  declaratio  et  detinitio,  ac  novorum 
articulorum  fidei  ordinatio  ad  s.  Sedem  apostolicam,  aut  sacrum  Concilium  generale 
[pertinere]  dignoscitur  .''  —  Si  vero  non  pertineant  ad  fidem,  sicut  ncc  pertinent  de 
facto  ante  deterniinalionem  Ecclesia^ ;  quare  eas  condenmavit,  oppositas  ipsarum 
mandando  teneri  sub  lide  .''  Numquid  non  ha5reticum  est,  mandare  aliquid  sub 
tide  esse  tenendum,  quod  non  est  fides  .'  Gerson  on  the  other  hand  (ibid.  p.  391)  r 
dico  affirmative,  quod  ha;  novem  assertiones  exhibitse  sunt  judicio  iidei  reprobantlEe 
per  hoc  sacrum  Concilium,  et  quod  jam  nimis  tardatum  est.  In  defence  of  the- 
bishop  of  Paris,  he  advocates  the  principle  of  the  Sorbonne  (p.  408),  quod  ad 
Episcopos  catholicos  pertinet,  auctoritate  inferiori  et  subordinata  circa  ea  qus  sunt 
fidei  judicialiter  definire  (see  below,  §  116,  note  8). 

«  Sessio  gen.  XV.  d.  6  Jul.  1415  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  IV.  p.  439)  : 
Synodus  —  nuper  accepit,  quod  nonnullte  assertiones  erronese  in  fide  et  bonis 
moribus  — dogmatizata;  sunt.  Inter  quas  hajc  assertio  delata  est :  Quilibet  tyran- 
nus  potest  et  debet  licite  et  meritorie  occidi  per  quemcunque  Vasallum  suum  vel 
subditum,  etiam  per  insidias  et  blanditias  vel  adulationes,  non  obstante  quo- 
cunque  juramento  seu  confcederatione  facta  cum  eo,  non  cxpectata  sententia  vel 
tnandaio  judicis  cujuscunque.  Adversus  hunc  errorem  satagens  hsec  sancta 
synodas  insurgere,  —  declarat,  decernit  et  definit,  hujusmodi  doctrinam  erroneam 
esse  in  fide  et  moribus,  ipsamque  tanquam  bareticam,  scandalosam,  seditiosam,  et 
ad  fraudes,  deceptiones,  mendacia,  proditiones,  perjuria  vias  dantem  rcprobat  et 
condemnat.  Declarat  insuper,  —  quod  pertinaciter  doctrinam  banc  pernitiosissi- 
mam  assei-entes  sunt  hreretici,  etc.  Even  this  decree  was  forced  from  them,  how- 
ever, by  the  emperor  Sigismund,  see  Jo.  Gersonii  dialog,  apologeticus  (0pp.  II. 
p.  3S7),  in  particular  the  letter  of  a  companion  of  the  bishop  of  Arras  to  a  friend 
in  Paiis,  in  Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  V.  p.  293 :  Videns  ipse  Rex,  quod  non 
potuit  obtinere  conclusionem  condcmnationis  dictarum  IX  assertionum,  ut  volebal, 
licet  sollicitaverit  Judices  quantum  potuit  per  ejus  pra;sentiam  in  judicio  ssepissime 
et  per  nuncios  et  literas,  dixit,  quod  nunquam  iret  ad  locum  conventionis,  videlicet 
Niciam,  donee  esset  finis  dicti  processus.  Et  quod  plus  est,  ipse  exivit  civitatem 
Constantiffi  per  VIII  dies,  et  juravit  publice,  ut  dicebatur  communitcr,  quod  non 
redirct  nisi  prius  expedito  dicto  processu.  Quare  oportuit  pro  satisfaciendo  sibi, 
quod  qusdam  alia  propositio  vocata  Quilibet  tyrannus  —  condemnata  fuerit  ad 
satisfaciendum  dicto  Regi,  qui  putabat,  quod  dicta  propositio  esset  una  de  contentis 
in  propo>itione  ]\I.  Jo.  Parvi,  et  ita  datum  est  sibi  intelligi,  et  sub  illo  colore  fuit 
condemnata  ipso  Rege  praesente :  unde  gavisus  est  et  omnes  Adversaiii,  quod" 
communiter  dicebant  ignorantes,  quod  propositio  Parvi  fuerat  condemnata.  —  Sed 
Deo  laus.  Post  recessum  dicti  Regis  Ambaxiatores  (Ducis  Burgundia;)  sunt  secu- 
riores  quam  antea,  et  liberius  tractaverunt  materiam  et  processum  cum  bono  con- 
silio.  —  Speramus  hie  omnes  habere  bonum  exitum  et  honorabilem  in  materia,  quia 
totum  Concilium  vellet  processum  terminari  ad  bonam  pacem  et  concordiam  Ducis. 
—  Et  si  non  habeatur  finis  per  concordiam,  non  ita  cito  habebitur  per  processum^ 
quia  adhuc  sumus  in  principio,  ut  potestis  considerare  :  quia  restat  adhuc  piobare 


Chap.  IV.    Theological  Sciences.  §  115.   Casuistry  and  Ethics.   113 

of  Paris  unauthorized.^  Soon  after  this  there  appeared  a  work  of 
John  of  Falckenburgjio  proclaiming  extermination,  by  vviiatever 
means,  to  the  Poles  and  their  king  Jagello.  Though  disapproved  by 
the  majority  of  the  council  (A.  D.  1417), ^  the  Pope,  swayed  by  his 
fears  of  the  Teutonic  order,  and  the  duke  of  Burgundy,  would  not 
allow  it  to  be  formally  condemned.  Neither  did  he  decide  concern- 
ing the  work  of  Jean  Petit.  Thus  the  Mendicant  monks  were  left 
at  liberty  to  defend  their  seditious  principles  as  they  chose.i- 


intentionein  circa  libellum  exhibiUim,  et  examinare  dictas  propositiones  hinc  inde, 
qu£e  non  fient  ila  cilo  et  sine  magno  disciirsu. 

"  Judicium  Deputatoruni  Concilii  dd.    15  Jan.   1416,  in   Gersonii  0pp.  T.  V. 
p.  500  seq. 

'"  This  same  person  had  before  defended  Jean  Petit  against  Gerson  and  d'Ailly  : 
see  tres  tractatus  in  Gersonii  0pp.  T.  V.  p.  101.3  seq. 

"  Jo.  Dlugossi  (Canon,  in  Cracow  about  1465)  hist.  Pofonica.  ed.  Francof. 
1711,  fol.  lib.  XI.  p.  376:  The  archbishop  of  Gnesen  brought  the  work  with  him 
to  Constance,  and  accused  the  author  before  tlie  council.  Synodus  sacia  —  prse- 
dictuiii  libellum,  ut  falsum  et  erroneum,  Joannem  vero  Falkemberg  ejus  auctorem, 
ut  hffireticum,  per  definitivam  sententiani  damnavit,  et  perpetuis  deputavit  carceri- 
bus.  Et  in  condeninationis  pra-fats  signum  singuli  Cardinales  singiilatini  et  onines 
nationcs  sententiam  prajdiclam  manibus  propriis  subsci-ipserunt.  The  book  was 
condemned  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  IV.  p.  1555),  per  judices  in  causa  fidei  a 
s.  Concilio  deputato-;,  and  it  was  decided  by  the  college  of  cardinals,  and  in  general 
council,  quod  idem  hbellus,  tanquam  hasreses  et  alia  mulla  et  quasi  intinita  mala  et 
errores  continens,  in  sessione  publica  per  sacrosanctum  concilium  —  publice  dam- 
naretur,  sen  publice  damnatus  nunciaretur.  But  even  this  solemn  condemnation 
could  not  be  maintained  by  Martin  V.,  made  Pope  in  Nov.  1417,  Dlugossus,  p. 
3S6:  Martinus  P.  V.  prece  incertum  est  an  importunitate  Cruciferorum  de  Prussia 
circumventus,  sententiam  damnationis  Jo.  Falkemberg  —  infirmare  et  moderari 
contendit,  —  quamvis,  existens  Cardinalis,  se  ei  manu  piopria  subscripserit.  Of 
the  contents  of  Falkenberg's  book,  we  have  nothing  but  what  is  preserved  in  the 
sentence  of  condemnation,  written  by  a  committee  of  the  council,  and  in  the  name 
of  the  council,  on  the  4th  of  Jan.  1417  (see  Dlugossus,  p.  3S~).  Its  title  was : 
Satyra  contra  hsreses  et  caetera  nefanda  Polonorum  et  eorum  Regis  Jagyel  tideliter 
conscripta,  and  it  was  addressed  universis  Kegibus  et  Principibus,  csterisque 
PrEElatis  sive  Ecclesiasticis  sive  sEEcularibus,  et  gencraliter  omnibus,  qui  Christiani 
nominis  meruerunt  insigniri  titulo.  Propositions  extracted  :  quod  Rex  Polonorum, 
cum  sit  malus  praesidens,  est  idoliim,  et  omnes  Poloni  sunt  idololati-as,  et  serviunt 
idolo  suo  Jagyel.  Item  dicit,  quod  Poloni,  et  eorum  Rex  sunt  odibiles,  hsretici, 
et  impudici  canes,  reversi  ad  vomitum  sax  infidelitatis.  Et  ergo  securissime 
omnes,  non  solum  Principes  ssculi,  verum  etiam  inferiores,  qui  ad  Polonorum  et 
eorum  Regis  exterminationem  se  accinxerint  ex  charitate,  vitam  merentur  aeter- 
nam.  Item  dicit,  quod  indubie  Polonos  et  eorum  Regem  propter  periculum,  quod 
ab  eis  timetur  Ecclesiae  futurum  ;  etiam  antequam  dissidinm  faciant,  ceteris  pari- 
bus, magis  meritorium  estoccidere  quam  paganos.  Item  dicit,  quod  omni  submoto 
dubio,  belli  certamine,  quo  pro  defensione  Christianoi-um  suscepto  Principes  saculi 
Polonos  et  eorum  Regem  occidunt,  regna  merentur  coelestia.  —  Item  dicit,  quod 
ex  Principibus  sasculi,  qui  sunt  idonei  et  ratione  et  potestate  Polonos  et  eorum 
Regem  Jagyel  reprimere,  et  permittunt  eura  in  Chiistianos  debacchari,  supplicia 
merentur  gehenna?,  etc. 

'^  They  sought  especially  to  prove  by  various  .sophisms,  that  the  IX  assertiones, 
note  6,  were  wholly  distinct  from  the  condemned  Quilibet  tyrannus,see  the  numer- 
ous controversial  writings  in  Gersonii  0pp.  T.  V.  e.  g.  Hesponsio  Episc.  Atreba- 
tensis,  ibid.  p.  475:  credo  et  atfirmo,  quod  nulla  dictarum  novem  assertionum  est 
tidei  judicio  reprobanda,  nee  aliqua  illarum  est  condenmanda  ex  condemnatione 
illius  propositionis  Quilibet  tyrannus :  cum  nuUo  modo  sequatur  ex  aliqua  illarum 
povem  assertionum,  sed  non  ex  omnibus  simul,  nee  continent  doctrinaliter  illam 

VOL.    III.  15 


114  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305—  1409. 

The  theologians  of  this  period  employed  themselves  in  the  study 
of  the  Scriptures  even  less  than  those  of  the  preceding  centuries  had 
done.  The  appointment  of  teachers  of  the  oriental  languages,  by 
Clement  V.  (13il),i^  was  wholly  for  the  purpose  of  educating  mis- 
sionaries, and  had  no  influence  upon  the  study  of  the  Scriptures. 
The  biblical  commentaries  of  the  time  are  for  the  most  part  of  little 
value.  Almost  the  only  one  worth  mentioning  is  that  of  the  Fran- 
ciscan Nicolaus  de  Lyra  (teacher  of  theology  at  Paris,  "f  1340, 
Postillator),^''  whose  knowledge  of  the  Hebrew  enabled  him  to  do 
something  for  the  grammatical  interpretation  of  the  Old  Testament. 

vel  virtualiter,  nee  in  siniili  radice  fiindantiir,  quod  patet.  Non  enim  sequitur : 
Licitum  est  unicuique  subdito,  —  occidere  vel  occidi  fucere  queinlihet  tyrannuin, 
qui  ]>er  cupiditaicm,  fraudein,  sortUegiuin,  etc.  JSrgo  quilibet  tijrannus,  etc. 
Turn  quia  ibi  arguitur  a  parte  in  modo,  ad  suuin  totuni  in  modo,  cum  distiibutione : 
—  turn  quia  ad  mentem  Assertionuin  a  parte  subjocti,  unicuique  subdito  capi- 
tur  pro  vassallo  immediate  Regi  subdito;  et  in  ilia  Quilibet  tyrannus  capitur  pro 
quocunque,  etiam  subdito  tyranno,  sive  subjecto,  etc.  He  draws  the  conclusion, 
tinally,  quod  banc  doctrinam  asserentes  opiTiabiliter,  citra  determinationem  sacri 
Concilii  Generalis,  et  s.  Sedis  Apostolics,  non  sunt  hseretici ;  —  quod  asserere  — 
dictas  Propositioiies  esse  probabiles,  aut  forsan  veras,  non  est  ei-roneum,  etc. 

^^  Brought  about  through  the  influence  of  Raymundus  Lullus,  who  was  deeply 
interested  in  the  conversion  of  the  Mahometans.  Clementin.  Lib.  V.  Tit.  I.  c.  1 : 
scholas  in  subscriptarum  linguarum  gcneribus,  ubicunque  Romanam  curiam  resi- 
dere  contigerit,  necnon  in  Parisiensi  et  Oxon.  Bonon.  et  Salamantino  studiis  provi- 
dimus  erigendas,  statuentes,  ut  in  quolibet  locorum  ipsorum  teneantur  viri  catholici, 
sufficientem  habentes  Hebraica;,  Arabics  et  Chaldrcs  linguarum  notitiam,  duo 
videlicet  uniuscujusque  lingua;  pei-iti,  qui  scholas  regant  inibi,  et  libros  de  Unguis 
ipsis  in  latinum  lideliter  transferentes,  alios  linguas  ipsas  sollicite  doceant,  —  ut 
instructi  et  edocti  sufficicnter  in  Unguis  hujusmodi,  fructum  speratum  possint  Deo 
auctore  producere,  fidem  propagaturi  salubriter  in  ipsos  populos  infideles. 

"  Of  him  Wolfii  Biblioth.  Hebr.  I.  p.  912;  III.  p.  838.  Mich.  H.  Reinhard 
Pentas  conatuuni  sacrorum  Lips.  1709.  8vo.  p.  147.  His  chief  work,  Postilloe 
perpetuae  in  Biblia,  was  first  ed.  Roma;,  1471.  .5  veil.  fol.  best  ed.  cura  Fr.  Fexiar- 
dentii,  Jo.  Dadrei  et  Jac.  de  Cuilly,  Lugd.  1590  ;  also  in  the  Bibliis  glossatis. 
It  is  preceded  by  an  essay  de  libris  Biblia;  canonicis  et  non  canonicis.  Quia  sunt 
multi,  qui  ex  eo  quod  non  niultam  operam  dant  sacra;  scriptura;,  existimant  omnes 
libros,  qui  in  biblia  continentui-,  pari  venei-atione  esse  reverendos  atque  adorandos, 
nescicntes  distinguere  inter  libros  canonicos  et  non  canonicos,  quos  Hebrtei  inter 
apocrypha  computant,  unde  sa'pe  coram  doctis  ridiculi  videntur :  et  perturbantur 
scandalizanturque,  cum  audiunt,  aliquem  non  pari  cum  casteris  omnibus  venera- 
tione  persequi  aliquid,  quod  in  liiblia  legatur:  idcirco  id  distinximus,  et  distinctc 
numcravimus,  primo  libros  canonicos,  et  postea  non  canonicos,  inter  quos  tanlum 
distat,  quantum  inter  certum  et  dubium.  Nam  canonici  sunt  confecti  spiritu 
sancto  dictante  :  non  canonici  aiitem  sive  apocryphi  nescitur,  quo  tempore  qui- 
busve  auctoribus  sint  editi,  etc.  He  then  enumerates  the  canonical  and  apocry- 
phal books  of  the  Old  Testament,  according  to  Jerome,  and  adopts  the  views  taken 
by  him  and  Rufinus  of  their  relation  to  each  other.  Piologus  I  de  commenda- 
tione  sacrfe  scripturce  in  generali.  e.  g.  of  the  double  sense :  Llabet  famen  iste 
liber  hoc  speciale,  quod  una  littei-a  continet  plures  sensus.  Cujus  ratio  est,  quia 
principalis  hujus  libri  auctor  est  ipse  Deus,  in  cujus  polestate  est  non  solum  uti 
vocibus  ad  aliquid  significandum,  —  sed  etiam  rebus  significatis  per  voces  utitur 
ad  significandum  alias  res.     The  fourfold  sense  is  described  in  the  following  verse : 

Littera  gesta  docet,  quid  credas  allegoria, 

.Muralis  quid  agas,  quo  tendas  anagogia. 
Prologus  II  de  intentione  auctoris  et  modo  procedendi :  Omnes  expositiones  mysti- 
CEB  prssupponunt  sensum  littei'alem   tanquani  fundamentmn :  pro|)ter  quod  sicut 
SEdificium  declinans  a  fundamcnto  disponitiu-  ad  ruinam,  sic  expositio  niystica  dis- 


Chap.  V.   Rites  and  Ceremonies    %  116.  In  Iiomr  of  the  Virgin.  115 
CHAPTER    FIFTH. 

HISTORY    OF    RITES    AND    CEREMONIES. 

<^    116. 

Two  new  festivals  were  now  established  in  lior.or  of  the  Virgin 
Mary,  that  of  the  Presentation  (festum  Presentationis,  on  the  21st 
Nov.,  instituted  by  Gregory  XI.  A.  D.  1372),i  and  that  of  the  Visi- 
tation (festum  Visitationis,  on  the  2d  of  July,  instituted  by  Urban  VI. 
A.  D.  1389).-  The  doctrine  of  the  immaculate  conception  of  the 
Virgin  was  vehemently  contested  by  the  Dominicans,  who  to  the 
revelations  made  to  St.  Birgitta  in  its  favor »  opposed  those  made  to 


crepans  a  sensu  litterali  reputanda  est  indecens  et  inepta,  vel  saltern  minus  decens, 
cffitei-is  paribus,  et  minus  apta.  Et  ideo  volentibus  profieere  in  studio  sacra?  scrip- 
ture necessarium  est  incipere  ab  intellectu  sensus  litteralis  :  maxime  cum  ex  solo 
sensu  litterali  et  non  ex  mysticis  possit  argumentnm  fieri  ad  probationem  vei 
declarationem  alicujus  dubii,  secundum  quod  dicit  Augustinus  in  Epist.  contra 
Vincent.  Donatistam.  Ulteiius  considerandum,  quod  sensus  litteralis  —  videtur 
multum  obfuscatus  diebus  modernis,  partim  scriptorum  vitio,  qui  propter  similitu- 
dinem  litterarum  in  multis  locis  aliter  scripsernnt,  quam  habeat  ventas  textus, 
partim  imperitia  aliquorum  correctorum,  qui  in  pluribus  locis  fecerunt  puncta  ubi 
non  debent  fieri,  et  versus  inceperunt  vel  terminaverunt  ubi  non  dcbent  incipi  ct 
termiiiari,  et  per  hoc  sententia  littera;  variatur,  —  partim  ex  modo  translationis 
nostra;,  quse  in  multis  locis  aliter  habet  quam  libri  hebraici :  —  et  tamen  secundum 
Hieronymum  — pro  veritate  litters  habenda  in  scriptura  veteris  teslamenli  recur- 
renduni  est  ad  codices  Hebra'oruni.  —  Sciendum  eliam,  quod  sensus  litteralis  est 
multum  obumbratus  propter  modum  exponendi  communiier  traditum  ab  alus,  qui 
licet  multa  bona  dixerint,  tamen  parum  tetigerunt  litteralem  sensum,  et  sensus 
mysticos  in  tantum  mulliplicaverunt,  quod  sensus  litteralis  inter  tot  expositiones 
mysticas  interceptus,  partim  suffocatur.  Item  textum  in  tot  particulas  diviserunt, 
et  tot  concordantias  ad  suura  propositum  induxerunt,  quod  intelleclum  et  memo- 
riam  in  parte  confundunt,  ab  intellectu  litteralis  sensus  animum  distrahentes.  Ha;c 
io-itur  et  similia  vitare  proponens  cum  Dei  adjutorio  intendo  circa  litteralem  sensum 
insistere,  et  paucas  valde  et  breves  expositiones  mysticas  aliquando  interponere, 
licet  laro.  Similiter  intendo  non  solum  dicta  doctorum  catholicorum,  sed  etiam 
hebraicorum,  maxime  Rabbi  Snlomonis  (Jarchi  oder  Raschi,  see  above,  §  76, 
note  9),  qui  inter  doctores  hcbrffios  locutus  est  rationabilius,  ad  declarationem  sensus 
litteralis  inducere.  —  Postremo  quia  non  sum  ita  peiitus  in  lingua  hebraica  vel 
latina,  quin  in  multis  possim  deficere  ;  ideo  protestor,  quod  nihil  intendo  dicere 
assertive  seu  determinative,  nisi  quantum  ad  ea,  qua?  manifeste  determinata  sunt 
per  sacram  scripturam  vel  ecclesia;  auctoritatem  ;  cffitera  vero  omnia  acclpiantur 
tanauani  scholastice  et  per  modum  exercitii  dicta  :  propter  quod  omnia  dicta  et 
dicenda  suppono  correctioni  sancts  matris  Ecclesia;,  ac  cujuslibet  sapientis,  pium 
lectorem  et  charitativum  flagitans  correctorem. 

'  J.  A.  Schmidii  Prolusiones  Mariana;  X  (cum  praef.  /.  L.  Moshemii  Hchiist. 
1733.  4to.)  p.  100  seq.     A  u  g  u  s  t  i  s  Denkwilrdigkeiten,  Bd.  3.  S.  107. 

-  Schmid.  1.  c.  p.  111.     Augusti,  1.  c.  S.  88. 

3  Of  St.  Biro-itta,  see  above,  §  111,  note  4.  Bircr'dtce  Revelationum  Lib.  V.  in 
fine,  God  reve'als  with  regard  to  the  Virgin :  De  radice  Adae  processit,  et  de  pec- 
cato'ribus  nata  est,  licet  sine  pcccato  concepta,  ut  filius  mens  de  ea  sine  peccato 
nasceretur;  Lib.  VI.  c.  49,  the  Virgin:  Veritas  est,  quod  ego  conccpta^fui  sine 
peccato  original!,  et  non  in  peccato;  and  Cap.  55:  Scito  quod  conceplio  mea  noa 


116        Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305—1409. 

their  own  Catharine  of  Siena''  against  it.  Still  the  festival  of  the 
immaculate  conception  was  more  and  more  widely  adopted,'^  and  with 
it  the  doctrine.  The  exasperated  Dominicans  having  begun  to  op- 
pose this  doctrine  with  increased  fury  in  Paris  A.  D.  1384,**  both  the 
populace  and  the  university  rose  against  them.  The  latter  condemned 
the  rejection  of  the  doctrine  of  the  immaculate  conception  as  one  of 
the  heresies  of  the  Dominican  John  of  Montesono  A.  D.  1387.^  He 
appealed  to  the  Pope,^  but  the  university  prevailed  here  also  (Jan. 

omnibus  nota  fuit.  —  Placuit  Deo,  quod  amici  sui  pie  dubitarent  de  conceptione 
mea,  et  quilibet  ostenderet  zelum  suum,  donee  Veritas  claresceret  in  tempore 
praeordinato. 

■•  Of  whom  see  above,  §  101,  note  5.  In  the  Orationes  XXII  ab  ipsa  in  raptu 
et  extasi  ad  Deum  prolatai,  et  a  sibi  assistenfibus  tamiliaribus  excepts  latinitatique 
donata;  we  read  Orat.  XVI  (the  passage  is  wanting  in  the  ed.  ot  her  works.  Colon. 
1553,  but  is  cited  as  early  as  Antoninus  Summa;,  P.  I.  T.  8.  c.  2) :  Datum  est 
nobis  veibuni  a'ternum  per  manum  Maria;,  et  de  substantia  Maris  induit  naturam 
absque  peccati  oi'iginalis  macula,  et  hoc,  quia  non  hominis,  sed  Spiritus  Sancti 
inspiratione  facta  est  ilia  conceptio.  Quod  quidem  non  i'uit  sic  in  Maria,  quia  non 
processit  ex  massa  Adse  operatione  Spiritus  Sancti,  sed  hominis:  et  quia  tota  ilia 
massa  erat  putrida,  non  poterat  nisi  in  putridam  naturam  anima  ilia  infundi,  nee 
poterat  purgari,  nisi  per  gratiam  Spiritus  Sancti,  cujus  quidem  gratis  non  est  sub- 
jectum  susceptibile  corpus,  sed  spiritus  rationalis  aut  intellectualis,  et  idco  non 
poterat  Maria  a  macula  ilia  purgari,  nisi  postquam  anima  infusa  est  corpori,  quod 
quidem  sic  factum  est  propter  reverentiam  thesauri  divini,  qui  in  illo  vase  dcbebat 
reponi.  Nam  sicut  fornax  consuniit  guttam  aquae  in  niodico  tempore,  sic  facit 
Spiritus  Sanctus  de  macula  peccati  originalis :  nam  post  conceptionem  ejus  statim 
fuit  ab  illo  peccato  mundata,  et  gratia  magna  data.  Tu  scis,  Domine,  quia  ista  est 
Veritas.  See  concerning  these  prophecies  of  both  the  saints  Wadding  legatio 
Philippi  III  et  IV  ad  Paulum  P.  V  et  Gregorium  XV  de  detinienda  controv.  im- 
maculatae  concept,  b.  Virg.  Mariae.  Lovan.  1624.  fol.  p.  342  seq. 

5  At  the  Cone.  Londin.  ami.  1328.  c.  2  (Mansi  XXV.  p.  829),  it  was  decreed 
by  the  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  that  the  festum  conceptionis  b.  Virginis  should 
in  future  be  solemnly  observed  through  the  whole  kingdom.  In  A.  D.  1343,  it 
was  introduced  by  Baldwin,  bishop  of  Paderborn,  into  his  diocese  (Schaten  An- 
nales  Paderborn,  L.  XIII.  p.  303).  At  the  university  of  Paris,  it  was  resolved  on 
behalf  of  the  French  nation,  A.  D.  1380,  quod  a  modo  celebraretur  festum  con- 
ceptionis gloriosaj  V.  M.  eodem  modo,  quo  et  alia  festa  solent  celebrari  (Bulceus 
hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  IV.  p.  964). 

6  Bulceus,  T.  IV.  p.  599. 

'  On  the  whole  controversy,  see  Bxdceus  IV.  p.  618  seq.,  especially  d'Argentr6 
collectio  judiciorum,  T.  I.  P.  II.  p.  61  seq.  The  ofiensive  propositions,  with  the 
censures  of  the  theological  faculty,  see  in  Bulceus,  p.  620;  d'Argentri,  p.  62: 
Propositio  X  :  Non  omnes  praeter  Christum  contraxisse  ab  Adam  peccatum  origi- 
nale  est  expresse  contra  fidem.  Censure  :  Revocanda  est  tanquam  falsa,  scan- 
dalosa  et  piarum  aurium  offensiva,  et  prcesumptuose  asserta,  non  obstante, 
probabilitate  qucBstionis,  utrum  b.  Virgo  fuerit  in  peccato  originali  concepta. 
Prop.  XI :  B.  Virginem  Mariam  et  Dei  genitricem  non  contraxisse  peccatum 
originale,  est  expresse  contra  fidem,  Prop.  XII:  Tantum  est  contra  sacram 
Scripturam,  unum  hominem  esse  exemptum  a  peccato  originali  prater  Christum, 
sicut  si  dccem  homines  de  facto  ponerentur  e.xempti.  Prop.  XIII:  Magis  est 
expresse  contra  sacram  Scripturam,  b.  Virginem  non  esse  conceptam  in  peccato 
originali,  quam  asserere  ipsam  fuisse  simul  beatam  et  viatricem  ab  instanti  sua^ 
conceptionis  vel  sanctificationis.  These  propositions  were  condemned  in  a  mass 
as  revocandce  tanquam  falscB,  scandaloscp.,  prcBsuinptuose  asserta,  et  piarum 
aurium  offensivce. 

**  He  complained,  as  appears  from  the  work  of  his  opponent,  Petrus  d'Alliaco 
(d'Argentri^,,  p.  82),  1.  quia  aliqus  condusionum  suarum  trahuntur  ex  doctrina  s. 


Chap.  V.  Rites  and  Ceremonies.  §  110.  In  honor  of  the  Virgin.   117 

1389),  and  after  compelling  many  of  the  Dominicans  to  take  back 
their  offensive  declarations  against  the  hated  doctrine,^  made  the 
assent  to  the  decision  of  the  university  on  this  point  the  indispensable 
condition  of  admittance  to  any  academical  honor. ^"^  Though  this 
decision  only  went  as  far  as  to  disapprove  the  rejection  of  the  doc- 
trine, it  had  yet  all  the  effect  of  a  positive  declaration  in  its  favor, ^^ 

Thoina? ;  2.  quod  Dominus  Episcopus  (Parisiensis),  apponens  falcem  in  messeni 
summi  Pontificis,  dictas  conclusioncs  pronuntiavit  et  decrevit  falsas,  ha;reticas  et 
erroneas :  et  causaiu  subdit  ibidem,  quia  ista,  qua?  tangunt  fidem,  sunt  de  majoribus 
Ecclesia;  causis,  et  qua;  ad  solum  suinmum  Pontificem  pro  examinatione  et  deci- 
sione  defeiri  debent.  The  university  sent  four  deputies  to  the  Pope,  of  whom 
Peter  d'AUiaco  was  the  most  distinguished  :  see  his  serinones  et  propositiones  in 
Consistorio  in  cVJlrgentri,  p.  Cfi.  In  answer  to  the  first  complaint  of  the  Domini- 
cans, the  university  had  already  declared  in  a  letter  ad  universos  Christifideles  dd. 
14  Febr.  1388  ((VArgentri,  p.  65),  quatenus  s.  Thoma;  doctrinam  in  dicta  nostra 
condemnatione  nequaquam  reprobamus.  The  condemnation  referred  solely  to  the 
est  expresse  contra  fidem,  compare  P.  d'AUiaco,  1.  c.  p.  107 :  licet  (s.  Thomas) 
dicat,  quod  fuit  concepta  in  originali,  tamen  nee  ibi,  nee  alibi  dicit,  quod  oppositum 
dicere  sit  expresse  —  contra  fidem.  —  Licitum  est  in  hac  materia  probabiliter  loqui, 
et  istam  partem  tenere,  vel  etiam  circa  utrumque  dubitare,  ut  supponitur  :  sed  non 
licet  sic  probabiliter  loqui  vel  dubitare  de  aliquo,  quod  est  expresse  contra  tidem, 
etc.  In  answer  to  the  second  complaint,  d'AUiaco  maintains  the  propositions  (1.  c. 
p.  76) :  Ad  s.  Sedem  Apostolicam  pertinet  auctoritate  judicial!  suprema  circa  ea 
quae  sunt  tidei  judicialiter  detinire.  Ad  Episcopos  Catholicos  pertinet  atictoritate 
inferiori  et  subordinata  circa  ea  qus  sunt  fidei  judicialiter  detinire.  Ad  Doctores 
theologos  pertinet  determinatione  doctrinali  et  scholastica  circa  ea  qua;  sunt  fidei 
doctrinaliter  detinire. 

'  Compare  the  documents  in  BuJceus  IV.  p.  633,  638  seq. ;  and  in  d'Argentr6, 
1.  c.  p.  132  seq.  From  the  expressions  which  they  now  had  to  take  back,  it  may 
be  seen  how  far  the  Dominicans  had  been  carried  in  the  heat  of  controversy.  Thus 
Fr.  Richard  (d'Argentri,  p.  136) :  EUe  fut  souillee,  touillee  et  brouillee  au 
ventre  de  sa  mere. — Nemplus  que  vous  ne  pouriiez  bouter  vostre  main  en  ung 
grand  plain  pot  de  gresse  sans  la  souiller,  nemplus  ne  fut  la  Vierge  Marie  engen- 
dree  sans  souilleure,  —  Fr.  Adam  de  Soissons,  in  a  sermon  ( B ulceus  IV.  p.  639)  : 
Se  la  Vierge  Marie  fust  trespassee  devant  la  mort  et  passion  de  son  glorieux  tils, 
—  elle  fust  descendue  en  Enter,  pourcequ'elle  avoit  este  conceuc  en  peche  originel. 
He  acknowledged  that  he  added  to  this,  que  je  affermois  sous  la  damnation  de  mon 
ame,  et  que  en  icelle  foy  je  voudrois  vivre  et  mourir.  Fr.  Joannes  Ade  (ibid. 
641),  quod  festum  Conceptionis  b.  et  gioriosfe  Virginis  Maiire  non  crat  solemnizan- 
dum  nee  colendum,  et  qui  coleret  dictum  festum,  male  faceret  plus  quam  bene. — 
Item  pra;dicando  ad  populum  increpavi  illos,  qui  in  laudem  Virginis  Maria^  tene- 
bant,  earn  non  fuisse  in  Originali  peccato  conceptam,  improperando  eis  et  dicendo  : 
En  volis-vous  faire  line  Deesse?  etc. 

^^  See  Gersonius  pro  reconciliatione  Dominicanorum,  ann.  1403  (Bulceus  V. 
p.  83)  :  conclusum  erat,  ut  omnis  gradus  et  honoris  in  Universitate  expers  fieret, 
quisquis  non  juraret  tenere  condemnationem  super  erroribus  pra>dictis  ab  Univer- 
sitate prius,  delude  ab  Episcopo  Paris,  factam.  Distulerunt  hoc  agere  Bacalaurii  e 
fratribus  pra-dictis  tunc  excipiendi,  causantes  a  Superioribus  suis  licentiam  ad 
hujusmodi  prajstationem  juramenti  necdum  petiisse  vel  habuisse.  Ex  hac  origine 
neque  gradus,  neque  cathedram,  neque  sermones  posterius  adepti  sunt.  The 
restoration  of  the  Dominicans  to  the  university  did  not  take  place  till  1403,  see  the 
Instrumentum  in  d'Argentri,  1.  c.  p.  148. 

"  Jo.  Gersonii  Sermo  de  conceptione  b.  Maria;  Virginis,  in  A.  D.  1401  (0pp. 
ed.  du  Pin,  Vol.  III.  p.  1330)  :  Est  quod  Spiritus  sanctus  interdum  revelat  Eccle- 
siae  vel  Doctoribus  posterioribus  aliquas  virtutes,  vel  expositiones  s.  Scriptura;,  quas 
non  revelavit  eorum  prtedecessoribus.  —  Ideo  Moyses  scivit  plus  quam  Abraham, 
Propheta;  quam  Moyses,  Apostoli  quam  Prophets  :  et  Doctores  addiderunt  multas 
veritates  ultra  Apostolos.  Quapropter  dicere  possumus,  banc  veritatem,  b.  Mariam 


118  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

and   the   authority  of  the   university  secured  the  success  of  the  doc- 
trine. 

This  period  was  as  rich  as  the  foregoing  one  in  new  saints,'^ 
relics,i3  and  other  holy  things,''^  as  well  as  in  new  festivals.i^  The 
masses,  which  constituted  almost  the  whole  of  public  worship,  were 
multiplied  by  the  avarice  of  the  priests  in  the  most  outrageous  man- 


nonfuisse  concept  am  in  peccato  originali,  de  illis  esse  veritatibus,  quae  noviter 
sunt  revelatrfi  vel  declarata;,  tarn  per  miracula  quae  leguntur,  quam  per  niajorein 
partem  Ecclesia  sancta;,  quae  hoc  modo  tenet.  Fuit  tempns  aliquod,  in  quo  non 
tenebatur  generaliter,  Mariam  virgineni  esse  in  Paradiso  in  corpore  et  anima 
(see  above,  §  18,  note  10),  sicut  modo  tenetur;  et  similiter  post  institutionem  festi 
nativitatis  s.  Joannis  nativitas  Domini  nostras  ordinata  fuit  per  revelationem  unius 
solius  femin*,  et  multa  similia.  Nota  de  opinione  s.  Augustini  de  igne  Purgalorii, 
qualiter  tenetur  opposita  (See  Vol.  I.  §  119,  note  14).  Such  a  doctrine  of  new 
revelations  had  not  then  become  objectionable.  Thus  Guil.  Occam  tract,  de 
sacram.  Altaris  (appended  to  his  Quodlibctis)  says,  that  the  doctrine  of  transub- 
stantiation  was  not  indeed  in  the  Scriptures,  but  it  was  believed  that  it  had  been 
revealed  to  holy  fathers. 

»2  Schrockh,  Th.  33.  S.  417. 

"  Of  tl>e  numerous,  and  some  of  them  strange  enough,  relics,  collected  in 
Prague  by  the  emperor  Charles  IV.,  see  Hageks  bohm.  Chronik,  S.  577,  593, 
868  ff.     P  e  1  z  e  1  s  Kaiser  Karl  der  Vierte,  Th.  1.  S.  277. 

'*  Of  the  holy  blood  in  Wilsnack,  to  which  numerous  pilgrimages  were  made 
from  A.  D.  1383,  see  S.  Buchholzens  Gesch.  der  Kurmark  Brandenburg, 
Th.  2.  S.  593  tr. 

"  Besides  the  two  festivals  of  the  Virgin,  see  above,  notes  1  and  2,  the  Festum  s. 
Ti-initatis,  which  had  long  been  occasionally  observed,  but  now  was  fixed  by  John 
XXII,  for  the  Sunday  aVter  Whitsuntide,  Bahtz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  177,  of.  Not. 
p.  793,  Festum  s,  Lanccaj  et  Clavorum,  changed  at  the  request  of  Charles  IV.  by 
Innocent  VI.  1354,  for  Gei-many  and  Bohemia,  to  the  Friday  after  Quasimodo- 
geniti,  cf  J.  H.  a  Scclen  miscellanea,  P.  I.  p.  339  seq.  See  the  bull,  ibid.  p.  394 
seq.  Compare  the  list  of  festivals  on  which  it  was  unlawful  to  work,  by  Simon, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  in  Cone.  Magfeldense,  ann.  1362  (Mansi  XXVI.  p. 
417)  :  In  primis  sacrum  diem  Dominicum  ab  liora  diei  sabbati  vespertina  inchoan- 
dum,  non  ante  horam  ipsam  prceveniendum,  ne  Judaic*  professionis  participes 
videamur,  quod  in  festis,  quas  suas  habent  vigilias,  ohservetur:  Item  festa  Natalis 
Domini;  SS.  Stephani,  Joannis,  Innocentium,  Thomae  martyi-is  ;  Circumcisionis, 
Epiphanias  Domini,  Purificationis  b.  Maiiae,  s.  Matthias  Apostoli,  Annunciationis 
s.  Maris,  s.  Parasceues,  Paschap  cum  tribus  diebus  sequentihus,  s.  Marci  Evange- 
lists, Apostolorum  Philippi  et  Jacobi,  Inventionis  s.  Crucis,  Ascensionis  Domini, 
Pentecostes  cum  tribus  diebus  sequentibus.  Corporis  Christi,  Nativitatis  s.  Joannis 
Baptists,  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli,  Translationis  s.  Thomas,  s.  Marias  Magda- 
lenas,  s.  Jacobi,  Assumptionis  s.jMariae,  b.  Bartholomsi,  s.  Laurentii,  Nativitatis  s. 
Maris,  Exaltationis  s.  Crucis,  s.  Matthsi  Apostoli,  s.  Michslis,  s.  Lues  Evange- 
lists, Apostolorum  Simonis  et  Juds,  Omnium  Sanctorum,  s.  Andres  Apostoli,  s. 
Nicolai,  Conceptionis  b.  Maris,  s.  Thorns  Apostoli,  Dedicationum  ecclesiarum 
parochialium  et  Sanctorum,  in  quorum  honore  ecclesis  parochiales  dedicantur : 
aliaque  festa  qus  in  singulis  diets  provincis  dicecesibus  per  locorum  ordinarios  ex 
certa  scienfia  peculiariter  indicuntur.  And  even  in  this  catalogue,  some  days 
formerly  oliserved  had  been  left  out,  the  archbishop  himself  conceding :  quod  ad 
devotionis  parabatur  compendium,  in  dissolutionis  erigitur  cumulum,  dum  in  ipsis 
festivitatibas  colilur  tabcrna  potius  quam  ecclesia,  comessationes  abundant  et 
ebrietates  ul)erius  quam  lacryms  et  orationes,  lasciviis  insistitur  et  contumeliis 
magis  quam  otio  conteraplationis : — tamquam  solemnitates  ipss  ad  profanationis 
et  perversitatis  exercitium  gratis  fuei-int  instituts  :  qus  quanto  magis  protendun- 
lur  in  numero,  tanio  abundantius  cultores  abusionuin  hujusmodi  in  suis  excessibus 
insolescunt. 


Chap.  VI.    Church  Discipline.     §117.      Year  of  Jicbihe.        119 

ner.is  It  was  already  evident  enough  to  the  reflecting  that  biunds 
must  be  set  to  this  mere  ceremonial  worship  in  which  all  true  piety 
was  merged. i*" 


CHAPTER    SIXTH. 

HISTORY    OF    CHURCH    DISCIPLINE. 
^    117. 

OF  INDULGENCES  AND  PUNISHMENTS. 

The  theory  of  Indulgences,  as  perfected  by  Thomas  Aquinas,  was 
not  only  adopted  by  the  theologians  of  this  period, ^  but  from  the  time 
of  Clement  VI.  by  whom  it  was  first  openly  proclaimed  (in  the  bull 
for  a  year  of  Jubilee),'-^  may  be  considered  as  the  received  opinion  of 

'^  Alvarus  Pelagius  de  planctu  Eccl.  lib.  II.  c.  5  :  Nostra  autem  ecclesia  plena 
et  supcrplena  est  altaribus,  missis  et  saciiliciis,  sed  cum  hoc  plena  in  sacriAcan- 
tibus  homicidiis,  sacrilegiis,  et  immunditiis,  et  simoniis,  et  aliis  sceleiibus,  excom- 
municationibus,  et  irregularitatibus  usque  ad  fiummum.  — Tot  enim  hodie  dicuntur 
niissse  quasi  quEestuaria?,  vel  consuctudinaria;,  vel  ad  complacentiam,  vel  ad  sceleia 
cooperienda,  vel  propi'iam  justificationem,  quod  apud  populum  vel  clerum  sacro- 
sanctuin  corpus  Domini  jam  vilescit.  —  Unde  et  almus  Franciscus  voluit,  quod  in 
quocunque  loco  fratres  contenli  essent  una  mis.?a,  prssciens,  fratres  se  velle  jus- 
tificare  per  missas,  et  ad  quastum  eas  reducere,  sicut  videmus  hodie  fieri :  unde 
et  dicebat,  quod  una  missa  ccelum  et  terram  implebat.  Cap.  27  :  Et  jam  consue- 
tudine  vel  potius  corruptela  —  inolevit,  quod  missa  taxata  tiibus  vel  quatuor 
denariis  vel  uno  solido  venditur  et  emitur  a  populo  ceeco  et  prcsbyteiiis  simoni- 
acis  sceleratis. 

*^  Petri  de  Alliaco  de  Reformationc  in  Cone.  Constant,  c.  3  (in  Gersonii  0pp. 
ed.  du  Phi,  T.  II.  p.  911)  :  Quia  Prrelatis  de  diVino  cultu  specialis  cura  esse 
debet,  circa  hujusmodi  reformationeni,  quaj  necessaria  est,  providendum  esset,  ut 
in  divino  servitio  non  tam  onerosa  prolixitas,  quam  devota  et  Integra  brevitas 
servaretur;  ut  in  ecclesiis  non  tam  magna  imaginum  et  picturaruni  varietas  multi- 
plicaretur  ;  ut  non  tot  nova  testa  solennizarentur  ;  ut  non  tot  nova;  Ecclesise  aedi  ■ 
ficarentur ;  ut  non  tot  novi  Sancti  canonizarentur ;  ut,  pra?terquam  diebus  Do- 
niinicis,  et  in  majoribus  festis  ab  Ecclesia  institutis,  liceret  operari  post  auditum 
Officium  :  cum  quia  in  festis  sape  magis  multiplioantur  peccata  in  tabernis,  in 
choreis,  et  aliis  lasciviis,  quas  docet  otiositas  ;  turn  quia  dies  operabiles  vix  suffi- 
ciunt  pauperibus  ad  vitae  necessaria  procuranda.  cf.  JS/'icolmis  de  Clamengis  de 
novis  celebritatibus  non  instituendis  in  Opp.  ed.  Lydii,  p.  143  seq.  As  lono-  ago 
as  Henricus  de  Hassia,  he  had  recommended  (Gerson  de  probatione  Spirituum  in 
Opp.  I.  p.  40),  comprimendam  esse  tot  hominum  canonizationem. 

1  See  the  passages  from  their  works  collected  in  Ens.  Amort  de  origine,  pro- 
gressu,  valore  ac  fructu  indulgcntiarum  (Aug.  Vindel.  1735.  fol.),  P.  II.  p.  80. 
To  the  list  may  be  added  Jlugustinus  Triumphus  Summa  de  potest,  eccles.  Qu. 
29  -  32. 

^  See  the  bull  Unigenitiis  of  January  27,  1343,  in  Extravagg.  Comm.  lib.  V. 
Tit.  9,  0.2,  and  in  Raynald,  ann.  1349,  no.  11  :  (Dcus  Filius)  non  corruptibilibus 
auro  et  argento,  sed  sui  ipsius,  agni  incontaminati  et  immaculati,  pretioso  sanguine 
nos  redemit,  quern  in  ara  crucis  pro  nobis  innocens  immolatus,  non  guttam  sangui- 
nis modicam,  quas  tamen  propter  unionem  ad  Verbum  pro   redemptione  totius 


120  Tliird  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

the  church.  The  opportunities  of  getting  absolution  for  sins  were 
constantly  multiplied.  Smaller  indulgences  were  daily  to  be  had,^ 
nor  was  there  any  dearth  of  crusades  as  a  means  of  obtaining  gen- 
eral absolution.'*  The  new  invention  of  the  year  of  Jubilee,  in  par- 
ticular, was  used  to  great  effect.  Clement  VI.,  at  the  prayer  of  the 
Romans  (A.  D.  1343),  reduced  the  term  of  its  recurrence  to  fifty 
years,^  so  that  it  was  celebrated  in  the  year  1350.**    Urban  VI.  (A.  D. 


humani  generis  suffecisset,  seel  copiose  velut  quoddain  prolluvium  noscitur  effu- 
disse,  ita  vit  a  planta  pedis  usque  ad  verticem  nulla  sanitas  inveniretur  in  ipso. 
Quantum  ergo  exinde,  ut  nee  supervacua,  inanis  aut  superflua  tanta;  effusionis 
miseratio  redderetur,  thesaurum  militanti  Ecclesias  acquisivit,  volens  suis  thesauri- 
zare  tiliis  pius  pater,  ut  sic  sit  intinitus  thesaurus  hominibus,  quo  qui  usi  sunt, 
Dei  aniicitice  participes  sunt  etfecti !  Quem  quidera  thesaurum  non  in  sudario 
repositura,  non  in  ag)0  absconditum,  sed  per  b.  Petrum  coeli  elavigerum,  ejusque 
successores,  suos  in  terris  vicarios,  commisit  iidelibus  salubriter  dispensandum,  et 
propriis  (leg.  pro  piis)  et  rationabilibus  causis  nunc  pro  totali,  nunc  pro  partial! 
remissione  poence  temporalis  pro  peccatis  debitfe  tarn  generaliter  quam  specialiter, 
prout  cum  Deo  expedire  cognoscerent,  vere  pocnitentibus  et  confessis  misericordi- 
tei-  applic.mdum.  Ad  cujus  quidem  thesauri  cuiEulum  beatae  Dei  Genitricis  et 
omnium  Elcctorum  a  primo  justo  usque  ad  ultimum  merita  adminiculum  pra-stare 
no^cuntur,  de  cujus  consumptione  seu  diminutione  non  est  aliquatenus  formidan- 
dum,  tam  propter  intinita  Christi,  ut  pra-dictum  est,  nieiita,  quam  pro  eo,  quod 
quanto  plures  ex  ejus  applicatione  trahuntur  ad  justiliam,  tanto  magis  accrescit 
ipsorum  cumulus  meritorum. 

•*  The  inliabitants  of  Xanten,  in  the  territory  of  Cleves,  having  appointed  a  bell 
to  be  i-ung  in  the  evening  as  a  summons  to  the  worship  of  the  Virgin  by  repeating 
the  salutation  of  the  angels;  John  XXII.  A.  D.  1318,  granted  an  absolution  of 
ten  days  to  whomsoever  should  repeat  it  three  times  (Raynald,  ann.  1318, 
no.  .58.  cf.  ann.  1327,  no.  .54).  The  Cone.  Avenionense,  ann.  1326,  cap.  2,  gave 
to  those  who  should  accompany  the  sacrament  to  sick  persons  by  day,  twenty  days, 
by  niglit,  thirty  days  absolution ;  cap.  3,  to  those  who  should  pray  for  the  Pope 
and  the  church,  ten  days;  cap.  4,  to  those  who  bowed  themselves  at  the 
name  of  Jesus,  ten  days.  This  is  repeated  in  Cone.  Avenion,  ann.  1337,  c.  2 ; 
Vaurense,  ann.  1368,  c.  124 ;  Narbon.  ann.  1374,  c.  19. 

*  e.  g.  above,  §  96,  note  2.5  ;  §  98,  note  7. 

'"  See  an  account  of  the  solemn  embassy  of  the  Romans  in  the  Tertia  Vita  de- 
mentis VI.  in  Baluz.  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  286.  The  request  was  granted  in  the  bull 
Unigenitus  (see  above,  note  2) :  Nos  autem  attendentes,  quod  annus  quinquagesi- 
mus  in  lege  Mosaica — jubileus  remissionis  et  gaudii  —  censebatur,  quodque  ipse 
quinquagenarius  numerus  in  testamentis,  veteri  quidem  ex  legis  donatione,  in  novo 
ex  visibili  s.  Spiritus  in  discipulos  missione  —  singulariter  honoratur,  quodque  huic 
numero  plura  et  grandia  divinarum  adaptantur  mysteiia  scripturarum  ;  et  clamo- 
rem  peculiaris  populi  nostri,  Romani  videlicet,  hoc  humiliter  supplicantis,  ac  nos 
ad  instar  Moysi  et  Aaron  per  pioprios  et  solemnes  nuntios  ad  hoc  specialiter  desti- 
natos  orantis  pro  toto  Christiano  populo  et  dicentis  :  Domine  aperi  eis  thesaurum 
tuum  fontem  uqucB  vivce,  desiderantes  benignius  exaudire  ;  —  volentesque  quam- 
plurimos  hujusmodi  indulgentia;  tore  participes,  cum  pauci  multorum  respectu 
propter  vita  hominum  brevitatem  valeant  ad  annum  centesimum  pervenire  :  de 
fratrum  nostrorum  consilio  prai^dictam  concessionem  ejusdem  indulgentias  ex  supra- 
scriptis  et  aliis  justis  causis  ad  annum  quinquagesimum  ducimus  reducendam.  He 
then  ordains  for  the  year  of  Jubilee,  ut  universi  Christitideles,  qui  vere  poeni- 
tentes  et  confessi  —  Petri  et  Pauli  Apostolorum  basilicas  et  Lateranensem  eccle- 
siam  —  visitaverint,  plenissimam  onuiium  peccatorum  suorum  veniam  consequan- 
tur,  ita  videlicet,  ut  quicunque  voluerit  indulgentiam  hujusmodi  assequi,  ad  minus 
triginta,  si  Romani :  si  vero  peregrini  aut  Ibrenses  modo  simili  XV.  diebus  ad 
pra;dictas  Basilicas  et  Ecclesias  accedere  teneantur.  Adjicientes,  ut  ii  etiam,  qui 
—  post  iter  arrei)tum  impediti  legitime,  quo  minus  ad  urbem  illo  anno  valeant 
pervenire,  aut  in  via,  vel  dierum  pra^taxafo  numero  non  completo  in  dicta  urbe 
decesserint,  vere  pccnitentes  et  confessi,  eandem  indulgcntiam  consequantur. 


Chap.  VI.     Church  DiscipUiie.     §117.      Year  of  Jubilee.       121 

1389)  changed  it  to  three  and  thirty  years."  Boniface  IX.  availed 
himself  of  this  to  celebrate  it  in  the  year  1390;  but  not  content  with 
this,  he  caused  llie  Jubilee-indulgence  to  be  olTered  for  sale  through- 
out the  three  following  years  in  different  countries,  and  drove  a  most 
scandalous  traiiic  in  indulgences  of  various  kinds. ^     Besides  the  gross 

^  Of  the  concourse  to  Rome,  see  Matteo  Villani  I.  c.  56  (Muratori  Scriptt. 
Rer.  Ital.  XIV.  p.  56),  Heinr  a  Eebdorff,  ad  ann.  1350.  Prima  Vita  dementis 
VI.  in  Baluz.  1.  p.  256.  Conip.  Limpurgische  Chronik  (by  a  contemporary) 
Wetzlar.  1720.  8vo.  S.  16. 

7  The  bull,  dated  April  8,  1389,  in  Eus.  Amort  de  indulgentiis  P.  I.  p.  84  : 
Nos  considcrantes,  quod  stas  hominum  amplius  solito  in  dies  labitur  pauciores,  et 
desiderantcs,  quam  plurimos  participes  fieri  indulgcntiae  memoratae,  cum  plurimi 
ad  annum  quinquagesimum  propter  hominum  vitas  brevitatem  non  perveniant, — 
ac  intendentes,  quod  anno  tricesimo  tertio  Sal\  atoris  Domini  no.-tri  Jesu  Christi 
ipse  Salvator  noster  pro  nobis  aiterno  Patri  Adre  debitum  solvit,  —  et  quod  mysterio 
hujusmodi  XXXIII  annorum  —  plura  etiam  alia  et  grandia  divinarum  scriptura- 
rum  mysteria  adaplari  possunt, — et  aliis  justis  causis  ad  annum  tricesimum  tertiuiu 
reducimus,  etc.  The  true  moUve,  however,  was  the  wish  to  conciliate  the  tumul- 
tuous Romans.     See  S/wndaiii  annall.  eccl.  ann.  1389,  no.  3. 

^  Theod.  a  JViem  de  schism.  I.  c.  68  :  Innnmerabiles  peregrini  toto  illo  anno 
(1390)  —  ad  urbem  venerunt,  unde  et  maxima  oftertoria  Ecclesiis  et  Basilicis  urbis 
per  visitatores  data  fuerunt,  ex  quibus  aliquse  reparationes  ipsarum  Ecclesiarum 
facts  fuerunt,  sed  residuum  et  major  pars  ad  manus  Bonifacii  et  quorundam  aliorum 
devenit.  Ipse  etiam  Bonifacius  hujusmodi  ofl'ertoiiis  non  contentus,  licet  ad  maxi- 
mas  summas  ascenderent  (erat  enim  insatiabilis  vorago,  et  in  avaritia  nullus  el 
similis),  ad  diversa  regna  misit  quaestuarios  vendendo  dictam  indulgentiam  offeren- 
tibus  tantiim,  quantum  essent  expensuri  in  via,  si  propterea  ivissent  ad  urbem  :  et 
hujusmodi  exactores  sen  quKsluarii  etiam  maximas  summas  pecuniarum  a  simpli- 
cibus  seu  barbaris  subtiliter  extorserunt,  ita  quod  aliquando  in  uno  regno,  seu  in 
una  provincia  hujusmodi  venditionibus  ultra  centum  millia  florenorum  reportarunt, 
quia  omnia  peccata  etiam  sine  posnitentia  ipsis  coniitentibus  relaxarunt,  super 
quibuslibet  iri-egulai-itatibus  dispensarunt  interventu  pecunias,  dicentes,  se  omnem 
potestatem  habere  super  hoc,  quam  Chi'istus  Petro  ligandi  et  solvendi  contulisset 
in  terris.  Et  per  hoc  ipsi  quasstuarii  impinguati,  dilatati,  ingrossati,  et  cum  multis 
pulchris  equis  et  decenti  familia  redeuntes  ad  urbem,  ipsam  de  recollectis  per  eos 
taliter  rationem  Pontifici  fecerunt,  sed  aliquos  eorum,  quos  comperit  infideliter 
egisse,  carceribus  intrudebat :  nonnulli  eorum  mala  morte  perierunt,  aliqui  vero 
sibi  ipsis  mortem  consciverunt,  quidain  furore  populi  in  petias  (en  pieces)  secti 
fuerunt,  etc.  —  Magnum  Chronicon  Belgicum  (in  Rerum  German.  Scriptt.  ed. 
Pistorius-Struve,  T.  III.  p.  363)  :  Postquani  annus  Jubilffius — transiit,  Dominus 
Bonifacius  unum  annum  sub  anni  Jubila;i  urbis  Roma;  indulgentiarum  forma  Colo- 
niensi  civitati  concessit;  ita  ut  venientes  Coloniam,  vel  ibidem  habitantes,  illo 
anno  durante  visitantes  certas  Ecclesias  ad  hoc  directas  cum  oblationibus  suis 
possent  consequi  indulgentias,  quas  visitantibus  urbem  Romanam  in  anno  Jubilffio 
concessae  erant,  videlicet  plenissimam  remissionem  omnium  peccatorum.  Quo 
anno  elapso  similis  annus  concessus  est  ab  eodem  Domino  Bonifacio  sub  eadem 
forma  civitati  Magdenburgensi.  Et  ad  utramque  harum  civitatum  missus  est 
collector  Papae,  qui  certam  partem  recepit  oblatorum.  Deinde  indulgentias  similes 
concessit  visitantibus  alias  nonnullas  civitates  Germaniae  ad  certos  menses.  Unde 
in  Misnia  et  Praga  ex  hujusmodi  concessione  concursus  magnus  populorum  fuit. 
Deinde  idem  concessit  multis  locis  Almanniaj,  ut  visitantes  certas  istorum  locorum 
Ecclesias  consequerentur  indulgentias  similes,  qua;  erant  quondam  concessas  tali 
vel  tali  loco,  seu  tali  vel  tali  Ecclesiae,  quas  in  ipso  privilegio  concessionis  expri- 
mebatur  (see  the  bull  following).  —  Et  in  omnibus  prtvilegiis  concessionum 
praedictarum  ponebatur  c\di\i3u\d.  porrigentibus  manus  adjutrices,  ita  ut  hujusmodi 
indulgentias,  nisi  qui  ipsis  locis  vel  ecclesiis  manum  porrigeret  adjutricem,  nemo 
consequi  posse  videretur.  Unde  quidam  concessiones  hujusmodi  magis  non  magni 
faciebant,  ut  quas  pro  lucro  magis,  quam  ex  zelo,  turn  institutas  a  Papa  suspica- 
bantur.     The  part  taken  by  the  Pope's  Camerarius,  Balthasar  Cossa,  afterwards 

VOL.    III.  16 


122  Third  Period.     Div.lV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 


John  XXIII.,  in  this  traffic,  see  in  Theod.  de  JViem  de  vita  Joh.  XXIII.  (in 
Meibomii  Rer.  Germ.  T.  1.  p.  7,  and  v.  d.  Hurdt  Cone.  Const.  T.  II.  p.  340  seq.)  : 
Nee  istis  lucris  contcntus,  sed  ainplius  ditari  satagens,  quosdam  eloquentes  et 
audaces  apostatas  de  Spoleto  in  vicini.s  partibus  oiiundos,  quos  Italici  Exiretanos 
appellant,  et  nuncios  dicti  Bonifacii  ad  pia'dicandas  in  Alniania,  Dacia  (Denmark), 
Suecia,  et  Norvegia,  et  adjacentibus  provinciis  indulgentias  et  peccatorum  remissi- 
ones  de  oinni  peccato  largi:-simas  fieri  procuravit.  Qui  me  stepe  audiente  publice 
praedicarnnt,  quod  etiam  .s.  Petrus,  si  viveret,  niajorem  reniissione  peccaminuin 
potestateni  non  hahcret,  quam  ipsi  ab  eodcm  Bonifacio  reccpcrunt  ad  salutem  ani- 
maruni  illorum,  quibus  illi  eandem  remissioneni  communicarent,  et  quod  omnia, 
quae  ipsis  darentur  ratione  indulgentiarum  Inijusmodi,  in  succursuni  Inipcratoris 
Constantinopolitani,  qui  et  sui  subditi  Christian!  per  Turcos  tunc  essent  oppress! 
gravissime,  mitterentur.  Qui  quideni  quaestores  cum  magna  copia  ad  Germaniam 
pervenientes,  et  primo  in  Suevia  in  dia;cesi  Constantiensi  notabiliora  hospitia  in 
locis  et  oppidis  insignibus  pro  se  receperunt,  et  banderium  Romance  ecclesiie  cum 
clavibus  s.  Petri  depictum  die  immediate  sequenti  post  jucundum  illic  eoruni 
adventum  extra  fenestras  extenderunt :  intrantes  autem  cum  magno  apparatu  illic 
majorem  ecclesiam  aut  principalem,  major  eorum  in  ipsa  ecclesia  in  altioi-i  loco 
prope  altai-e  sedile  cum  tapetis  pulcris  per  suos  ministros  ad  id  deputatos  sibi  fecit 
apparari  cum  panno  nobili  de  serico  etiam  superius  extenso.  —  Solennem  benedic- 
tionem  ille  major  nuntius  populo  dedit,  et  per  aliquos  Episcopos  titulares  illud  mel 
sequentis  sernionis  ibidem  in  publico  fieri  fecit,  intimando  simplicibus  ibidem  tunc 
congregatis,  ut  eos  levius  decipere  necnon  pecunias  reportare  possent,  indulgentias 
et  remissiones  peccaminum  antedictas  :  et  semper  in  eisdem  sermonibus  publice 
dicebatur,  quod  ipse  major  nuncius  super  omni  irregularitate  ac  peccato  posset 
dispensare,  ac  ipsa  peccata  remittere,  ac  etiam  parentum  animas  eorundem  offer- 
entium  ipsis  de  purgatorio  liberare,  et  ultra  hoc  quicciuid  posset  Papa  de  plenitu- 
dine  potestatis,  id  idem  ipsi  possent,  et  etiam  aliquid  amplius,  si  expediret.  Et  si 
aliquis  eis  in  hoc  forsan  contradixit,  ilium  haereticuni  aut  schismaticum,  necnon 
Apostolics  sedi  rebellem  nominabant,  et  modis  omnibus  persequebantur,  et  quod 
infra  paucos  dies  in  pra;fata  curia  coram  prffidicto  Bonifacio,  pro  meritis  digna 
reccpturus  personaliter  compareret,  ignominiose  citarunt,  et  per  hoc  Praelatos  eccle- 
siasticos  et  alios  terruerunt,  quod  istis  —  se  opponere  non  audebant.  —  Sicque  ultra 
centum  millia  florenoium  auri  ipsi  nuncii  infra  biennium  per  illos  modos  in  eisdem 
partibus  collcgerunt.  The  principalis  nuntius,  Antonius  de  Roma,  went  then  to 
Bologna  to  account  to  Ballhasar,  who  in  the  mean  time  had  become  cardinal  and 
legate  in  that  city  ;  Balthasar  put  him  in  prison  and  took  the  money  from  him, 
cum  quo  sperabat  se  enipturum  aliquam  pinguem  cathedralem  ecclesiam  vel  abba- 
tiam  a  Bonifacio  saepedicto.  Videns  autem  se  hujusmodi  spe  fraudatum,  tanquam 
desperans  in  carceribus  ipsis  mortem  sibi  conscivit,  se  ipsum  quadam  chorda,  qua 
cingebatur,  quadam  nocte  jugulando.  Finally,  when  a  sufficient  sum  had  been 
collected,  Boniface,  to  redeem  the  honor  of  the  papa!  see,  took  back  all  the 
absolution  which  had  thus  been  granted,  as  unlawful  (just  as  he  had  before  done 
with  the  Expectatives,  Theod.  a  JViem  II.  c.  9,  see  above,  §  102,  note  7).  See 
the  bull  of  December  22,  1402,  in  Statuta  Synodalia  a  Wenceslao  Episc.  Wratis- 
lav.  ann.  1410,  publicala  ed.  a  /.  Chr.  Friedrich.  Hannoverse.  1827.  p.  11 :  Inten- 
ta  salutis  opeiiljus  sedis  apostolica;  circumspecta  benignitas  —  interdum  aliqua  per 
importunam  petentium  inslantiam,  qua>dam  autem  per  sin-reptionis  malitiam  vel 
fraudem  vel  quemvis  modum  itlicitum  impetrata  statuit  vel  indulget,  demum  vero 
in  ejus  notitiam  his  deductis  ac  utilitate  publica  suadente  ea  reformat  in  melius. 
Such  were  the  grounds  of  the  following  decree :  Item  revocamus  et  annullamus 
omnes  et  singulas  indulgentias,  in  quibus  continetur  a  pcena  et  a  culpa  vel  plena 
indidi^entia  omnium  peccatorum  siiorum,  et  alias,  qua;  concessa;  sunt  sub  formis 
indulgentiai-um  ecclesiarum  urbis,  anni  jubilai,  vel  s.  Scpulchri  dominici,  s.  Mi- 
chaelis  de  monte  Gargano,  s.  Jacobi  in  Compostella,  et  s.  Marci  de  Venetiis,  s. 
Marias  de  Angelis,  alias  in  Portiuncula,  s.  Maria;  de  Collomadio,  et  omnes  alias, 
quffi  factae  sunt  ad  instar  indulgentiarum  quibusvis  aliis  ecclesiis  concessarum,  et 
volumus,  quod  nullius  sint  roboris  vel  niomenti,  etiamsi  in  litteris  apostolicis,  super 
dictis  indulgentiis  confcctis,  contineretur  talis  clausula,  videlicet:  et  si  contigerit 
revocari  per  iios  indulgentias  in  genere  vel  in  specie,  quod  indulgenticB  ipsa 
per  easdem  litteras  concessa:  non  intelligantur  revocata. 


Chap.   VI.      Church  Discipline.     §117.      Year  of  Jubilee.       123 

rapacity  displayed  in  this  traffic,^  constant  impositions  were  practised. 
Thus  tlie  decree  for  a  year  of  Jubilee,  in  i;J5U,  seems  to  have  been 
forged    by   the   inhabitants  of  Rome   in   the   name   of  Clement  V.^** 

*  Thus  when  Cardinal  Albornoz  preached  a  crusade  in  Italy  A.  D.  1356  (comp. 
above,  §  98,  note  3),  .Mntteo  Villani  VI.  c.  14  :  E  incontanente  I'avarizia  de' 
Cherici  coinincio  a  (are  Futicio  suo,  e  allargarono  colla  pi-edicazione  la'iidulgenza 
oltre  alia  coinmessione  del  Papa.  E  coininciarono  a  non  rihutarc  danajo  ila  ogni 
maniera  di  gente,  compensando  i  peccati  e  voti  d'ogni  ragione  con  danari  assai,  e 
pochi,  come  gli  poteano  attrane.  E  per  non  mancare  alia  loro  avarizia,  soinmove- 
ano  nelle  Cilta,  e  ne'  Castelli,  e  nelle  Ville  ogni  femminella,  ogni  povero,  che 
non  havea  danari,  a  dare  pannilini,  e  lani,  e  masserizie,  grani,  e  biade.  Niuna 
cosa  rifutavano,  ingannando  la  gente,  con  allargare  colle  parole  quello,  che  non 
portava  la  loro  connnessione.  E  cosi  davano  la  Croce,  e  spogliavano  le  Ville,  e  le 
Castella  piu  che  non  poteano  fare  le  Citta.  Conip.  Balthasar  Cossa's  traffic,  note 
8,  above. 

'"  This  is  the  bull  Ad  memoriam,  which  we  have  from  two  contemporaries, 
Peter  of  Herentals,  prior  of  the  convent  of  Fleury  (Quinta  vita  dementis  VI.  in 
Baluz.  Vitae  PP.  Aven.  I.  p.  312),  and  Albericus  de  J^osate  (Dictionarium  juris 
s.  V.  Jubiloius  annus).  The  most  striking  passages  are  :  Item  concedimus,  quod,  si 
vers  confessus  in  via  morte  prajveniatur,  ab  omnibus  peccatis  suis  sit  immunis  et 
penitus  absolutus,  et  nihilominus  mandamus  Angelis  paradisi,  quod  animam  illius 
a  purgatorio  penitus  absolutam  ad  paradisi  gloriam  introducant.  —  Cum  autem  fideles 
prsdicti  ita  devote  praidicta  compleverint,  ostendetur  eis  ex  mandato  nostro  suda- 
rium  Domini  noslri  Jesu  Christi,  quo  viso  ab  omnibus  peccatis  suis  sint  absoluti  et 
indulgentias  habeant  ab  eisdem.  Nosque  ex  parte  D.  N.  Jesu  Christi,  cujus 
sumus  in  terra  Vicarii,  reducimus  eos  ad  statum,  qtio  erant  die  illo,  quo  baptismum 
receperunt,  de  gratia  special!.  In  reference  to  this  Jo.  TVessel  ("f  1489)  says  in 
Epist.  ad  Jll.  Jac.  Hoeck  (Farrago  rerum  theologicarum.  Vitcmb.  1522.  4to.  fol. 
XXXIX.  b.  and  in  Goldasti  Monarchia,  T.  I.  p.  581)  :  Neque  parum  horrori 
mihi  est  verbum  tuum  illud,  quo  mones,  quod  magis  quam  pio  ratione  niihi  esse 
debet  auctoritas  Papa^.  Numquid  Parisiensi  Faculfati  theologicae  non  dico  ratione 
majus  fuit,  imrno  numquid  fuit  pro  ratione  dementis  Papae  auctoritas,  quando 
temeritatem  illius  angelis  pra?cipientem  reprehendei-unt  et  correxerunt .'  quando 
cruce  signatis  ad  eorum  vota  ti-es  vel  quatuor  animas  ex  purgatorio  quas  vellent 
elargiebatur .'  item  quando  indulgentias  a  poena  et  culpa  publicabat .'  Horuni 
tamen  errorum  hodie  plumbata:'  bulla;  reperiuntur.  Since  the  bull  was  printed  by 
Joh.  Hoornbek  Examen  Bullae  Papalis,  qua  Innocentius  X.  abrogare  nititur  pacem 
Germanic.  Ultraj.  1653.  4to.  p.  273  seq.,  much  use  has  been  made  of  it  by  the 
opponents  of  papacy.  Still  it  is  undoubtedly  spurious,  see  Baluzii  Vit.  PP.  Aven. 
I.  p.  915  seq.  Pagi  Breviar,  gest.  Pontiif.  Rom.  ed.  Luc.  T.  II.  P.  II.  p.  86. 
Chais  lettres  hist,  et  dogm.  sur  les  Jubiles,  T.  I.  p.  164  seq.  For.  1.  Albericus, 
who  himself  went  to  Rome  to  secure  the  dispensation  offered,  introduces  this  bull 
with  the  remark  :  Circa  praedictam  indulgentiam  alias  formas  habui,  quas  an  fue- 
rint  apostolicEe  ignoro,  tamen  sunt  pulchrs  et  ideo  eas  hie  describo ;  and  adds 
afterwards  :  Hkc  forma,  sicut  puto,  non  fuit  bullata,  nee  confirmata,  nee  servaba- 
tur  tempore  dicta  indulgentiK,  ad  quam  fui  cum  uxore  et  tribus  filiis.  2.  An- 
toninus Florentinus  Summa?,  P.  III.  Tit.  10,  c.  3,  §  6  :  sciendum  quod  in  copia 
cujusdam  bulla;,  quse  dicitur  esse  dementis,  niulta  narrantur,  quae  non  videntur 
esse  de  stylo  Curiae,  cum  sint  levia  et  exorbifantia  satis.  Unde  licet  adscribantur 
Clementi,  non  videtur  verisimile  illius  vel  alterius  summi  Pontiticis  fuisse,  sed 
fictitie  inventa.  3.  Nothing  is  known  of  any  such  resistance  of  the  Sorbonne,  as 
is  mentioned  by  John  Wessel  above.  4.  Baluze  observes  correctly  :  Insulsa  est 
compositio,  fatua,  demens,  aliena  a  stylo  curia?,  such  as  is  hardly  to  be  expected 
from  a  learned  man  like  Clement  VI.  It  is  impossible  that  he  should  have  allowed, 
as  in  this  bull  is  done,  all  priests  to  leave  their  churches  for  a  year,  all  monks  to  force 
their  abbots  to  give  them  permission  to  travel  and  the  means ;  which  betrays  rather 
the  interest  of  the  Romans,  who  were  never  satisfied  with  pilgrims.  5.  Ttie  bull 
orders  :  Volumus  insuper  et  ordinamus,  quod  omnes  Romipets  patrise  Romanse, 
Campaniae,  Tusciae,  Apulegis,  Calabrias,  Principatus  terrre  Lombardias  et  Italiae 
usque  ad  Pedemontem  in  prajfata  civitate  per  unum  mensem  sequentem  resident!- 


124  Third  Period.     Div.  IV,     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

The  widest  field,  however,  for  such  impostures  was  opened  by  the 
measure  above-mentioned,  of  Boniface  IX.,  of  exposing  the  Jubilee- 
indulgence  for  sale  every  where.  ^^ 

In  making  their  indulgences  dependent  upon  the  fulfilment  of  cer- 
tain arbitrary  external  conditions,  whilst  they  granted  to  some  and 
refused  to  others  what  was  alike  the  right  of  ali,i-  the  popes  conducted 
themselves  rather  as  the  uncontrolled  disposers  than  as  the  stewards 
of  the  heavenly  grace.  They  also  laid  themselves  open  to  the  same 
reproach  by  granting  privileges  to  certain  communities,  or  to  indi- 
viduals of  a  community,  to  which  all  had  an  equal  claim. ^^  This 
was  especially  seen  in  the  case  of  the  kings  of  France,  on  whom  the 
devoted  Clement  VI.  heaped  privileges  of  this  sort,  some  of  them 
highly  exceptionable  in  a  moral  point  of  view.'"* 

am  faciant,  etc.  in  opposition  to  the  true  bull  of  Jubilee  (see  note  5),  according  to 
which  only  the  inhabitants  of  Rome  were  thus  called  upon  to  have  absolution. 
In  this  we  detect  the  marks  of  Roman  avarice. 

"  Bonifacii  Ep.  ad  Episc.  Ferrariensem  (in  Raynald,  ann.  1390,  no.  2)  :  Ad 
audientiam  nostrum  —  fidedignorum  quamplurium  relatio  perduxit,  quod  qiiidam 
religiosi  diversorum,  etiam  mendicantium,  ordinum,  et  nonnulli  clerici  soeculares 
etiam  in  dignitatibus  constituti,  asserentes,  se  a  nobis  —  missos,  —  non  veras  et 
prjetensas  facultates  hujusmodi  mendacitei'  simulant,  cum  etiam  pro  qualibet  parva 
pecuniarum  summula  non  posnitentes  —  ab  atrocibus  delictis  —  absolvant,  male 
ablata  certa  et  incerta,  nulla  satisfactione  previa  (quod  omnibus  sa;culis  absurdissi- 
mum  est)  remittant ;  castitatis,  abslinentias,  peregrinationis  ultramarinas  —  et  alia 
quaevis  vota  levi  compensatione  commutent ;  de  ha'resi  vel  schismate  —  condemna- 
to?,  absque  eo  quod  in  debita  tbrma  abjurent,  —  non  tantura  absolvant,  sed  in  inte- 
grum restituant ;  —  et  indulgentiam,  quam  felicis  recordationis  Uibanus  P.  VI.  — 
Christifidelibus  certas  basilicas  et  ecclesias  dictas  urbis  instanti  anno  visitantibus 
concessit,  —  quihusvis  elargiri  pro  nihilo  ducant ;  —  ut  quasi  hominibus  perpetuam 
felicitatem  in  hoc  sajculo  polliceii  conentur,  et  ceternam  gloriam  in  futuro ;  et 
quasstum,  quem  exinde  percipiunt,  nomine  cameras  apostolicae  se  percipere  asse- 
rant,  et  nulJam  de  illo  nihilominus  rationem  velle  reddere  videantur.  They  were 
to  be  compelled  ad  reddendum  computum  de  receptis,  and  imprisoned. 

'^  The  theologians  of  the  time  discussed  the  question  very  seriously,  why  the 
Pope,  since  he  had  the  power,  did  not  release  all  souls  from  purgatory  :  e.  g. 
SummcB  Jlstesancs  (see  §  115,  note  1),  Lib.  V.  Tit.  40:  Si  Papa  potest  animas  in 
purgatorio  sic  absolvere,  saltem  per  modum  suflragii,  quare  ergo  non  absolvit  omnes 
solo  verbo,  cum  taiibus  sit  maxime  compatiendum  .-'  Resp.  Si  Deus  per  se  ipsum 
sic  miseretur,  ut  semper  velit  timer!  justitiam,  multo  fortius  similiter  Dei  Minister 
facere  debet :  unde  dispensatio  bonorum  Ecclesis  discrete  et  cum  moderamine  est 
facienda,  et  nisi  ita  fiat,  Deus  non  acceptat. 

'•'  Thus  Boniface  IX.,  1395,  allowed  as  a  privilege  to  the  city  of  Wolfhagen, 
that  an  interdict  imposed  on  its  inhabitants  for  the  offences  of  certain  individuals, 
should  cease  as  soon  as  the  excommunicated  persons  had  left  the  city.  See 
Kopps  Nachr.  v.  d.  geistlichen  und  Civilgerichtcn  in  d.  Hessen-Casselischen 
Landen,  Th.  1,  Beylageii  S.  61. 

'■*  What  these  were  (almost  all  passed  April  20,  1351)  see  in  d'Achery  Spicileg. 
T.  III.  p.  723  seq.  Especially  objectionable  is  the  Privilegium,  p.  724:  Vobis  et 
successoribus  vestris  Regibus  et  Reginis  Francise  —  in  perpetuum  indulgemus,  ut 
confessor  religiosus,  vel  sfecularis,  quem  vestrum  et  eorum  quilibet  duxeiit  eli- 
gendum,  vota  per  vos  forsitan  jam  eniissa,  ac  per  vos  et  successores  vestros  in 
posterum  emittenda,  ultramarino,  ac  bb.  Petri  et  Pauli  Apostolorum,  ac  castitatis 
et  continentiBB  votis  duntaxat  exceptis  ;  necnon  juramenta  per  vos  pra;stita,  et  per 
vos  et  eos  praestanda  in  posterum,  quae  vos  et  illi  servare  commode  non  possetis, 
vobis  et  eis  commutare  valeat  in  alia  opera  pietatis.  Further :  Quod  Rex  et 
Regina  in  locis  interdictis  possunt  facere  celebrare  ;  quod  Confessor  absolvere  eos 


Chap.  VI.     Church  Discipline.     §  117.      Year  of  Jubilee.      125 

Whilst  the  hierarchy  were  thus  prodigal  of  their  indulgences,  they 
were  no  less  so  of  their  punishments,'-^  so  that  these  too  lost  nnuch  of 
their  power. ^^  The  most  solemn  excommunications  were  those  which 
the  popes  pronounced  on  the  Thursday  before  Easter. ^^ 

potest  in  casibus  sedi  Apost.  reservatis  ;  quod  Confessor  Regi  cum  exercitu  potest 
dare  licentiam  vescendi  carnibus  ;  quod  confessor  Regeni  et  Reginam  dispensare 
potest  de  jcjuniis ,  quod  Rex  ingiedi  potest  Monasteriuin  inclusarum  ;  quod  Rex 
possit  facere  celebrare  super  Altare  portatile  in  sua  et  genliuiii  exercitus  sui 
prtesentia ;  quod  Pra^latus  celebrans  coram  Rege  sen  Regina  confcrre  potest 
unum  anniun  et  XL  dies  indulgentia;  ;  quod  Confessor  Regis  et  Regina;  eis  semel 
in  mortis  articulo,  et  quotiescunque  pro  Regni  defensione  imminet  periculum, 
plenam  remissionem  psccatorum  indulgere  possit ;  quod  orantihus  pro  Rege  et 
Regina  centum  dies  de  injunclis  poenilentiis  qualibet  die  relaxantur;  quod  Rex 
et  Regina  eligere  possunt  Confessorem,  qui  eos  absolvant,  si  excoinniunicationis 
sententiani  incurrerint  propter  manuum  injectionem  in  Clericos  ;  quod  nemo  potest 
in  terram  Regis  et  Reginai  interdicli  sententiani  promulgare  absque  auctoritate 
Apostolica;  quod  non  teneantur  ad  restitutionem  bonoruni,  nisi  his  qui  ad  notitiam 
eorum  venerint,  sed  eleemosynae  cedant  loco  restitutionis ;  quod  Confessor  Religi- 
osus  Regis  et  Reginte,  cui  est  esus  carnium  secundum  statuta  sui  Ordinis  interdic- 
tus,  licite  potest  in  eorum  cornitiva  vesci  carnibus;  quod  Clerici  Regis  et  Reginae 
possunt  a  quocumque  Episcopo  Ordines  suscipere,  etc. 

'*  See  above,  §  102,  note  4  ;  §  105,  note  6.  Thus  Alvarxis  Pelagius  de  planctu 
Eccl.  II.  c.  20,  reckons  amongst  the  usual  accusalions  brought  against  the  bishops, 
Trigesimum  quintum,  quod  pro  minimis  culpis  paratos  eliam  corrigi  excommuni- 
cant ;  quum  tamen  nemo  excommunicari  debeat,  nisi  pro  magnis  peccatis,  et 
quando  aliter  corrigi  non  potest. 

^^  Comp,  §  105,  note  9.  Mvarus  Pelagius  I.  c.  69,  discusses  the  question  : 
Quum  ecclesia  tantam  nunc  habeat  potestatem  temporalem,  cur  Pr.tlatorum  sen- 
tentis  aut  nullo  modo  aut  male  a  subditis  pro  majori  parte  servantur,  parvipendun- 
tur  et  despectui  habentur  ?  Petri  de  Jllliaco  Canones  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone. 
Const,  (written  1416)  in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  VIII.  p.  417:  De 
secundo  gravamine  supra  tacto,  scil.  de  multiplicatione  cxcommunicationum,  et  ex 
consequenti  irregularitatum,  quas  Rom.  Ecclesia  in  suis  constitutionibus  puenalibus, 
et  niaxime  in  quibusdam  novis  decretalibus  iniposuit,  et  saepe  per  suos  collectores 
in  raultorum  scandalum  fulminavit  (see  §  102,  note  4),  et  ad  cujus  exemplum  alii 
prselati  leviter  et  pro  levibus  causis  —  pauperes  exconmiunicatione  crudeliter  per- 
cutiunt,  necesse  est  providere.  —  Nam  gladius  ecclesia;,  scil.  excommuiiicatio,  qui 
in  primiliva  ecclesia,  venei-anda  raritate,  erat  formidabilis,  jam  propter  abusum 
contrarium  contemptibilis  effectus  est.  Jo.  Vitoduranus  in  the  Thesaur.  hist. 
Helv.  p.  70: 

Mos  interdicti  poena  nocuit  maledictas 

Plus  cfeteris  longe  censuris  Catliolicorum, 

Quam  tulit  in  plebem  Papa  nimis  temer 

Extinguit  cultum  Domini,  fidei  quoque  lumen; 

Devotos  animos  indurans  reddit  ineptos, 

Suscitat  ac  hsereses  improbitate  sua. 

"  Thus  Paschal  II.  pronounced  a  solemn  decree  of  excommunication  on  Henry 
IV.  in  coena  domini  1102  (see  §  49,  note  7),  Gregory  IX.  1227,  on  Frederick  II. 
{Ibid.  §  55,  note  7).  The  feria  quinta  was,  namely,  according  to  the  consuetude 
Romanae  Ecclesia;,  the  day  of  the  readmission  of  penitents  ( Guil.  Durandi 
Rationale  divin.  otfic.  Lib.  VI.  c.  7.3)  :  excommunication  on  that  day  was  therefore 
the  more  fearful.  Towards  the  end  of  the  13th  century,  it  had  already  become 
customary  for  the  Popes  to  repeat  on  this  day  every  year  certain  important  acts  of 
excommunication.  Thus  according  to  the  testimony  of  the  Cone.  Herbipol.  ann. 
1287.  c.  40.  against  the  imponentes  et  exigentes  nova  passagia  (see  §  63,  note  19). 
There  are  two  processus  in  coena  Domini  extant  of  Boniface  VIII.,  one  of  A.  D. 
1299,  against  those,  qui  ad  Saracenos  arma,  victualia  aliaque  deterrent  ( Bullar. 
Rom.  T.  III.  P.  II.  p.  92) ;  the  other  of  A.  D.  1303,  against  those,  qui  Isderent 
ad  sedem  Apostolicam  venientes  (ibid.  p.  96).     These  Processus  were  united,  and 


126  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

§   118. 

EPISCOPAL    INQUISITORIAL    SYNODS. 

[See  §  82,  note  1.] 

From  the  time  that  these  Synods  had  adopted  the  punishment  by 
fines  almost  exclusively,  they  seemed  to  have  become  only  a  new 
source  of  revenue  to  the  prelates. ^  The  most  suspicious  testimony 
was  admitted  without  scruple,  and  the  innocent  were  often  glad  to 
buy  themselves  free  from  false  accusations.^     The  efforts  of  the  laity 

yearly  repeated,  lor  the  most  part  in  the  same  form,  but  sometimes  also  with  slight 
moditications.  A  similar  compound  Processus  by  Gregory  XI.  of  A.  D.  1370,  is 
said  to  be  in  the  Vatican  (L  e  Bret  Gesch.  d.  Bulle  In  Coena  Domini,  Th.  2.  S. 
156):  the  oldest  yet  published,  however,  is  that  of  Gregory  XII.  A.  D.  1411 
(Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  1)  :  Excomuuinicanius  et  anathematizamus  ex  parte  Dei 
Patris,  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  auctoritate  quoque  bb.  Apostolorum  Petri  et 
Pauli  et  nostra  omncs  hiereticos,  Gazaios,  Patai-enos,  Pauperes  de  Lugduno,  Ai- 
naldistas,  Speronistas  et  Passaginos,  et  omnes  alios  haereticos,  quocunique  nomine 
censeantur,  et  omnes  fautores,  receptatores,  et  defensores  eorum.  Item  excom- 
municamus  et  anathematizamus  omnes  piratas,  cursarios,  et  latrunculos  marinos, 
et  omnes  fautores,  receptatores  et  defensores  eorum.  Item  excommunicamus  et 
anathematizamus  omnes  illos,  qui  equos,  arma,  ferrum,  lignamina,  vel  alia  prohi- 
bita  deferunt  Saracenis,  quibus  Christianos  impugnant.  Item  excotnmunicamus 
et  anathematizamus  omnes  illos,  qui  ad  sedem  Apostolicam  venientes  vel  rece- 
dentes  ab  ea,  necnon  illos,  qui  jurisdiclionem  ordinariam  vel  delegatam  aliquam 
non  habentes  in  eadein  curia  morantes  temeritate  pi-opria  capiunt,  spoliant,  percu- 
tiunt,  mutilant,  et  delinere  pra-sumunt,  et  qui  talia  fieri  faciunt  seu  mandant,  etc. 
This  Processus  annunlis,  after  various  changes  made  by  the  different  Popes  since 
Pius  V.  (1.566)  has  received  the  name  of  the  bull  In  cosna  Domini.  Of  its  origin, 
see  especially  Prosperi  Card.  Lambertini  (Benedicti  XIV)  de  feslis,  P.  I.  c.  196: 
Le  Brets  Pragmat.  Geschichte  der  Bulle  In  coena  Domini  (Frankf.  and  Leipz. 
1769-70.  4.  Bde.  4to.  l-2terBd.  N.  A.  1772)  gives  no  information  whatever  as 
to  its  origin. 

'  Petri  de  Alliaco  Canones  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone.  Const,  (written  1416)  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  VIII.  p.  421  :  Item  providendum  erit,  ut  Prselati 
in  suis  synodis,  et  eorum  otficiales  in  suis  curiis  non  ad  repletionem  bursarum 
intendant,  sed  ad  correctionem  vitiorum,  emendalionem  morum,  et  a^dificalionem 
animarum.  Et  ut  exactiones  pro  sigillis  et  Uteris  moderentur,  et  poenae  pecu- 
niaiiffi  vel  tollantur  vel  temperentur,  aut  in  totum  vel  partem  ad  pios  usus  notorie 
applicentur. 

^  JVic.  de  Clamengis  de  ruina  Ecclesias,  c.  21  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I. 
P.  III.  p.  23) :  Dici  non  potest,  quanta  mala  ubique  faciant  illi  scelerati  explora- 
tores,  quos  Promotores  appellant.  Simplices  et  pauperculos  agrestes,  vitam  satis 
innocuam  in  suis  tuguriis  agentes,  et  fraudis  urbanae  nescios  in  jus  saepe  pro  nihilo 
vocant.  Causas  et  crimina  contra  eos  sedulo  confingunt,  vexant,  torrent,  minan- 
tur,  sicque  eos  per  talia  secum  componere  et  pacisci  cogunt.  Quod  si  facere  re- 
nuerint,  crebris  cos  citationibus,  quotidieque  repetitis  supra  modum  infestant. 
Quod  si  semel  qualibet  occasione  pra»pediti  comparere  desierint,  censura  illico 
anathematis  ut  rebelles  et  contumaces  fcriuntur.  Si  vero  ad  diem  venire,  quoties 
vocati  erunt,  perseveraverint,  eorum  audientias  apud  judicum  tribunalia  impedient, 
morasque  et  subterfugia  dilationum  et  interlocutionum  captabunt,  qua?  perfacile  in 
foris  ecclesiasticis  oblinentur,  quo  vel  sic  longo  t*dio  longaque  sui  temporis  jactura 
fatigati  super  futuram  vexationem  atque  impensam  pecunias  pactione  redimere 
cc^antur.  Ita  fit  pro  levi  vel  nullo  delicto,  vel  pro  exiguo  debito  iniinitarum 
cumulus  expensarum.     The  same  complaints  are  found  in  the  Gravaminibus  of  the 


Chap.  VII.     Heretics.     §  119.      Older  Parties.  127 

became  therefore  more  and  more  general  to  shake  off  the  jurisdic- 
tion of  these  courts.^ 


CHAPTER    SEVENTH. 

HISTORY     OF     THE     HERETICAL     PARTIES. 
<§.   119. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    OLDER    PARTIES. 

The  labors  of  the  Inquisition  seem  to  have  been  very  successful  in 
sweeping  the  Albigenses  from  the  south  of  France, ^  and  scattering 
them  in  the  countries  lying  East;  especially  in  Bosnia,  where  we 
now  find   them   in   great  numbers.-     The  Waldenses,  on   the   other 

French  Barons,  A.  D.  1.329  (see  §  105,  note  6),  e.  g.  Giav.  VIII  :  Item  (officiales) 
faciunt  citari  plures  laicos  ex  officio  suo  super  aliquibus,  qute  sibi  imponunt,  niale- 
ficiis  responsui'os.  —  Et  quando  citati  liujusmodi  —  negabant  maleticia,  —  dicti 
officiales  ipsos  detinent  captos, —  licet  in  casibus  eis  iinpositis  pertineat  recredentia 
(ricriance),  et  licet  caplio  et  detentio  ad  eosdem  officiales  mininie  pertineat,  sed 
ad  judices  saculares.  IX.  Item  in  casibus  supra  dicfis  licet  —  iidem  laici  reperi- 
antur  puri  et  innocentes,  nihilominus  dicti  officiales  nolunt  eos  expei'ire,  donee  pro 
scripturis  processuum  seu  inquesta  (enquHe)  praedictorum  satisfactionem  fecerint 
de  magna  pecuniae  quantitate  :  licet  de  jure  in  tali  casu  eis  expensas  i-estituere 
tenerentur.  XXXVII.  Item  cum  quis  excommunicatus  est  in  aliquo  loco,  dicti 
officiales  dant  citationes  personales  super  participibus,  et  faciunt  citari  totam  patriam 
ad  unam  vel  duas  Icucas  (lieues)  circumquaque,  vel  tales,  qui  noverunt  excom- 
municatum  bene  XL,  LX  vel  centum  pei'sonae  purgaturaj  se  super  participatione 
prEedictorum.  Ex  quo  sequitur,  quod  piobi  homines  antiqui  et  senes  redimunt  se 
quilibet  de  XII  denariis  vel  de  duobus  solidis  pro  vitandis  expensis  et  laboribus. 
XXXVIII.  Item  dicti  officiales  imponunt  pluribus  personis  famse  laudabilis  et 
honestae  vitae,  quod  sunt  usurarii,  et  oportet  eos  cum  ipsis  officialibus  concordare 
pro  evitanda  eorum  infamia  et  labore.  XXXIX.  Item  dicti  officiales  faciunt  citari 
aliquem  bonum  hominem  conjugatum,  et  imponunt  ei,  quod  adulteratus  est  cum 
aliqua  :  et  similiter  mulierem  aliquam  conjugatam,  imponendo  sibi,  quod  adulterata 
est,  in  perpetuam  infamiam  ipsorum  conjugum,  et  cuin  hoc  extorsionem  pecunia- 
rum  recipiunt  ab  eisdem,  etc. 

'  Compare  §  84,  note  4.  In  A.  D.  1357,  the  city  of  Marburg  also  we  find  free 
from  clerical  jurisdiction.  K  op  p  s  Nachricht  von  den  Geistl.  u.  Civilgerichten  in 
Hessen,  Th.  1.  S.  183. 

'  In  the  Liber  sententiarum  Inquisitionis  Tolosans  ab  anno  Chr.  1307  ad  annum 
1323,  appended  to  Ph.  a  Limborch  hist.  Inquisitionis,  there  are  still  many  Sententice 
contra  Albigenses.     Compare  Hist,  generale  de  Languedoc,  T.  IV.  p.  183  seq. 

^  Petri  Ranzani  (>f  1492)  Epit.  Rerum  Hungaricarum  Index  XIX  (in 
Schwandtneri  Scriptores  Rerum  Hungar.  T.  I.  p.  377)  says  of  Lewis  I.  king  of 
Hungary  :  Expugnavit  Bosnenses  et  Bulgaros,  qui  ab  ipso  desciverant  (A.  D. 
1359).  —  Navavit  et  operam,  ut  Patareni,  Bosnensis  natio,  abjecta  execrabili  ilia 
Manichceorum  hasresi,  cui  perdiu  inhaeserant,  ad  fidei  veritatem  unitatemque 
redirent.  Verum  pei-fidi  homines  haud  multo  post,  ab  eorum  ha?resiarchis  per- 
suasi,  ad  pristinos  redierunt  errores.  cf.  Joh.  de  Thwrocz  Chron.  Hungarorum, 
written  1473,  P.  III.  c.  47  ( Schwandtner  I.  p.  195)  and  Raynald.  ann.  1366, 
no.  11. 


128         Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

hand,  resisted  successfully  all  the  persecutions  to  which  they  were 
subjected,  and  were  not  to  be  driven  from  the  valleys  of  Piedmont, 
whither  they  had  retreated. ^  All  the  other  heretical  parties  were 
designated  by  the  common  name  of  Beghards.  Amongst  these  the 
Fratricelli  and  the  brethren  and  sisters  of  the  free  spirit  form  the 
two  great  divisions,  though  the  various  combinations  and  modifications 
of  opinions  give  the  parlies  different  aspects  in  different  countries. 
In  the  south  of  France,  Italy,  and  Sicily  the  Fratricelli  were  pre- 
dominant."* The  German  Beghards,  on  the  other  hand,  called  indis- 
criminately Lollards,^  were  brethren  of  the  free  spirit,*^  and  not  only 

3  See  the  letter  of  John  XXII  to  the  Inquisitor  at  Marseilles,  A.  D.  1332,  in 
Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  31  :  in  vallibus  Lucerna?  et  Pei-usiae,  —  Philippi  dc  Sabau- 
dia  —  teniporali  dominio  siibjectis,  ita  creverunt  et  multiplicati  sunt  hsretici,  pras- 
cipue  de  sccta  Waldensium,  quod  fi-equunter  congregationes  per  modum  capituli 
facere  inibi  pi'aesumpscrunt,  in  quibus  aliquaiido  quingenti  AValdenses  I'uerunt  in 
simul  congregati ;  quodque  duduni  —  dicti  Waldenses  conti'a  ipsum  Albertum 
Inquisitoiem  inanu  insurrexerunt  ai-mata,  et  quod  quadam  die  quondam  Guilelmum 
rectorem  pai-ochialis  EcclesiEe  de  Engravia  Taurineusis  dioecesis,  celebrata  Missa 
per  euin  jn  platea  dictaj  villas  nequiter  occiderunt,  etc.  In  1403  St.  Vincentius 
Ferrerius  undertook  the  conversion  of  these  vallies  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  24). 
Of  their  being  found  in  the  south  of  Fiance  till  A.  D.  1323,  see  Liber  sententiarum 
Inquis.  Tolos.  appended  to  Limborch.  —  In  A.  D.  1335,  Benedict  XII.  attempted 
to  exterminate  them  from  Dauphiny  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  63)  :  though  as  late 
as  1373  they  were  slill  found  there  in  great  numbers  (see  Gregorii  P.  XI.  Ep.  ad 
Carol,  v.,  in  Raynald.  1373.  no.  20),  and  in  1375  they  were  violently  persecuted 
in  the  same  province  (Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  26). 

*  See  §  110,  note  3.  Thus  the  Beguines  in  the  Liber  Sententiarum  Inquis. 
Tolos.  see  Limborch,  p.  3S1,  were  all  Beguini,  qui  se  dicunt  esse  de  tertio  ordine 
s.  Francisci. 

*  See  above,  §  112,  note  3. 

^  They  were  found  chiefly  at  Cologne,  where  an  edict  was  issued  against  them 
in  1306,  by  the  archbishop,  Henry  of  Virncburg  ( .Mosheim  de  Beghardis  et  Be- 
guinabus,  p.  210).  In  A.  D.  1322,  Waltherus,  Fratiicellorum  princeps  et  haere- 
siai-cha  pessimus  was  burnt  at  the  stake  (Jo.  Trithemii  Chron.  Hirsaug.  T.  II. 
p.  155),  and  the  persecution  wasi-enewed  in  1325  (see  the  contemporary  Willelmi 
Egmondani  Chron.  in  Ant.  Matthmi  veteris  aevi  Analecta,  T.  II.  p.  643  :  Eodem 
anno  Begardorum  nequitia,  quifi  diversis  mundi  climatibus  hactenus  latere  cernitur, 
apud  Coloniam  propalatur.  Isti  enim  eorum  ibidem  stultitiam  prsdicantes,  et 
matronas  varias  ad  ipsorum  ludibria  conlrahentes  sub  terra  quoddam  mirabile 
habitaculum  fecerant,  quod  P arady sum  xocsihAni.  —  Ad  quern  locum,  ut  sa-pius 
etiam  in  nocte  Parasceues  convenire  decreverant,  ubi  cujusdara  potentis  uxorem 
cum  ceteris  invitabant.  The  husband  followed,  cujusdam  Lollardi  habitu  indutus. 
One  of  the  company,  nititur  surgere,  in  Jesu  su*que  matris  Maria,  ut  ajebat,  prae- 
sentia  erroris  materiam  propalare.  Duo  enim  —  ibidem  aderant,  qui  se  Mariam  et 
ejus  tilium  asserebant.  Dictus  itaque  nudus  prfedicans,  et  omnes  more  innocen- 
tum  ad  nuditateni  exhortans,  vario  errore  tam  prima  quam  media  nititur  detegere, 
et  conclusionem  tenebris,  extinctione  candelarum  videlicet,  deturpare,  which  was 
the  signal  for  the  most  scandalous  scenes.  The  concealed  witness  informed  against 
them.  Capiuntur  igitur  —  hujus  secta;  singuli,  quorum  corpus  aut  ignis  voragine 
aut  Rheni  flumine  suflbcatur).  Shortly  after  this  the  Provincial  of  the  Domini- 
cans, Jlkardus  or  Eccardus,  in  Cologne,  was  discovered  and  condemned  as  a 
Beghard,  and  the  sentence  confirmed  by  John  XXII,  A.  D.  1329  (Raynald.  ad 
h.  a.  no.  70.  Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  281).  Still  the  decrees  against  them  had 
to  be  renewed  by  archbishop  Walram,  1335  (Mosheim,  p.  294),  and  his  successor, 
William,  1357,  quia  hujusmodi  hominum  perniciosa  de  novo  incipit  in  nostra  civi- 
tate  et  dioecesi  invalescere  multitudo  (Mosheim,  p.  330). —  In  Strasburg  a  decree 
was  issued  against  them  by  the  bishop,  A.  D.  1317  (^Mosheim,  p.  255) :  and  as  late 


Chap.    VII.     Heretics.     §  119.    Bcghards.  129 

renounced  their  allegiance  to  the  church,  but  all  regard  to  the  com- 
mon rules  of  morality. ■'^     They  disseminated  their  doctrines  by  means 

as  1366  many  of  them  were  burned  at  the  stake  in  that  city  (Moshehn,  p.  332)  : 
—  In  Constance  three  Bcghards  were  burned  in  A.  D.  1.'539  {Vitoduranus,  ^. 
76),  in  Speyer,  1356,  a  ha?resiarcha  ex  eorum  secta,  Berthold,  who  had  been 
before  distinguished  for  his  activity  in  the  cause  in  Franconia  {Jo.  Trithemii 
Chron.  Hirsaug.  T.  II.  p.  23!). —  At  about  tliis  time  they  began  to  spread  in  the 
north  of  Germany.  In  Magileburg,  1336,  quiedam  Beghina;  dc  his,  qua;  se  de 
alto  spiritu  appelhint  were  discovered  by  archbishop  Otho  (Chron.  Magdeb.  in 
Meihomii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  T.  II.  p.  340)  :  afterwards  it  is  related  to  the  praise 
of  the  inquisitor,  Walter  Kerling,  that  by  his  activity,  A.  D.  1367,  this  sect  in 
Magdeburg  et  in  Erfordia  et  partibus  convicinis  est  abolita  et  deleta  (Chron.  Mag- 
deb. completed  in  /.  G.  Menckenii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  T.  III.  p.  370.  cf. 
Moshehn,  p.  338).  —  In  Liibeclc,  A.  D.  1402,  Wilhelmus  quidam,  albis  vestibus 
indutus,  et  pro  Apostolo  se  gerens  was  discovered  per  varia  impudicitias  signa  et 
verba  diversis  personis  expressa,  et  turpia  exercitia  cum  pluiibus  habita.  Propter 
quod  a  bonis  et  honestis  muliei-ibus  accusabatur  apud  Inquisitorem  han-eticEe  pravi- 
tatis  (Herm.  Ccerneri  Chron.  in  Eccardi  Corp.  Scriptt.  medii  a;vi.  T.  II.  p.  1185). 

"<  See  §  87,  note  20.  Compare  also  the  bull  of  John  XXII.,  A.  D.  1329,  {Ray- 
nald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  70),  condemning  the  26  pi-opositions  of  the  Dominican  Eccard 
(see  note  6).  The  verbal  agreement  of  many  of  these  with  the  i'ragments 
given  by  Mosheim  from  a  German  work  of  the  sect  Do  noveni  j'upibus  seems 
to  prove  that  Eccard  was  the  author  of  this  last.  See  further  the  pioposi- 
tions  of  the  Beghards  condemned  by  John  XXII.  in  the  bull  In  agro  Do- 
niinico  1330,  in  Ccerneri  Chron.  in  Eccardi  Corp.  Scriptt.  medii  svi,  T.  II. 
p.  1035,  in  Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  284  :  I.  Quod  in  anima  nostra  est  a  Deo 
increatum  et  increabile,  puta  intellectus  humanus.  II.  Item  quod  Deus  neque 
bonus  est  neque  malus,  sed  nee  optimus  :  et  tam  male  dictum  est,  Deum  esse 
bonum,  sicut  dicere,  album  esse  nigrum.  III.  Item  quod  in  omni  malo  tam  poena? 
quam  culpa;  manifestatur  et  relucet  squaliter  gloria  Dei.  IV.  Item  quod  vitupe- 
rans  quenquam,  ipso  peccato  vituperii  laudat  Deum,  et  quanto  plus  vituperat  et 
gravius  peccat,  tanto  amplius  laudat  Deum.  V.  Item  quod  petens  a  Deo  hoc  vel 
hoc,  malum  petit  et  male,  quia  petit  negationem  boni,  et  negalionem  Dei,  et  orat 
sibi  Deum  negari.  VI.  Item  quod  in  illis  hominibus  honoratur  Deus,  qui  non 
intendunt  res,  nee  honores,  nee  utilitatem,  nee  devotionem  internam,  nee  sanctita- 
tem,  nee  premium  aut  regnum  coelorum,  sed  omnibus  his  renuntiaverant.  VII. 
Item  quod  homo  debeat  bene  deliberare,  utrum  ipse  velit  a  Deo  aliquid  recipere, 
quia  ubi  esset  homo  a  Deo  recipiens,  ibi  esset  sub  Deo,  vel  infra  eum,  sicut  unus 
famulus  vel  servus,  et  Deus  aliquid  esset  in  dando.  Sed  sic  non  debemus  esse  in 
vita  aeterna,  sed  debemus  ei  conregnare.  VIII.  Item  quod  nos  transformamur 
totaliter  in  Deum,  et  convertiniur  in  eum  simili  modo,  sicut  in  Sacramento  panis 
convertitur  in  corpus  Christi.  IX.  Item  quod  quilibet  talis  dicere  potest:  quic- 
quid  dedit  pater  unigenito  filio  suo  in  divinis,  hoc  totum  dedit  et  mihi  et  sibi.  X. 
Item  quod  quicquid  dicit  s.  Scriptura  de  Christo,  hoc  totum  verificatur  etiam  de 
quolibet  homine  justo  et  bono.  XI.  Item  quod  quicquid  est  proprium  divinfe 
naturae,  hoc  totum  proprium  est  homini  justo  et  bono,  et  propter  hoc  homo  iste 
operator,  quod  Deus  operator,  et  creavit  una  cum  Deo  coelum  et  terram,  et  est 
genitor  verbi  asterni,  et  Deus  sine  tali  homine  nihil  facere  potest.  XII.  Item  quod 
bonus  homo  debet  conformare  voluntatem  suam  voluntati  Dei  in  omnibus,  ut  ipse 
velit  Deo  conformiter,  quod  ipse  vult.  Et  quia  Deus  vult,  me  aliquo  modo  pec- 
casse,  ideonollem  ego,  quod  peccata  non  commisissem,  et  base  vera  est  poenitentia. 
XIII.  Item  quod  si  homo  commisisset  mille  peccata  mortalia,  si  homo  esset  ad 
talia  di*positus,  non  deberet  se  velle  ea  non  conimisissc.  XIV.  Item  quod  Deus 
non  prcecepit  propi-ie  actum  exteriorem,  nee  actus  exterior  est  bonus,  aut  divinus, 
nee  operatur  in  ipsum  propi-ie  Deus.  XV.  Item  quod  bonus  homo  est  unigenitus 
Dei  filius,  quem  Pater  aeternaliter  genuit.  XVI.  Item  quod  omnes  creatura;  sunt 
unum  pure  nihil.  They  held  the  highest  distinction  of  man  to  be,  to  live  as  a  part 
of  the  Universal,  i.  e.  of  God.  In  those  who  were  conscious  of  this  oneness  with 
God,  every  inclination  and  impulse  was  divine,  and  every  law  which  hindered  its 
gratification,  a  hindrance  to  the  perfect  union  with  God.     They  supposed   that 

VOL.    HI.  17 


130  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

of  wandering  preachers,^  and  writings  in  the  German  language,^  and 
by  their  heresies  called  once  more  into  action  the  long  dormant 
power  of  the  Inquisition  in  Germany."^  To  these  Beghards  belonged 
perhaps  the  Adamites,  who  appeared  in  Austria  in  the  year  1312,^^ 

before  the  fall  man  had  this  consciousness  of  unity  with  God  in  its  greatest  perfec- 
tion ;  and  this  state  they  wanted  to  restore.  Hence  the  custom  of  assembling 
naked,  the  name  Paradise  for  their  places  of  assembling,  and  the  promiscuous 
intercourse  (see  note  6)  instead  of  wedlock,  which,  as  an  especial  connexion  with 
an  individual,  they  considered  a  hindrance  to  the  oneness  with  the  Universal. 

**  Conradus  de  Monte  PueUarum,  Canon,  in  Ratisbonne  in  the  14th  century, 
says  of  the  Beghards,  in  a  fragment  published  by  Gretser  (appended  to  Rainerius 
contra  Waldenses,  liigolst.  1613.  4to.,  also  in  the  Biblioih.  Patrum  Lugd.  T.  XXV. 
p.  310)  :  Sunt  enim  hujusmodi  viri  rusticani,  et  pleriquo  mochanici,  corpore  ro- 
busti,  et  literarum  omnino  inexperti  ac  penitus  idiota;,  aut  si  literas  aliqualiter 
norunt,  tenuissimum  taincn  est,  quod  sciunt.  Hi  opera  manualia  suoi-um  post- 
ponentes  artiticionun,  cucullali  gyro\agando  provincias  ])er  diversas  incedunt,  et 
latebras  quajrunt  occultas,  pra!cipue  hosi)itiis  Beginarum  inhiantes,  co  quod  simile 
suo  simili  coinplaudat.  Quihus  pro  nocturno  leceptaculo  in  prima  congressione 
malitia;  sufe,  coloratis  verbis,  insanas  et  ut  plurimum  infectivas  seminant  doctrinas. 
At  ills  illorum  in  crastino  promotrices,  scu  ut  verius  dicam  copulatrices,  ostiatim 
per  domos  cursitant  mulierum,  intimando  sub  arcani  sigillo,  assei-entes,  angelum 
verbi  divini  adesse  occullum,  quoadusque  conventicula  eisdem  hypocritis  placita 
congregentur.  Quibus  secretissime  convenientibus  in  unum,  labia  sua;  malitiaj 
resolvunt,  de  attributis  in  divinis  atque  de  proprietatibus  divinae  bonitatis  disseren- 
do.  Et  sic  paulatim  descendendo  affirmant,  qualiter  ex  pietate  divina  homo  ad  Dei 
imaginein  creatus  existat,  et  tantum  meieri  valeat  pei-  exercitium  bonorum  ope- 
rum,  ut  Christo,  Domino  nostro,  in  humana  anima  sua  aque  perfectus  quis  efficia- 
tur.  Talium  etenim  unum  de  Suevia  natum  ego  in  llatispona  rcperi,  qui  jam 
prEedictum  et  articulos  alios  in  Clementinis  prohibitos  sub  titulo  de  Haereticis  Ad 
nostrum  ( Clementin.  Lib.  V.  Tit.  3.  c.  3)  diligenter  affirmabat,  etc.  These 
strolling  preachers  seem  to  be  the  Apostoli  who  are  so  frequently  mentioned  in 
connexion  with  the  Beghards. 

8  Such  as  those  of  Eccard,  see  note  8.  So  too,  Walter,  who  was  burned  in 
Cologne,  see  Trithemii  Chron.  Hirsaug.  T.  II.  p.  155:  Lohareus  {Lolhardus] 
autem  ille  Waltherus,  natione  Hollandinus,  Latini  sermonis  parvam  habebat  noti- 
tiam,  et  quia  Romano  non  potuit,  scrnione  sibi  Teuthonico  plures  sui  erroris  libellos 
conscrip^it,  quos  deccptis  per  se  occultissiine  communicuvit.  Of  Gerhardl  Beg- 
hardi  tract,  de  spiiiiuali  exercitatione  reparalionis  la])sus,  see  Mosheim  de  Beg- 
hardis,  p.  376.  Compare  the  edict  of  the  emperor  Charles  IV.  in  A.  D.  1369  (in 
Mosheim,  p.  369)  :  Attcndentes,  —  quod  in  pariibus  Alemanniae  propter  sermones, 
tractatus  et  alios  libros  in  vulgari  scriptos,  inter  personas  laicas  vcl  pene  laicas 
disperses,  quos  libi-os  ut  plurimum  vel  viciosos,  erroneos  ac  lepra  hasresis  infectos 
laici  legentes  —  a  veritate  auditum  avertunt.  —  Quapropter  districte  praecipiendo 
mandamus  universis, —  quatenus  in  recipiendis,  exigendis  hujusmodi  libris  vulgari 
scriplis, — prcesertim  cum  Laicis  utriusque  scxus  secuiuhmi  canonicas  sanctioues 
etiam  libris  viilgaribus  quibuscunque  de  sacra  scriptura  uti  noii,  liceat  (see  §  86, 
note  26),  —  assistatis  Inquisitoribus,  etc. 

'**  About  A.  D.  1367,  Uiban  V.  appointed  2  Dominicans  to  be  Inquisitors  for 
Germany  (Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  335),  one  of  whom,  Wallher  Kerling,  soon 
made  himself  formidable  to  the  Beghards.  In  1369  the  Inquisitors  were  vigorously 
supported  by  Charles  IV  (Mosheim,  p.  34.3).  Gregory  XI.  increased  the  number 
of  Inquisitors  to  lour,  A.  D.  1372  (Mosheim,  p.  380);  Boniface  IX.,  1399,  ap- 
pointed six  for  the  north  of  Germany  alone  (Mosheim,  p.  384). 

"  See  Anonymi  Auctoris  brevis  narratio  de  nefanda  hseresi  Adamitica  in  variis 
Austriae  locis  sajculo  XIV  grassante  in  Fezii  Scriptt.  Rerum  Austriac.  T.  II.  p. 
533.  In  A.  D.  1312,  there  were  numerous  heretics  detected  in  Krems,  St.  Hip- 
polyt  and  Vienna,  and  many  of  them  burned.  Their  offences :  Primus  casus  est, 
quod  comparabant  Missas  Lucifero,  credentes  et  dicentes,  quod  ipse  adhuc  cum 


Chap.  VII.     Heretics.     §  120.     Flagellants.  131 

and  the  Luciferians  in  Angermuende,  A.  D.  138C;i~  but  certainly 
the  Turlupiiies,  who  were  exterminated  from  the  Isle  of  France, 
A.  D.  1372.1^ 


^  120. 

FLAGELLANTS. 

[Jac.  Soileav]  Historia  Flagellantium,  de  recto  et  perverso  flagrorum  usu  apud 
Christianos.  Paris.  1700.  12mo.  Ch.  Schcettgen  de  secta  flagellantium  com- 
mentatio.  Lips.  1711.  8vo.  —  Dr.  E.  G.  Forstemann  die  christl.  Geiszler- 
gesellschaften.  Halle,  1828.  8vo. 

Notwithstanding  the  easy  terms  on  which  the  forgiveness  of  sins 
was  now  granted  by  the  church,  the  practice  of  flagellation  still  con- 
tinued in  high  repute  amongst  the  devout.  Among  the  common 
people  also,  In  times  of  great  calamity  and   distress,  this   means  of 


Michcele  confligeret,  et  de  eo  triumpharet,  et  quod  tunc  Lucifer,  Angelique  sui 
apostata;  cum  credentibus,  h.  e.  cum  liEereticis,  aeterna  gaudia  possideant.  Secun- 
dus  casus  est :  Sanctus  autem  Michael  cum  suis  Angelis  in  beatitudine  jam  exis- 
tentibus,  suisque  credcntibus,  aeterno  deputetur  incendio  puniendus.  Item  dicunt 
se  habere  XVI  Apostolos,  annis  singulis—  climata  raundi  perlustrantes,  ex  quibus 
annuatim  Paradisum  introOant,  aucforitatem  ligandi  et  solvendi  ab  Helia  et  Enoch 
recipiant,  quam  suis  possent  communicare  credentibus.  They  denied  that  Mary 
was  a  virgin,  rejected  the  sacraments  and  the  worship  of  the  church,  and  re- 
proached the  clergy.  Quintam  feriam  noctem  insomnem,  diemque  Parasceues  in 
luxuria  et  voluptate,  ac  dissolutione  repletioneque  ventris  in  esu  carnium  —  tran- 
sigebant  (because  this  was  the  great  fast  of  the  church).  Further,  of  their 
hypocritical  observance  of  Catholic  customs,  secret  marks  of  recognition,  &,c. 
One  of  them,  who  was  burned  to  death  by  St.  Hippolyt,  confessed:  fateor  hodie, 
si  tides  nostra  per  XV  annos  in  suo  robore  perstitisset,  cogitaveraraus  earn  publico 
prsEdicare,  ac  manu  valida  defensare.  It  is  further  remarked:  raro  est  apud  eos 
homo  cujuscunque  sexus,  qui  textum  Novi  Testamenti  non  sciat  cordetenus  in 
vulo-ari.  In  a  persecution  which  took  place  afterwards,  they  resisted,  see  Cata- 
logus  Abbatum  Glunicensium  in  Fez.  1.  c.  p.  330 :  anno  1338,  in  civitati  Laurea- 
censi  et  Styrensi,  aliisque  vicinis  locis  suborta  est  inquisitio  hsreticorum,  et  ab 
istis  econtra  persecutio  Catholicorum,  prajsertim  Cleri  et  Religiosorum.  An  ac- 
count of  these  Austrian  heretics  is  given  also  by  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  p.  44  and  45 
ad  ann.  1336,  and  their  meetings  in  hypogeis  sive  aliis  quibusque  locis  subterra- 
neis  described.  It  is  to  be  observed,  however,  that  the  name  haeresis  Adamitica 
is  found  applied  to  these  heretics  only  in  the  title  of  this  anonymous  work,  which 
is  plainly  of  a  later  date.  The  name  was  perhaps  taken,  therefore,  from  the  Adam- 
ites, who  appeared  in  Bohemia  in  the  15th  century.  It  is  uncertain,  from  the 
imperfect  account  we  have  of  these  heretics,  whether  they  belonged  to  the 
brethren  of  the  free  spirit,  or  to  the  Cathari,  who  are  found  in  these  regions  as 
early  as  the  13th  century  (see  Epist.  Yvonis,  §  87,  note  15). 

12  Chronicon  Magdeb.  apud  Meibom.  II.  p.  340. 

1^  Mosheim  de  Beghardis,  p.  413  seq.  ThusGregorii  XI.  Ep.  ad  Carolum  V.  in 
Raynald.  ann.  1373,  no.  19:  secta  Begardorum,  qui  alias  Turlupini  dicuntur. 
Jo.  Gersonii  Sermo  de  s.  Ludovico  (0pp.  et  du  Pin,  T.  III.  p.  1435)  :  Begardi  et 
Turilupini  de  nulla  re  naturaliter  data  erubescendum  esse  dicebant.  Id.  de  ex- 
aminat.  doctrinarum,  P.  II.  Cons.  6.  A.  D.  1423  (T.  I.  p.  19):  sicut  nulla  est 
vehementior  quam  luxuriosa  libido,  sic  ad  errandum  falsumque  docendum  nulla 
perniciosior.  Patuit  in  sectis  Turelupinorum,  quarum  sequaces  non  desunt  usque 
hodie,  quando  et  ubi  latere  putaverint  .serpunt  ubilibet. 


132  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

appeasing  the  divine  wrath  was  resorted  to,i  as  more  efficacious  than 
those  commonly  used  in  the  church.  In  the  year  1348  a  phigue, 
which  came  from  Asia  into  Europe,  and  spread  its  desolation  far  and 
wide,-  led  to  the  formation  of  various  societies  of  Flagellants,  first 
established  in  the  north  of  Germany  in  the  spring  of  1349,  and  soon 
extending  themselves  throughout  tlie  land,  as  well  as  in  the  neigh- 
bouring countries.'^  They  conducted  their  exercises  according  to 
fixed  rules,  having  no  connexion  with  the  clergy,  and  being  solely 
under  the  direction  of  their  own  masters  (Magistri)  ; '^  nor  did  they 
make  any  secret  of  their  conviction  that  the  means  of  salvation 
recommended  by  the  church  were  far  inferior  in  efficacy  to  their 
flagellations.^  Clement  VI.  prohibited  their  public  processions,  al- 
ready very  common,'^  but  this  only  led  them  to  practise  their  penance 
the    more    zealously    in   private.     The  disgust    against   the    church, 

'  Of  the  pilgrimages  of  the  Flagellants  in  Italy,  in  the  years  1334  and  1350,  see 
Forstemann,  S.  54. 

^  Called  in  Germany  the  great  death,  in  the  north  the  black  death,  see  Kurt 
Sprengels  Beitrage  zur  Gesch.  der  Medicin,  Bd.  1.  St.  1.  S.  36  ff. 

^  Of  these,  Cruciferi,  Flagellatores,  Flagellantes,  see  Heinr.  a  Rebdorff  anmles 
ad  ann.  1849 ;  Matthice  JVeoburg.  Continuation  by  Albertiis  Argent,  in  Ursti- 
tius  II.  p.  147;  Limpurgische  Chronik,  S.  10;  Henricus  de  Hervordia  in 
B  r  u  n  s  Beitrilgen  aus  alten  Handschriften,  St.  3.  S.  294 ;  Jac.v.  Konigsho- 
vens  Elsassische  Chronik,  S.  297.  —  Compare  Forstemann,  S.  64  ff. 

■*  See  Jac.  v.  Konigshoven,  S.  298  (in  Forstemann,  S.  258)  :  Heinr.  a  Rebdorff 
ad  ann.  1349  :  Isti  flagellatores  cum  multas  superstitiones  attentare  pra'sumerent, 
nimirum  invicem  se  absolvere  a  peccatis,  prajdicantes  apocrypha  et  similia,  propter 
quod  Laici  sunt  Clero  graviter  indignati. 

*  See  the  song  of  the  Flagellants,  fragments  of  which  are  given  in  the  Limpurg 
Chronicle,  but  which  are  given  more  complete  in  a  Low-German  dialect,  by  Dr. 
H.  F.  Massmann  (Erlauterungen  zum  Wessobrunner  Gebet,  Berlin,  1824.  S.  39. 
Compare  Forstemann,  S.  267). 

^  In  the  bull  of  the  20th  of  Oct.  1349,  directed  to  the  German  archbishops,  in 
Jo.  Trithemii  Chron.  Hirsaug.  II.  p.  209 ;  and  in  Raynald.  ann.  1349,  no.  20  : 
Sane  molesta  nobis  —  relatio — nostrum  —  turbavit  auditum,  quod  in  partibus  regni 
Germanise  et  ei  convicinis  quanlam  sub  prajlcxtu  devotionis  et  agendse  poenitenfiae 
vana  religio  et  superstitiosa  adinventio — surrexerit,  per  quam  profana  multitudo 
simplicium  hominum,  qui  se  Flagellatores  appellant,  decepta  vei-bis  tictis  et  men- 
dacibus  malignorum,  asserentium  Salvatorem  nostrum  Jerosolymis  Patriarchae 
Jerosolymitano  apparuisse  (cum  tamen  a  longis  citra  tempoiibus  nullus  ibidem 
prassentialiter  fuerit  Patriarcha),  et  sibi  aliqua  dixisse,  qu«  colorem  non  habentia 
nee  saporem,  in  quibusdam  scripture  sacl•a^  obviare  noscuntur,  in  illam  cordis 
vesaniam  et  animEe  damnationis  praecipitiuni  est  deducta  ;  —  quod  se  per  societates 
et  conventicula  —  dividens  diversas  circuivit  patrias,  ca;terorum  vitam  et  statum 
contemnendo  se  justificant,  et  claves  ecclesia'  vilipendunt,  ac  in  contemptum  dis- 
ciplinae  ecclesiasticae  crucem  Domini  ante  se,  et  habitum  certum,  nigrum  videlicet, 
ante  et  retro  ipsius  viviticas  crucis  appensum  habentem  signaculum,  sine  superioris 
licentia  deferentes ;  sub  nomine  pcEnitentiae  vitam  geiunt  insolitam  ;  congrega- 
tiones,  conventicula  et  coadunationes,  qua»  a  jure  sunt  prohibits,  faciunt,  et  ad 
alios  actus  prosiliunt,  a  vita  et  moribus  observantiaque  fidelium  Christianorum 
penitus  alienos  ;  ordinationes  etiam  et  statuta,  quibus  utuntur,  imo  vcrius  abutun- 
tur,  propria  temeritatc  fecerunt,  erroris  suspicione  non  vacua  et  judicio  rationis 
carentia.  After  the  prohibition  follows  the  limitation  :  Per  pra;dicta  tamen  nequa- 
quam  intendiinus  prohibere,  quin  Chrislifideles  impositam  sibi  panitentiam,  vel 
etiam  non  impositam,  dummodo  lecta  intentione  et  pura  devolione  ad  illam  pera- 
gendam  procedant,  in  suis  hospitiis,  vel  alias,  absque  superstitiosis  congregationi- 
bus,  societatibus  et  conventiculis  supradictis  possint  facere. 


Chap- 


VII.     Heretics.     §  120.    Flagellants.  133 


which  persecuted  a  work  so  well  pleasing  .n  the  sight  of  God  merely 
from  Hterested  motives,  led  them  now  to  associate  themselves  to- 
gether more  closely,  and  thus,  with  th^  help  of  the  Beghards,  there 
Lung  up  the  heretic  5..^  of  the  Flagellants  someUmes  compre- 
hende^d  under  the  more  general  name  of  Beghards  ^  This  sect  con- 
tinned  in  Germany  (found  especially  in  Thuringia)  till  the  Reforma- 
tion,  and  was  always  much  dreaded  by  the  church.« 

7  First  trace  of  them  in  the  letter  of  Gregory  XI.  to  an  Inquisitor  in  Germany, 
b  irst  tiace  oi  inem  u.  l  sicut  accepimus,  pest  s  illorum  h.Treticorum 

Ala,„i,nra»  P"'*"   -jt  "te  vear  1392    >1>6  papal   Inquisitor  in  Worzburg;  dis- 

;ivL?L;i;£;rf^e\p,,p;icio,^^^^^^ 

tJ^^:z:.  ^i;rr,ii  "i,^;:;;' ^n"";;;  iSL.  a,i,ui  ve„  p«nr,enaa. 

egerunt  super  erroribus  suis,  reliqui  iugam  nuerunt. 

8  The  first  full  account  of  their  doctrines,  in  the  investigation  which  took  place 
8   Ihe  tirst  luu  acco""^  Dominican  Henry  Schoneleld  compelled  some 

at  Sangerhausen,  1414    whei e  the  iJomi  y  ^^^^^  ^^.^ 

of  them  to  retract,  and  burned  91  at  the  stake,  oecuieiicuai  rp  t  t,  ,  „  i9fi\ 
01  mem  lu  itna    ,  13  Cin  v    d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  1.  p.  l.ib) 

hist.Conc.Const.  P.IlI.Di^t    13     n^^^^^^        Sangerhausen    (inBuders    niitzl. 

men*,  fl"J^*  ^"^  i       g  flagellando    crucifratres  transiverunt,  Deus 

?™  iloman^m  ero.'..rE  ,!scLpos,  c.^terosque  pr^latos  et  sacerdotes  ne  dem- 
I'apam  Konianum  .'^^  n.-a-Pssent    Ucentiarit,  et  omm  aucloritate  ligandi  et 

ceps  ^';P-^^.^;\^^X^'^J'^^:^^'^em  simpliciter  privarit.  Ill  Quod, 
S:;rh;xpi£  ne  Siatorum  de  templo  propter  sacerdotum  malitiam  Christus 
renufhaviJ  et  abiecit  s^cerdotium  Judaicum:  ita  in  transitu  crucifra  rum  propter 

Z^ZSi'CZ  quod  S  Sacramento  altaris  esset  ve..citer  Chri^tus  Deus  diu 
esset  devoratus,  etian^e.et  mons  .ngens  e.  jnagnu.  ^^^'^S:::^1m 
^r^XXx'r^SS  S^eSsmSril^jol-es  exiJtl :  quia  Christum  pro  u no 
dena^i^  venS  XXII.  Qui  sacerdoti  confitetur,  non  plus  munditi^  acqumt 
auam  quTsui  utos^  se  allidit.  XXIII.  Quod  omnia  peccata  quantumcunque 
quam  qui  sui  lui  corporis    flagellatio   spontanea.     XXIX.   Quod    post 

fnTh^a^S^nen  e  ?1  flSlatonim  nullus^n.ore  Roman.  Ecclesia,  septem  sacra- 
inchoationem  seci  ipsorum  perceptione  mortaliter  non  peccaret. 

Sxif  Tod  aCc"  ;,rdiu  r'egnarit  e^  regnet,  et  quotidie  immineat  dies 
•  ^  "  Onnl  Flias  et  Enoch  jam  in  mundo  apparuennt,  et  dm  sint  mortui 
^XXXV  S  Sch.  stus  quidiu  jam  regnarit,  sint  Pra^lati,  Presbyteri.  Qui 
^  An?iobisTi  int  et  dicantur,  quod  sectam  tlagellatorum  infestent  et  perse- 

omnes  AntJ^h^isti^^int  et  d^eamu  ,  q  ^^^_,.^    ^.^^^  Begardus   qui 

'^Tyt' Vm  a^nos  pipter  h^  eiin  in  Erfordia  combustus  est.  XXX  VII.  Quod 
^rr£^5r  inlStr^^'^hS-sed   Conlldas  Smet,  tlagel.atorum 


134  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

This  warning  example,  combined  with  tlie  natural  mistrust  of  the 
hierarchy  towards  all  spiritual  excitement,  not  originating  in  themselves, 
decided  the  fate  of  the  later  Flagellants.  In  the  year  1391)  a  society 
of  this  character,  the  White  Brethren  (Bianchi),*  descended  from 
the  Alps  into  Italy,  and  were  every  where  enthusiastically  welcomed 
both  by  the  clergy  and  the  populace.  But  no  sooner  had  they  reached 
the  papal  territory  than  their  leader  was  put  to  death,  and  the  whole 
array  dispersed.^  After  this  processions  of  Flagellants  were  led 
through  Italy,  Spain,  and  the  south  of  France  by  the  Dominican 
Vincentius  Ferrentius,  who  may  perhaps  have  been  the  secret  insti- 
gator of  the  White  Brethren. lo  But  such  processions  having  been 
condemned  at  the  council  of  Constance,' i  he  also  discontinued  them. 


<^  121. 

DANCERS. 

See  Forstemann  (as  cited  §  120).  p.  224  seq. 

Whilst  the  sects  hitherto  mentioned  were  supposed  by  their  con- 
temporaries of  the  orthodox  church  to  serve  the  spirit  of  evil  volunta- 
rily, the  Dancers,  who  appeared  on  the  Rhine  and  in  the  Netherlands 
in  the  year  1374,  were  thought  to   be  possessed  by  him  against  their 


haeresiarcha.  XLIII.  Quod,  quamvis  omnia  juramenta,  qualitercunque  fiant,  sint 
peccata  mortalia,  eligibilius  tainen  sit,  ilagellalores  coram  Inquisitoribus  jiirare,  et 
muha  committere  peijuiia,  quam  se  et  sectam  prodere  :  quod  possint  juramenta  et 
perjuria  postniodum  cum  tlagello  expiare.  XLIV.  Quod  post  hanc  vitam  non  sit 
aliquod  animarum  puniatorium.  Quare  defunctos  non  juvent  suffragia  vivorum. 
XLVI.  Quod  crucem  Christi  et  imagines  gloiiosas  virginis  aliorumque  sanctorum 
nullus  debeat  adoiare,  quia  in  ipsorum  adoratione  committatur  idololatria.  L.  Quod 
existentes  in  pra>dicta  nova  tlagellatorum  secta  sacerdotes  venerentur,  et  Ecclesise 
sacrainenta  percipiant,  eorundem  niandatis  obtemperent,  et  oblationes  et  jura  sol- 
yant  in  jejuniis  quatuor  temporum,  et  aliis  fidelibus  conformentur,  et  sanctorum 
imagines  et  fcsta  colant,  solum  propter  hoc,  ne  ab  hominibus  notentur;  et  post- 
modum  de  hoc  pcEnilentes  flagello  se  percutiant. 

*  So  called  from  their  dress  of  white  linen.     See  Mosheiin,  cent.  15.  —  Tr. 

'  See  the  account  of  contemporaries  in  Forstemann,  S.  104.  Of  the  execution 
of  their  leader,  Platina  de  vitis  Pontificum  in  vita  Bonifacii  IX  :  Sunt  qui  scribant 
hujus  fraudem  quKslione  detectam  fuisse,  hominemque  in  tanto  facinore  deprehen- 
sum  meritas  poenas  luisse,  igne  scilicet,  quo  exustum  ferunt.  Sunt  etiam  qui 
dicant,  nil  fraudis  in  homine  deprehensum  fuisse,  sed  id  fictum  a  Pontitice,  abo- 
lendo  runiori,  quo  hominem  per  invidiam  captum  et  necatum  atfirmabant.  Utrum 
vcrius  sit,  Deus  novit. 

'»  See  Acta  SS.  ad  d.  5  April.  T.  I.  p.  475  seq.     Forstemann,  S.  142  ff. 

"  Jo.  Gersonii  Epist.  ad  Mag.  Vincentium  contra  tlagellantes  (0pp.  ed.  du 
Pin  II.  p.  6.58)  :  Crcde  mihi,  Doctor  emerite,  multi  multa  loquuntur  super  praedi- 
cationibus  fiii-;,  et  maxime  super  ilia  Secta  se  verberantium,  qualem  constat  praete- 
ritis  temporibus  fuisse  pluries  et  in  vaiiis  locis  reprobatam,  quatn  nee  approbas,  ut 
testantur  noti  tui,  scd  nee  etficaciter  reprobas.  Epist.  Petri  Card.  Cameracensis 
ad  eundem  (ibid.  p.  659)  Jo.  Gersonii  tract,  contra  sectam  flagellantium  se  (ibid, 
p.  660). 


Chap.    VIII.     Reformers.     §   122.     In  Bohemia.  135 

will,  and  were  therefore  exorcised.'  In  the  year  1418  the  same  phe- 
nomenon appeared  in  Strasburg,  on  which  occasion  the  holy  St.  Vitus 
was  resorted  to  for  aid.^ 


CHAPTER    EIGHTH. 

ATTEMPTS    AT     REFORM. 

*§,     122. 

IN    BOHEMIA. 


In  proportion  as  the  papal  power  became  more  irresistible  and 
fearful,  the  heretical  parties  assumed  more  and  more  the  character 
of  fanaticism,  and,  despairing  of  any  reformation  within  the  church, 
sought  to  lay  the  foundations  of  their  religioi;s  faith  without  it.  But 
the  power  of  the  popes  being  thus  diminished,  a  more  rational  spirit 
of  reform  was  developed  in  the  church  itself,  which,  acknowledging 
the  church  as  the  true  foundation  of  Christian  faith,  sought  only  to 
purify  it  from  the  abuses  that  had  crept  in. 

In  these  attempts  at  reform  there  was,  however,  an  essential  differ- 
ence. For  the  most  part  they  aimed  only  at  external  reformation  ; 
seeking,  namely,  to  set  bounds  to  the  papal  power,  and  to  restore  the 
discipline  and  virtue  of  the  clergy,  without  going  deeper  into  the 
sources  of  the  evil.  The  Mystics  were  nearer  the  truth  in  avoiding 
the  over  estimation  of  externals,  and  endeavouring  to  revive  inward 
religion.  But,  on  the  other  hand,  they  were  too  exclusively  engaged 
in  the  pursuit  of  their  peculiar  object,  and  their  religion  was  of  too 
transcendental  and  dreamy  a  character  to  allow  them  accurately  to 
examine,  and  rightly  to  understand  the  general  state  of  the  church. 

The  true  Reformers  were  distinguished  by  this:  —  that  they  looked 
for  the  evil  not  in  single  abuses,  but  in  the  pervading  spirit ;  and  this 
spirit  it  was  their  aim  to  renovate.     Amongst  these  "  testes  veritatis," 

^  Radulphi  de  Rivo,  Decani  Tongrensis  (^  1403)  gesta  Pontiff.  Leodiensium, 
c.  9  (in  Chapeaville  Gesta  Pontiff.  Leodiens.  T.  III.  p.  19) :  Anno  1374,  mense 
Julio  —  admirabilis  hominum  secta  ex  superioiibus  Gennaniaj  partibiis  primo 
Aqiiisgranuni,  inde  Trajectuin,  et  tandem  circa  mensem  Septembrem  Leodium 
advenit.  Horum  tale  erat  institutiim.  Utriusque  sexus  homines  a  daemonibus 
possessi  seminudi  sertis  capita  cingebant,  choreas  non  in  phiteis  tantum,  sed  et  in 
Ecclesiis  et  domibus  absque  ullo  pudore  ducebant,  nomina  Daemonum  hactenus 
inaudita  in  carminibus  suis  usurpabant :  choreis  fiuilis  eos  Dffimones  gravissimis 
pectoris  doloribus  cruciabant,  ita  ut  nisi  nexibus  quibusdam  umbilicatim  Ibrtiter 
stringerentur,  magnis  fuiiosisque  ululatibus  se  niori  proclamarent.  —  Causam  hu- 
jusmodi  sectre  Diabolicae  non  aham  viri  prudentes  assignabant,  quam  fidei  et  prae- 
ceptorum  Dei,  qua  per  id  tempus  regnabat,  crassam  ignorantiam.  Non  deerant 
tamen  e  vulgo,  qui  in  sacerdotes  concubinarios  culpam  rejicerent,  quod  per  eos 
minus  recte  pueri  baptisarentur,  etc.     See  Limpurgische  Chronik,  §  122. 

*  See  Schilters  Aumerkung  zu  Jac.  von  Konigshoven  Chronik.  S.  1087. 


136  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

many  no  doubt  have  been  since  reckoned  by  Protestants,  who  did 
not  deserve  such  honor, i  and  of  others  we  have  only  passing  and 
imperfect  notices  ;  ~  still  the  14th  century  can  boast  of  many  whose 
right  to  be  so  reckoned  is  beyond  dispute.  The  foremost  of  these 
are  three  of  the  Bohemian  clergy,  who,  fired  with  pious  indignation 
at  the  mechanical  worship  and  the  dead  hypocrisy  which  prevailed, 
directed  their  undaunted  attacks  against  the  Mendicant  monks,  to 
whose  influence  they  chiefly  ascribed  this  corruption. 

The  first  was  Conrad  Stiekna  (Conradus  ab  Austria),  a  preacher 
at  Prague  (f  A.  D.  1369). ^  He  was  followed  by  John  Milicz,^  who 
voluntarily  resigned  the  ofiice  of  archdeacon  of  Prague,  and  took  that 
of  sacristan,  and  by  his  preaching  produced  the  most  extraordinary 

'  e.  g.  Joh.  Munsinger,  rector  of  the  school  in  Ulm  (mentioned  by  Flacius 
catal.  testium  veritati'3,  no.  315,  and  elsewhere),  on  account  of  his  opposition  to 
the  worship  of  the  sacrament.  The  propositions  for  which  Munsinger  was  de- 
clared a  heretic  by  the  Dominicans  in  Ulm,  A.  D.  1385,  were  the  following 
(Schelhorn  amcenitates  liteiarife,  T.  VIII.  p.  511,  1.  c.  T.  XI.  p.  222)  :  Corpus 
Christi  non  est  Deus.  Nulla  creatura  est  adoranda  adoratione  qua  Deus  debet 
adorari,  adoratione  scil.  latria  :  hyperdulia  debelui-  creaturae  excellenti,  sicut  est 
caro  Christi,  b.  Virj2;o,  etc.  Further:  Hostia  consecrata  non  est  Deus;  Deus  est 
sub  hostia  conseci-ata,  corpus  ejus,  sanguis  et  anima.  Namely,  per  hostiam  intel- 
ligo  accidentia  quai  sunt  in  pane,  rotunditatem  videlicet,  saporem  et  gravitatcm. 
He  denied  the  propriety  of  calling  the  hostia  the  corpus  Christi,  quia  accidentia 
visa  non  sunt  corpus  Christi,  licet  intus  sit  corpus  Christi.  Therefore  it  was  better 
to  say,  hie  esse  coi-pus  Christi  sub  specie  panis.  Munsinger  only  oljjected,  there- 
fore, to  considering  the  visible  head  to  be  Christ  himself;  but  by  no  means  denied 
that  Christ  should  be  prayed  to,  sub  specie  panis  :  hence  his  propositions  were 
approved  by  both  the  universities. 

^  Thus  of  the  layman  Franz  Hager,  in  WOrzburg,  A.  D.  1342  (not  Conrad 
Hager,  as  the  name  is  given  by  Flacius  catal.  test,  verit.  no.  305),  we  know  only 
that  he  was  forced  to  retract  the  assertion  that  the  saying  of  masses  for  the  dead 
had  neither  any  merit  nor  use  ;  and  of  the  priest,  Hermann  Kilchner,  who  was 
supposed  to  be  a  Beghard,  that  he  asserted  shortly  after,  that  the  popes  and  bishops 
were  no  greater  on  account  of  their  office  than  other  pi-iests.  See  Gropp  collect, 
noviss.  Scriptoium  Wirceburg.  T.  IV.  (Wirceb.  1750.  fol.)  p.  108  ;  Ludewig 
Gesch.  vom  Bisth  Wurzburg  (Frankf.  1713.  fol.),  S.  626. 

'  Of  whom,  see  especially  Bohuslai  Balbini  epitome  historica  rerum  Bohemi- 
carum  Prag.  1677.  fol.  Lib.  IV.  p.  406.  His  contemporary,  the  Canonicus  at 
Prague,  Benessius  de  Weitmil,  says  of  him,  according  to  the  account  of  Balbin,  ex 
Ms.,  inter  maximos  atatis  suas  Concionatores  habitum,  zelo  divino  accensum  usu- 
rarios  potissimum  et  injustos  possessores,  item  luxum  vestium  et  Simoniacam  pra- 
vitatem  exagitasse  ;  ob  cam  causam  a  Religiosis  quibusdam  gravia  passum,  aquo 
animo  tulisse  omnia,  eo  quod  esset  vir  perfectae  charitatis.  At  a  later  date,  Andreas 
de  Broda,  a  theologian  of  Prague,  in  an  Epist.  ad  Jo.  Hussum  (in  Jo.  Cochlaei 
hist.  Hussitarum,  Mogunt.  1549.  tbl.  lib.  I.  p.  42)  :  Si  non  esset  causa  alia,  prae- 
terquam  lia;c,  quod  pritdicatis  contra  Clericos,  nullus  vos,  ut  a;stimo,  exconmiuni- 
caret.  Nam  et  antiquis  temporibus  Militius,  Conradus  Styckna  et  alii  quam 
plurimi  contra  Clei-icos  pra5dicaverunt,  nullus  tamen  propter  hoc  excommunicatio- 
nis  fuit  sententiae  subditus.  Balbinus  had  seen  also  a  large  work  of  Conrad's  in 
Ms.  entitled  Accusationes  Mendicantium,  in  quo  et  accusat  Mendicantes  Reli- 
giosos,  ct  eorum  responsiones  ad  sua  objecta  iterate  refellit.  —  qui  ejus  qua;dam 
opera  legerunt,  putant,  eum  nimium  licenter  de  sacris  personis  loqui,  atque  etiam 
in  Episcopos  et  Cierum  acerbas  invectivas  coinponere. 

*  His  life,  by  a  pupil,  in  Balbini  Miscellaneis  historicis  regni  Bohemias  Decadis 
I.  Lib.  IV.  Tit.  34,  p.  43  (Prag.  1682.  fol.).  cf.  Balbini  Epitome,  p.  407,  and 
Audacti  Voigt  Acta  literaria  Bohemiee  et  Moraviae,  vol.  I.  (Prag.  1775.  8vo.) 
p.  216. 


Chap.  VIII.     Reformers.     %  122.     In  Bohemia.  137 

effects.  At  the  same  time  he  excited  the  clergy,  and  in  particular 
the  monks,  against  him  to  such  a  degree  that  he  was  accused  at  Rome 
as  a  heretic.-^  He  repaired  thither  himself,  and  was  acquitted,  but 
died  soon  after  (A.  D.  1374).'^  Mattiiias  von  Janow  (Magister  Pari- 
siensis,  'f  A.  D.  1394) '''  went  even  farther  in   the  energy  with  which 

'"  Vita  in  Balbini  Miscell.  1.  c.  p.  45  :  Quainvis  in  principio  suae  praedicationis 
paucum  populum  habere  videretur,  et  licet  etiam  ab  aliquibus  propter  incon- 
gruentiain  vulgaris  sernionis  derideretur,  he  still  persevered :  et  sic  per  ejus 
assiduam  prEedicationem  et  austeritatem  correctionum  primo  aperiebantur  aures 
surdorum,  —  et  post  ccepit  populus  affluere  et  admirabantur  turbs  laudantes  nomen 
Domini,  etc.  In  A.  D.  1367  he  went  the  first  time  to  Rome  to  preach  there,  but 
was  put  in  prison  ;  and  the  mendicants  in  Prague  announced  already  in  their  ser- 
mons :  Charissirni  ecce  jam  Militius  cremabitur  (Vita,  p.  51).  Having  returned 
in  safety,  his  zeal  and  eloquence  had  such  an  effect,  ut  etiam  publico  meretrices 
de  prostibulis  per  ejus  prsdicationem  ad  poenitentiam  converterentur ;  and  he 
changed  for  them  the  prostibulum  Benatky  (  Venetias)  nuncupatum  into  a  con- 
seivatorium  conversarum  (Vita,  p.  55).  At  length,  however,  he  fell  a  victim  to 
the  hatred  and  envy  which  his  success  excited.  Vita,  p.  58:  Malignus  spiritus  — 
Pi-ajlatos,  Plebanos,  Rcligiosos  ad  furorem  in  eum  suscitavit,  ita  ut  pradicationem 
sibi  sa^pius  prohibcrent,  et  hoereticum  eum  appellarent.  p.  59  :  ei  verbis  multis  ac 
probrosis  conviciabantur,  inter  cetera  vero  dicebant :  a  principio  pra?dicationis  tu£e 
nunquain  pace  fruimur,  sed  semper  disturbia  multa  patimur.  —  Quem  sa;pius  et 
Beghardum,  et  Hypocritam,  et  Sodomitam  appellabant.  —  Postremo  vero  in  tantum 
fuerunt  in  furorem  concitati,  quod  et  12  articulos  falsos  et  mendaces  construxerunt, 
et  eos  ad  Curiam  Romanam  —  miserunt.  The  Pope  commanded  the  archbishop 
of  Prague  to  investigate  the  mattei-  (Raynald,  ann.  1374,  no.  10)  :  and  applied  to 
Charles  IV.  for  the  necessary  assistance  (ibid.  no.  11).  In  a  letter  to  the  last,  we 
read  :  Plurium  fidedignorum  relatibus  nuper  ad  nostrum  pervenit  auditum,  quod 
quidam  Mileczius  presbyter,  olim  canonicus  Pragensis,  sub  specie  sanctitatis, 
spiritu  elationis  et  temeritatis  assumpto,  et  prEedicationis  officio  (quod  sibi  non  com- 
petit)  usurpato,  multos  errores  non  solum  temerarios  et  iniquos,  sed  etiam  haereti- 
cos  et  schismaticos,  utique  nimium  scandalosos  et  periculosos,  fidelibus,  prresertim 
simplicibus,  dicere,  publice  pradicare  in  tuo  regno  Boemis  et  aliis  terris  tuis  prte- 
sumpsit  hactenus  et  prassumit ;  nonnullas  personas  utriusque  sexus  ad  ejus  sectam, 
quam  damnabiliter  inchoavit,  ac  in  errores  detestabiles  et  reproliandos  actus  — 
inducendo,  prout  in  quibusdam  articulis  scriplis  in  schedula  inclusa  prassentibus 
continetur.     These  Articuli  are  no  longer  extant. 

®  That  he  was  fully  acquitted  before  his  death  is  evident  from  a  diploma  of  the 
strictly  Catholic  Charles  IV.  (Balbini  Epist.  p.  408),  in  which  he  is  called  bona? 
raemoris  honorabilis  Milicius,  quondam  devotus  noster  dilectus. 

'  His  works,  in  Ms.,  are  thus  enumerated  in  Balbini  Bohemia  docta  ed.  ab 
Raph.  Ungar.  P.  II.  (Prag.  1778.  Svo.)  p.  178  :  De  frequent!  communione  ;  Hy- 
pocrisi ;  Unitate  Ecclesia? ;  Antichristo  et  praeceptis  Domini ;  De  abominatione  in 
Ecclesia  Dei ;  Regulffi  veteris  et  novi  testament!.  Cochlaeas  hist.  Hussit.  lib.  VI. 
p.  227,  cites  a  passage  from  a  work  entitled  Parisiensis  liber  vitiorum.  —  Now 
Theobald  (Hussitenkrieg,  Th.  1,  cap.  2)  says  that  Matthias'  work  de  Antichristo 
has,  by  mistake,  got  among  Huss'  writings,  and  is  printed  in  his  0pp.  Hence 
Schrockh,  Th.  34,  S.  372,  supposes  the  Liber  de  Antichristo  et  membrorum  ejus 
anatomia  in  Historia  et  monumenta  Jo.  Hus  atque  Hieron.  Pragensis.  Norimb. 
1715.  T.  I.  p.  423,  to  be  a  work  of  Matthias;  but,  probably,  as  will  presently  be 
seen,  without  sufficient  cause.  —  In  the  collection  of  Huss'  writings  the  work  De 
sacerdotum  et  monachorum  abhorrenda  abominatione  desolationis  in  Ecclesia  Chri- 
sti.  T.  I.  p.  473,  does  probably  (though  it  has  never  been  suggested)  belong  to 
Matthias;  for /o.  de  Przibram,  A.  D.  1430,  in  his  Professio,  appended  to  Cochlaei 
hist.  Hussit.  p.  528,  cites  a  passage  from  Mag.  Parisiensis  lib.  de  abominatione, 
c.  S3,  which  is  found  word  for  word  in  that  work  of  Huss,  c.  82.  Matthias  must 
have  written  it  in  1392  ;  for,  according  to  p.  513,  the  work  de  novissimorum  tem- 
porum  periculis  (see  above,  §  69,  note  5)  had  been  written  136  years.  Now  in 
the  lib.  de  abominatione  the  author  several  times  cites  his  Tract,  de  Antichristo, 

VOL.    III.  18 


138  Tliird  Period.     Die.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

he  denounced  the  religious  abuses  of  the  time,  insisting  on  inward 
religion,  and  inveighing  bitterly  against  the  mere  external  worship 
of  the  age,  the  worldliness  of  the  clergy,  and  the  hypocrisy  of  the 
monks." 


and  from  these  citations  it  is  evident  that  this  is  not  the  Lih.  de  Antichr.  et  mem- 
broriim  ejus  anat.,  but  that  piobably  we  have  a  part  of  it  in  the  fragment  De 
mysterio  iniquitatis  Antichiisti  (Hist,  et  nionum.  Jo.  Hus.  T.  I.  p.  603  seq.)  — 
Comp.  p.  512,  557,  with  610;  p.  515  witli  611  ;  p.  586  with  612.  (The  second 
fragment  also,  De  revelationo  Christi  et  Antichrisli,  p.  615  seq.,  may,  perhaps, 
belong  to  Matthias ;  comp.  the  citation  p.  476  with  p.  621.)  This  is  confirmed 
also  by  the  citation  in  i<'/acu  catal.  test,  verit.  no.  316.  Flacius  had  the  lib.  de 
Antichristo  of  John  Mililius  as  well  as  that  of  Matthias. 

*  Matthice  lib.  de  Sacei-dotum  et  Monachorum  abhorrenda  abominatione  desola- 
tionis  in  Ecclesia  Christi  in  Hist,  et  monum.  Jo.  Hus.  T.  I.  p.  473  seq.  Cap.  1  : 
Notanter  dicit  hie  Propheta  (Ho'*.  v.  1),  Sacerdotes  esse  laqueum  factos  speculati- 
oni,  i.  e.  custodia;  populi  Dei.  Et  ista  est  horrenda  abominatio  in  templo,  quod 
popukts,  a  quibus  debcret  cnstodiri,  ne  labatur  in  idololatriam  vel  peccatum,  illi 
facti  sunt  ei  laqueus  ad  capiendum  :  et  per  quos  deberet  educi  de  laqueis,  ab  illis 
involvitur  ad  laqueos.  Non  enim  tantum  propter  nostram  indignam  conversatio- 
nem  et  contagiosam  nos,  o  sacerdotes,  facti  sunuis  laqueus  custodiaj  Christianorum, 
sed  quod  est  majus,  —  dum  loquimur  in  ambone,  prasertim  ea  de  causa,  quod 
communiter  accidit,  puta  quod  quidani  sacerdotes  sua  opinata  affirmant,  —  idem 
alii  quidam  ex  adverse  positi  negant.  —  Cap.  3:  Ilia  nocenlissima  abominatio  in 
Dei  Ecclesia,  puta  controversia  inter  Sacerdotes,   et  maxime   tunc  et  manifeste 

tinvaluit],  quando  Religiosi  falsi  sunt  multiplicati  per  Ecclesiam  et  invaluerunt.  — 
Jbicunque  nondum  manent  Religiosi,  vel  non  visitant  ibidem  communiter,  ibi 
stant  bene  Sacerdotes  concorditer  ad  invicem,  et  plebs  est  sine  distractione  et  dis- 
sensione.  —  Cap.  21  :  Vcc,  va^  illis,  qui  faciunt  mullas  promissiones  in  populis,  et 
excogitant  atque  adinveniunt  multas  justiticationes  peccatoribus  !  —  Veluti  est 
promissio  multarum  indulgentiarum  in  festis  suis  vel  locis,  ut  habeant  per  hoc 
nomen,  et  pra;  aliis  accursum  et  applausum  populoruni  :  pi-omissio  literarum  ab 
omni  poena  et  culpa,  prouussio  communionis  fraternitatum,  et  omnium  orationum 
vel  Missarum,  vel  aliorum  bonorum,  qua;  jjer  confratres  exercentur,  etc.  —  quae 
nee  ipsi  certi  sunt,  si  acceptabilia  sunt  Deo,  imo  plus  odibilia  Deo. — Cap.  30  : 
Veruntamen,  salvo  judicio  meliori,  ego  puto  coiam  Domino  dulcissimo  Jesu  cruci- 
fixo,  tunc  ilia  omnia  habuisse  suum  initium,  quando  Douiinus  Apostolicus  contraxit 
ad  se  omnia  beneticia  et  officia  Ecclesia;,  pro  sua  voluntate  dispensando,  et  incepit 
dispensatioue  beneficiorum  totius  Ecclesia;  occupari,  atque  distributione  bonorum 
temporalium  se  ipium  aggravare,  et  conferre  multa  privilegia,  et  exemptiones  ab 
obedientia  infmitis  personis,  puta  ut  essent  sibi  soli  subjecti,  et  a  suis  inniiediatis 
Pra'latis  exempti,  —  habentes  potestatem  super  terrenes  (leg.  alienos)  subditos 
confessiones  audiendi,  et  auctorilatem  pra;dicandi  qua;  volunt,  et  per  consequens 
impediendi  Dominos  Curates,  et  Ordinem  sanctissimum  conturbandi,  alios  Ordines 
excogitando.  —  (Satan)  abduxit  Christianos  —  a  prima;va  ipsoi-um  dignitate  et  sanc- 
titate  —  ad  quandam  mirabilem  simulationem,  et  Deo  nimis  abominabilem  conver- 
sationem,  compositam  ex  vKils  et  speciebus  sanctitatis,  religionis  et  virtutum,  faci- 
etenus  solum  apparenlium  splendidre  et  laudabiles  apud  homines,  sed  nequaquam 
apud  Deum.  Ita,  dico,  abduxit  spiritualiter  et  successive  a  virtutibus  pulcherri- 
mis  et  dulcissimi*,  et  a  rigore  ipsarum  ad  quandam  vanitatem  vitae,  et  tepiditatem 
abominabilem  solum  consuetudinum  et  rituum  Ecclesiae  Romanae,  similiter  in 
facie  bene  apparentium,  sed  in  veritate  Dei  mortuorum,  et  desolatorum  a  Spiritu 
Jesu  crucifix!  :  ita  ut  omnia  fere  Christianorum  jam  decora  et  honesta,  sint  solum 
quasi  pulchra  imago  exterius  picta  sine  spiritu  et  vita,  sint  quoque  justitia  homi- 
num  propria,  mnns  remofa  a  justitia  Dei.  —  Seduxit,  inquam,  tali  mode  —  populum 
Christianum,  ut  omnia  turpia  et  omnia  vitia,  qiue  in  primitivo  populo  tantum  erant 
horribilia  et  abusiva,  —  sint  usitata,  —  excusata.  —  Et  non  solum  hoc,  sed  etiam 
viceversa,  qui  alienant  so  sirenue  ab  cxercilio  talium  et  a  contubernio  propter 
Domini  Jesu  timorem  et  amorein,  niox  a  vulgo  Chrisfiano  hujus  mundi  convician- 
♦ur  et  oonfundiintur,  et  nola  pcssima  singularitatum  vel  ha-resum  criminantur: 
propter  quod  tales  homines  devoti,  qui  similia  vulgo  profano  non  agunt,  Bechardi 


Chap.  VIII.     Reformers.     §  122.     In  Bohemia.  139 


vel  Turlpinii,  aut  aliis  nominibus  blaephcniis  comniuni'.er  jam  nominantur.  —  Cap. 
37  :  Dei  Ecclesia  nequit  ad  pristiiiam  suaiu  dignitatem  reduci,  vel  reformari,  nisi 
prius  omnia  fiant  nova.  —  Credo,  —  quod  jam  tunc  surget  novus  populus,  secun- 
dum novum  hominem  formatus,  qui  secundum  Ueum  creatus  est:  ex  quo  novi 
clerici  et  sacerdotes  provenient  et  assumentur,  qui  omnes  odient  avaritiam  et  glori- 
am  hujus  vita?,  ad  convcrsationem  coelcstem  festinando.  —  Veruntaraen  Dominus 
piissimus  Jesus  Christus  hoc  opus,  puta  innovationis  Ecclesia;  sua;,  jam  in  nostris 
tempoiibus,  i.  e.  a  50  vel  70  annis,  coepit  valde  accelerare,  exercens  sua  judicia 
maniCesta  in  Christianis  per  orbem  universum.  —  Cap.  60  :  Ad  hoc  comparandum 
(quod  fieret  Eestimatio  communis,  —  quod  bene  Deo  servitur  fruendo  pace  et  deli- 
ciis  hujus  vita;),  Diabolus  omnem  religiositatem  in  Ecclesia  multiplicat  in  conven- 
tibus  et  personis,  et  per  consequens  onmem  sanctitatem  et  faciem  pietatis  et  giatia; 
in  verbis  et  habitu  exteriori,  sod  omnia  solum  ad  extra  et  secundum  faciem  corpo- 
ralem,  et  sine  spiritu  Jesu  ciucitixi.  MuUiplicavit  insuper  —  omnem  decorem 
et  honestatem  in  Ecclesiasticis,  vel  saltern  ilia  omnia  accepit  sibi  in  adminiculum 
seducendi  Christianos  ad  amorem  hujus  sa;culi.  —  Inde  etiam  idem  Satan —  multi- 
plicavit  promissiones  infinitas,  et  magnas  in  Dei  Ecclesia  peccatoribus  et  amatori- 
bus  talibus  hujus  sajculi  justiticationes  multas  invcntitias  humanas,  aut  ipsas  con- 
vertit  ad  suam  fortiorem  deceptionem,  ut  Christiani  in  illis  sibi  blandirentur,  et 
constituerent  suam  spem  salutis,  non  habentes  ad  Jesum  crucifixum  tidelem  chari- 
tatem  et  ad  proximos,  et  habentes  vitam  totaliter  carnalem.  —  Item  ob  id  permisit 
vel  procuravit  fieri  —  scientias  adinventiiias  et  recentes,  qua;  a-qualiter  vel  niagis 
quam  scientia  Dei  —  sunt  autenticas,  tremendfe,  et  maximfe  auctoritatis.  —  Multi- 
plicata  sunt  ad  haec  mandata  et  ceriinonia;  hominura  infinita;,  et  ut  tantum  esseut 
tremenda  et  tanta;  auctoritatis,  quemadmodum  Dei  summi  pr^cepta,  praedicantur 
et  docentur,  et  cum  magna  districtione  imperantur.  —  Multiplicata  sunt  quoque 
multa  incerta  corporalia,  simplicitcr  nullam  virtutem  in  se  ipsis  habentia,  nullam 
efficaciain  salutis,  nullam  sanctitatem  Spiritus  Jesu,  nullam  auctoritatem  ex  Deo 
vel  Scripturis,  qua?  quia  sunt  in  se  recentia  et  nova,  et  splendida  coram  hominibus, 
et  quasi  stupenda,  et  celeberrime  pra;dicantur,  commendantur  et  famantur,  vulgus 
ea  accipit  nimis  ardue,  colit  et  adorat  strenue,  treniit  coram  ipsis,  et  virtutem 
quandam  niagnam  et  suffiagia  ponit,  quod  in  talibus  corporalibus  —  et  per  talia  sit 
Deus  colendus  et  inquirendus.  —  Cap.  82  :  Hypocritae,  et  maxime  sacerdotes  amici 
hujus  siKculi,  habent  illud  de  more,  quod  sanctos  Dei,  qui  sunt  in  ca;Hs,  multum 
nimis  solemnisant  et  extollunt :  sanctos  vere  Christianos  secum  adhuc  in  hac  vita 
pauperes  et  humiles  contemnunt  et  persequuntur.  —  Sanctorum  in  caelis  ossa  et 
reliquias  sumptuose  procurant  auro,  et  serico  contegunt,  sed  pauperes  sanctos 
degentes  cum  eis  in  hac  vita  admittunt  fame  et  siti  cruciari,  et  nudos  pati  gelu  et 
frigora.  —  Et  hoc  commune  est  apud  ipsos,  illustres  viros  et  sanctos  mortuos  lau- 
dare  et  glorificare  supra  modum,  sanctos  vero  illustres  et  conviventes  vituperare, 
et  ipsorum  facta  virtuosa  detractione  obnubilare.  —  Sanctos  tamen  jam  in  coelis 
singulariter  hypocrita;  sacerdotes  ssculares  libenter  pro  eo  diligunt  et  solemnisant, 
quia  in  nomine  ipsorum  multa  et  magna  bona  a  populis  Christianis  sortiuntur, 
habentes  pingues  prabendas,  et  altaria,  multa  otfertoria,  multa  festa,  niultas  distri- 
butiones  pro  nomine  et  in  nomine  Sanctorum  jam  in  coelis.  Nam  simili  causa 
allecti  et  animabus  in  purgatorio  faciunt  multa  obsequia,  et  valde  proniovent  ad 
populum  facienda.  —  Cap. "83  :  The  Mulier  ebria  de  sanguine  Sanctorum  (Apoc. 
xvii.  6)  he  explains  de  muliitudine  hypocritarum,  qui  secundum  communem  consu- 
etudinem  nunc  Ecclesiae  vocantur  Rcligiosi.  —  Nulli  etenim  magis  proprie  come- 
dunt  peccata  populorum,  sicut  ipsi,  et  bibunt  et  inebriantur.  —  In  isto  tamen  valde 
talium  ebrietas  sanguinis  ostenditur  evidenter,  pufa  quod  in  tantum  placet  ipsis 
peccata  populorum  comedere  et  potare,  quod  otiosam  vitam  et  quietam  continuan- 
tes,  accipiant  multas  oblationes  et  donaria  magna  tradita  pro  peccatis,  quod  non 
audent  hominibus  peccatoribus  annunciare  peccata  ipsorum  vel  aggravare,  quinimo 
magis  peccatis  blandiuntur  et  excusant.  —  Non  enim  facile  audebunt  hominibus 
displicere  hi  qui  —  de  gratia  sola  expectant  sibi  aliquid  projiciendum  a  plebeis 
ahenis.  —  Et  ex  eadem  necessitate  compelluntur  violare  veritafem  Jesu  crucifixi 
et  virtutem  apud  populum  blanditiis  etiam  solum  pro  pugillo  hordei  et  fragmine 
panis.  Hoc  autem  non  facile  contingit  ordinario  Sacerdofi,  qui  de  certa  Ecclesia 
potest  habere  et  suam  vitam  i.  e.  victum  et  amictum.  —  Et  super  hoc  amplius 
vigilare  eos  oportet  omni  speciei  religionis  et  pietatis,  utpote  templis  eorum  de 
magno  sumptu  et  adornatissimis  omni  supellectile  pulcherrima  et  delectabili  in 


140  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

These  men  have  with  right  been  considered  as  the  precursors  of 
Huss;9  but  the  notion  that  their  efforts  had  any  reference  to  the 
revival  of  the  ancient  Greek-Sclavonian  form  of  worship,  supposed  to 
have  been  still  kept  up,  and  especially  the  restoration  of  the  cup  in 
the  communion-service,  is  only  an  unfounded  conjecture  of  later 
Hussite  writers.io  Matthias  von  Janow,  alone,  made  perhaps  an 
attempt  to  bring  about  this  last  object. ii 


aspectu  populorum,  ita  iit  omnia  sint  munda  coram  hominibus  ordinata,  quatenus 
perinde  extrahcndi  a  plebibus  alienis  magis  donaria  et  multam  eleemosynam, 
multam  haberent  occasionem  et  nimium  coloiatam.  —  Insuper  —  habent  communi- 
ter  necesse  raultiplicate  loqui  de  orationibus,  cantare  ornate  in  suis  pulchris  templis, 
multiplicaie  missas,  etc.  —  Hence  their  multaj  festivitatcs  gloriosas  sanctorum 
rum  Dei  in  coelis,  —  muUa;  sanctorum  reliquiae,  —  pulcherrima;  picturae  et  statuas, 
quae  faciunt  insignia  portenta  et  miracula  magna.  —  Et  tunc  deinceps  nequaquam 
est  omittendum,  quia  talia  omnia  et  cum  multo  additamento  exquisite  in  populis 
divulgentur,  —  proclamentur,  ut  sciant  Christiani,  ubi  vel  qua  suam  salutem  debe- 
ant  providere.  Enimvero  indulgentis  magnte  et  magna  proniissa  omnibus  accur- 
rentibus,  et  gratia?  vix  ab  hominibus  credibiles,  alias  ita  autenticaj,  et  a  Dominis 
Apostolicis  ita  roboratae  per  testes  et  per  bullas,  quod  non  est  plus  homini  de  ipsis 
nullo  modo  dubitare.  Nam  etsi  contradiceret,  vel  non  crederet,  indignationem 
Dei  omnipotentis  incurreret.  Et  forte  plaga  manifesta  puniretur,  sicut  jam  multi, 
inquiunt,  pro  simili  incredulitate  sunt  puniti.  —  Et  ista  talia  sunt  multa  nimis  et 
magna  per  univcrsam  Dei  Ecclesiam,  qua;  omnia  non  redolent  nisi  applausum 
populorum,  et  sine  virtute  promissionis  pietatis  eorum,  qui  queestum  reputant  pie- 
tatem,  etc. 

^  In  particular  by  the  Hussites  and  Protestants,  amongst  whom,  however,  this 
very  view  has  led  to  many  wholly  unfounded  traditions.  One  of  these  is  that  the 
archbishop  Zbyniek  (Sbynko)  of  Prague,  1410,  caused  the  writings  of  John  Milicz 
and  Matthias  of  Janow,  to  be  burned  together  with  those  of  Wicliflfe.  The  only 
authorities  for  this  opinion  are  :  Hageks  (f  1553)  bohm.  Chronik,  S.  659:  "  It 
is  said  by  some  that  many  other  writings  besides  those  of  Wicliffe  were  burned ; " 
and  Procopii  Liipacii  (f  1587)  Calendarium  hist,  ad  d.  16  Jul.  Feruntur  tum  et 
plurimi  libri  esse  concremati  Joannis  Mililii,  Mag.  Matthise  cognomine  Parisiensis, 
etc.  In  the  decree  of  condemnation,  however,  which  is  extant  in  Huss'  Appeal 
(Hussii  0pp.  I.  p.  113),  and  in  this  Appeal  itself  no  mention  is  made  of  any  but 
WiclifTe's  writings,  so  that  the  tradition  to  the  contrary,  which  is  one  hundred  and 
fifty  years  later,  has  little  probability.  See  Balbini  Bohemia  docta,  P.  II.  p.  178. 
—  Job.  Milicz  is  mentioned  as  a  heretic  by  the  annalists,  Raynaldus,  Spondanus, 
and  Bzovius,  ad  ann.  1374.  On  the  other  hand,  most  of  the  Catholic  Bohemian 
writers  since  Balbinus,  have  defended  all  three  of  the  above  mentioned  men  as 
orthodox. 

i**  Paulus  Stransky  de  repubJica  Bojema,  1633,  c.  VI.  §  5  (also  in  Goldasti 
comm.  de  regni  Bohem.  juribus  ed.  Schminckii,  Francof.  ad  M.  1719.  fol.  T.  II. 
p.  511),  is  the  first  who  maintained  this  view,  though  without  mentioning  the  cup 
in  particular.  He  was  followed  by  Jo.  Amos  Comenius  (historia  persecutionum 
Ecclesiffi  Bohemicae.  1648.  p.  19  seq.,  and  historia  Fratrum  Bohemorum.  1600.  ed. 
Buddei,  p.  6),  who  mentions  that  those  three  men  advocated  the  restoration  of  the 
cup.  He  has  been  followed  by  all  the  later  writers,  especially  by  Augusfin  Zitte 
in  his  uncritical  and  legendary  Lebensbeschreibungen  der  drey  ausgezeichnetsten 
Vorlaufer  des  berilhmten  M.  Johannes  Hus.  Prag.  1786  (in  d.  Kurzen  Lebens- 
beschreibungen berOhrater  Manner  Bohmens,  Bd.  1),  to  which  Schrockh  also, 
Th.  34,  S.  566,  gives  too  much  weight.  The  grounds  for  rejecting  the  hypothesis 
are,  1.  That  in  the  older  authoi-ities  there  is  no  trace  of  a  Greek-Sclavonic  ritual 
in  the  time  of  Charles  IV.,  and  the  persecution  thereof;  so  far  from  it,  that  this 
emperor  built  the  convent  Emmaus  in  Prague,  1347,  for  the  introduction  of  the 
Latin-Sclavonic  ritual.  See  Dobner  in  den  Abhandl.  der  Bohmischen  Gesellsch. 
der  Wispensch.  auf  1785,  S.  174  f.  1786,  S.  433  ;  and  2.  That  in  the  numerous 
works  called  forth  by  the  introduction  of  the  cup  by  James  de  Misa,  there  is  (with 


Chap.  VIII.    Reformers.     §  123.     John  Wicliffe.  141 


^   123. 

JOHN    WICLIFFE. 

Henrici  de  Knyghton  (Canon  at  Leicester,  a  contemporary  of  Wicliffe)  de  even- 
tibus  Angliae  usque  ad  ann.  1395  (in  Rog.  Twisdeni  Scriptt.  X.  hist.  Angl. 
Lond.  1652.  fo\.).— Thomce  Walsingham  (a  Benedictine  in  St.  Alban  about 
1440)  Hist.  Anglica  major  (in  Camdeni  Scriptt.  Rer.  Angl.  Lond.  1574.  Fran- 
cof.  1602.  fol.). 

The  chief  works  are  :  The  History  of  the  Life  and  Sufferings  of  John  Wicliffe,  by 
John  Lewis.  London.  1720.  8vo. ;  and  the  Life  and  Opinions  of  John  de  Wyc- 
liffe,  byi?o6.  Vaughan.  London.  1829.  2  voll.  Svo. —  For  a  general  view,  see 
also  Wilh.  Gilpin's  Lives  of  the  Reformers.  2  vols.  Svo.  Lond.  1809. 

But  in  England  there  now  appeared  a  reformer,  who,  favored  on 
the  one  hand  by  the  indignation  of  the  people  at  the  ill-treatment 
they  had  experienced  from  the  popes,  and  on  the  other  by  the  mis- 
trust of  the  government  of  a  power,  which  they  knew  to  be  entirely 
under  French  influence,  instituted  an  examination  as  fearless  as  it 
was  impartial,  not  only  into  the  customs,  but  the  doctrines  of  the 
church. 

John  Wicliffe,  Fellow  of  Merton  College  in  Oxford,  and  distin- 
guished for  his  learning  and  acuteness,i  first  came  forward  in  the 
controversies  of  the  university  with  the  Mendicant  orders,  A.  D. 
1360,-  proclaiming  fearlessly  the  corruption  of  these  orders.^  In  the 
year  13G6,   Edward  III.   having   freed  himself  with  the  help  of  his 


the  exception  of  that  mentioned  in  note  11)  no  reference  whatever  to  any  former 
attempts  of  the  kind. 

"  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  HL  Prolegg.  p.  20,  relates,  as  extracted  from  the 
transaction  of  the  Bohemians  at  the  council  of  Basil  A.  U.  1433,  the  following, 
which  must  have  been  taken  from  a  Ms.,  as  it  is  found  in  no  printed  Acts  of  the 
council :  Johannes  de  Polemar,  cum  Rockizana  in  Basileensi  Concilio  de  commu- 
nione  calicis  contendens,  in  responsione  sua  agnoscit  quidem,  Praga;  apud  S. 
Nicolaum  Magistrum  Matthiam  pro  concione  populo  nova  de  sacramento  quoque 
ccense  pradicasse,  ast  palinodiam  in  Synodo  Piagensi  anno  1389  cecinisse,  ait.  In 
quibus  tamen  articulis,  ut  Polemarus  eos  refert,  communionis  calicis  chira  mentio 
haud  facta.  Unde  in  dubio  relinquit  Polemarus,  an  Matthias  calicem  populo  dede- 
rit,  an  secus.  Hoc  interim  certum  esse  ait,  eum  prohibitum  fuisse.  Sive,  inquit, 
ipse  inceperit  hanc  novitatem  prcudicare,  sive  sub  utraque  specie  communicare, 
tamen  sxia  doctrina  sive  prac.tica  non  hahuit  progressum.  The  Hussite  Wen- 
ceslaus  Pisecenus  writes,  about  1520,  of  Matthias  Parisiensis  (Balbini  Bohemia 
docta,  T.  H.  p.  178)  :  multos  eruditissimos  consciipsit  libros,  in  quibus  de  commu- 
nione' utriusque  speciei  pluribus  egit :  comp.  however,  1.  c.  p.  179. 

1  His  declared  opponent,  Heinr.  de  Knyghton  de  eventibus  Anglis,  lib.  V.  p. 
2644,  speaks  of  him  as  Jo.  Wykliff  Doctor  in  Theologia  eminentissimus  in  diebus 
illis.  In  Philosophia  nulli  reputabatur  secundus,  in  scholasticis  disciplinis  incom- 
parabilis.     His  numerous  works  are  given,  Lewis,  p.  143  seq. 

2  See  §  109,  notes  2  and  3,  above. 

^  He  wrote  Of  the  Poverty  of  Christ ;  .^gainst  Able  Beggary ;  and  Of  Idle- 
ness in  Beggary.  He  maintained  :  sith  open  Begging  is  thus  sharply  damned  in 
holy  Writ,  it  is  a'foule  Error  to  meyntene  it,  but  that  it  is  more  error  to  seie  that 
Christ  was  such  a  Beggar.     See  Lewis,  p.  7. 


142  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409, 

parliament  from  the  disgraceful  tribute  exacted  from  him  by  the  Pope, 
Wicliffe  defended  this  step  with  his  characteristic  boldness.'  He 
thus  secured  the  favor  of  the  court,  and  was  made  professor  of  the- 
ology at  Oxford,  A.  D.  1372.  The  government  being  now  earnestly 
bent  on  the  more  complete  emancipation  of  the  English  church  from 
the  papal  yoke,  Wiclitfe  was  one  of  the  commissioners  to  treat  with 
the  legates  of  the  Pope  at  Bruegge  in  the  year  1376.^  Under  such 
circumstances  he  had  enjoyed  ample  opportunity  of  becoming  ac- 
quainted both  with  the  corruptions  of  papacy ,f'  and  the  evil  effects  of 
monachism,'''  and  having  boldly  declared  his  convictions  on  these 
subjects,  he  was  accused  before  the  Pope  in  the  year  1376  of  19 
heresies.  Gregory  XL  ordered  an  inquiry  to  be  made  into  the  matter,^ 
but  Wicliffe  was  protected  from  harm  by  the  favor  of  the  nobility, 
especially  of  the  regent,  the  duke  of  Lancaster.^ 

*  Lewis,  p.  17  seq.     A  further  defence  against  a  monk  who  had  maintained, 
quod  sit  falsum  ct  pseudoevangelicum,  qviod   domini   teraporales   possunt  in  aliquo 
casu  legitime  auferre  ab  Ecclesiasticis  bona  sua.     See  in  Lewis,  p.  363  seq. 
^  Lewis,  p.  30. 

^  He  called  the  Pope  Antichrist,   the   proud   worldly  Priest  of  Rome,  and  the 
most  cursed  of  Clippers  and  Purse-kervers.     Letvis,  p.  34. 

''  In  1382  he  collected  all  the  charges  against  the  monks  scattered  through  his 
works,  in  fifty  heresies  and  errors.     See  Lewis,  p.  20  seq. 

**  The  papal  letters  of  A.  D.  1377  to  the  university  of  Oxford,  the  archbishop  of 
Canterbury,  and  the  bishop  of  London,  also  to  the  king  of  England,  in  Walsing- 
ham,  p.  201  seq.  The  accompanying  Schedula  with  the  nineteen  heretical  propo- 
sitions, ibid,  p.  204,  see  in  Lewis,  p.  266  :  e.  g.  I.  Totum  genus  hominum  con- 
currentium  citra  Christum  non  habet  potestatem  simpliciter  ordinandi,  ut  Petrus  et 
omne  genus  suum  doniinetur  politice  imperpetuum  super  mundum.  VI.  Si  Deus 
est,  Domini  temporalcs  possunt  legitime  ac  mcritorie  auferre  bona  foi-tunoe  ab 
Ecclesia  delinquente.  Vll.  Numquid  Ecclesia  est  in  tali  statu  vel  non,  non  est 
meum  discutere,  sed  dominorum  teinpoialium  examiuare,  et  posito  casu  confiden- 
ter  agere,  et  in  poena  damnationis  aeternae  ejus  temporalia  auferre.  VIII.  Scimus, 
quod  non  est  possibile,  quod  Vicarius  Christi  pure  ex  Bullis  suis,  vel  ex  illis  cum 
voluntate  et  consensu  suo  et  sui  Collegii  quenquam  habilitet  vel  inhabilitet.  IX. 
Non  est  possibile  hominem  excommunicari,  nisi  prius  et  piincipaliter  excommuni- 
caretur  a  seipso.  XIII.  Discipuli  Christi  non  habent  potestatem  coacte  exigere 
temporalia  per  censuras.  XVI.  Hoc  debet  catholice  credi,  quilibet  sacerdos  lite 
ordinatus  habet  potestatem  sufficienter  sacramenta  qua^libet  conferendi,  et  per 
consequens  quemlibet  contritum  a  peccato  quolibet  absolvendi.  XIX.  Ecclesias- 
ticus  inio  et  Romanus  Pontifex  potest  legitime  a  subditis  et  laicis  corripi  et  etiam 
accusari. 

^  Lewis,  p.  50  seq.  At  the  second  trial  in  Lambeth,  at  which,  as  Walsingham, 
p.  205,  complains,  non  dico  cives  tantum  Londonienses,  sed  viles  ipsius  civitatis  se 
impudenter  ingerere  praesumpserunt  in  eandem  capellam,  et  verba  facere  pro 
eodem,  et  istud  negotium  inipedire,  Wicliffe  gave  in  a  Dedaratio  concerning  these 
propositions  (p.  206),  in  which  he  to  be  sure  artfully  avoids  some  of  the  points, 
e.  g.  ad  I.  Patet  non  esse  in  hominum  potestate  impedire  adventum  Christi  ad 
finale  judicium.  —  ad  VI.  Si  Deus  est,  ipse  est  omnipotens.  Et  si  sic,  ipse  potest 
pra^cipere  dominis  temporiilibus,  sic  auferre: — sed  absit  ex  illo  credere,  quod 
intentionis  mea?  sit,  saculares  dominos  licite  posse  auferre,  quandocunque  et  quo- 
modocunque  voluerint  vel  nuda  auctoritate  sua,  sed  omnino  auctoritate  ecclesiie  in 
casibus  et  forma  limitatis  a  jure.  Others,  however,  he  defends,  e.  g.  ad  VIII. 
Patet  ex  fide  catholica,  cum  oportet  dominupi  [/n]  omni  operatione  vicaria  tenere 
primatum.  Ideo  sicut  in  omni  habilitatione  subjecti  prius  exigitur  gratia  et  digni- 
tas  habilitati,  sic  in  omni  inhabilitatione  prius  exigitur  dignitas  ex  demerito  inhabi- 
litati,  et  per  consequens  non  pure  ex  ministerio  vicarii  Christi  fit  talis  habilitatio 
vel  inhabilitatio. 


Chap.    Vin.     Reformers.     §  123.     John   Wicliffe.  143 

The  great  papal  schism  (A.  D.  1378)  gave  Wicliffe  new  occasion 
and  more  opportunity  to  examine  into  the  corruptions  of  the  church 
and  propose  reforms.  Hitherto  he  had  only  touched  on  questions  of 
discipline,  but  now  he  ventured  farther.  In  the  year  1380  he  began 
to  translate  the  bible  into  English,  and  this  undertaking  being  soon 
denounced  as  heresy,  he  defended  the  right  of  the  people  to  read  the 
Scriptures  for  themselves.!"  In  the  year  1381,  having  attacked  the 
doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  many  of  those  who  had  hitherto  fa- 
vored him  began  to  vvaver,ii   but  Wicliffe  had  now  too  many  friends 


'"  Henr.  de  Knyghton,  p.  2614  :  Hie  Majjister  Jo.  Wyclif  Evangelium,  quod 
Christus  contulit  Clericis  et  Ecclesise  Doctoribus,  ut  ipsi  Laicis  et  infirmioribus 
personis  secundum  tempoiis  exigeiitiani  et  pcrsonaruni  indigentiam  cuin  mentis 
eoruin  esurie  dulciter  ministraient,  transtulit  de  Latino  in  Anglicani  linguani,  non 
angelicani,  unde  per  ipsum  fit  vulgare  et  inagis  apertum  laicis  et  mulieiibus  leo-ere 
scientibus,  quam  solet  esse  Clericis  admoduni  literatis  et  bene  intelligentibus  :  et 
sic  Evangelica  margaiita  spargitur,  et  a  poicis  conculeatur,  etc.  The" passages  in 
which  Wicliffe  defends  his  translation,  see  in  Wharton  auctarium  historite  dogma- 
ticas  /.  Usserii  de  scripturis  et  sacris  vernaculis.  Londin.  1689.  4to.  p.  432  seq. 
in  Lewis,  p.  67  seq.  e.  g.  The  clerks  say,  it  is  Heresy  to  spcake  of  the  holy 
Scripture  in  English,  and  so  they  would  condempne  the  Holy  Gost  that  gave  it  in 
Tongues  to  the  Apostles  of  Christ,  to  speake  the  Word  of  God  in  all  Languages 
that  were  ordayned  of  God  under  Heaven,  as  it  is  written. 

"  He  came  forvvaid  with  sixteen  conclusiones,  which  he  offered  to  defend  pub- 
licly ;  of  which  the  fust  was  :  Hostia  consecrata  quam  videmus  in  altari,  nee  est 
Christus,  nee  aliqua  sui  pars,  sed  efficax  ejus  signuni  (Wood  hist,  et  antiquitt. 
Univers.  Oxon.  lib.  L  p.  188).  The  chancellor  of  the  University  condemned  this 
doctrine  at  once  (see  the  Definitio  in  Lewis,  p.  268)  :  but  Wicliffe  appealed  to  the 

king.     Et  post  appellationem  advenit  nobilis  Doniinus,   Dux  Lancastrian, prohi- 

bens  Magistro  praedicto  Johanui,  quod  de  caetero  non  loqueretur  de  ista  materia. 
Sed  nee  ipse  conteniperans  suo  ordinario  CancelJario,  nee  tam  strenuo  Domino 
incepit  Confessionem  quandani  facere,  in  qua  continebatur  omnis  error  pristinus 
sed  sccretius  sub  vclamine  vario  vei'boruin,  in  qua  dixit  suum  conceptum,  et  visus 
est  suam  sententiam  probare.  Sed  velut  hasreticus  pertinax  refutavit  omnes  Doc- 
tores  de  secundo  Millenario  in  materia  de  sacramento  Altaris,  et  dixit,  omnes  illos 
errasse  praeter  ]?erengarium,  —  et  ipsum  et  suos  complices  ;  dixit  palam  Sathanam 
.solutum  ct  potestateni  habere  in  Magistro  Sententiarum  et  in  onmibus  qui  fidem 
CathoUcani  praedicaverunt  (see  Leiois,  p.  271).  The  Confessio  in  Lewis,  p.  272: 
Sa-pe  confessus  sum  et  adhuc  confiteor,  quod  idem  corpus  Christi  in  numero  quod 
fuit  assumptuni  de  Virgine,  quod  passum  est  in  cruce,  —  est  vere  et  realiter  panis 
sacramentalis :  —  cujus  probatio  est,  quia  Christus,  qui  mentiri  non  potest,  sic 
asserit.  Non  tamen  audeo  dicere,  quod  corpus  Christi  sit  essentialiter,  substantia- 
Hter,  corporaliter  vel  identice  ille  panis.  —  Credimus  enim,  quod  tiiplex  est  modus 
essendi  corpus  Christi  in  hostia  consecrata,  scil.  virtualis,  spirltualis  et  sacramen- 
talis. Virtualis,  quo  benefacit  per  totum  suum  dominum  [leg.  dominium]  secun- 
dum bona  natura;  vel  gratia.  Modus  autem  essendi  spiritualis  est,  quo  corpus 
Christi  est  in  Eucharistia  et  Sanctis  per  gratiam.  Et  tertius  est  modus  essendi 
sacramentalis,  quo  corpus  Christi  singulariter  [est]  in  hostia  consecrata.  Sed  praj- 
ter  istos  tres  modos  essendi  sunt  alii  ties  modi  realiores  et  veriores  quos  corpus 
Christi  appropriate  habet  in  coelo,  scil.  modus  essendi  substantialiter,  corporaliter  et 
dimensionaliter.  Et  grosse  concipientes  non  intelligunt  ahum  modum  essendi  nal- 
urahs  substantias  prater  illos.  lUi  autem  sunt  valde  indispositi  ad  concipiendum 
arcana  Eucharistias,  et  subtilitatem  scripturce.  These  advocates  of  transubstantia- 
tion were  designated  as  a  secta  cultorum  accidentium,  cultores  signorum,  and  con- 
futed by  various  passages  from  the  church- fathers.  The  close  :  Vie  generation! 
adulters,  quae  plus  credit  testimonio  Innocentii  vel  Raymundi,  quam  sensui  Evan- 
geUi  capto  a  testibus  supradictis.  Idem  enim  esset  scandalizare  illos  in  isto  et 
imponere  eis  haresim  ex  perversione  sensus  scripture,  praecipue  et  iterum  de  'ore 
perverse  Apostatas  accumulantis  super   Ecclesiam  Romanani  mendacia,   quibus 


144  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

amongst  the  learned,  especially  at  Oxford,  to  be  entirely  put  down. 
The  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  at  a  council  held  in  London  May  and 
June,  13S2),  condemned  a  number  of  his  assertions  as  heresy. ^  ^The 
king  began  once  more  to  support  the  hierarchy.!^     But  though  Wic- 

fingit,  quod  Ecclesia  posterior  priori  coutraria  correxit  fidem,  quod  sacramentum 
istud  sit  accidens  sine  subjecto,  et  non  verus  panis  et  vinuiu,  ut  dicit  Evangelium 
cum  Decreto.  Nam  teste  Augustino  tale  accidens  sine  subjecto  non  potest  sacer- 
do8  conficere.  Et  tanien  tantum  magnificant  saccrdotes  Baal  mendaciter,  indubie 
juxta  scholam  patris  sui,  consecrationem  hujus  accidentis,  quod  reputant  missas 
alias  indignas  audiri,  vel  dissentientes  suis  mendaciis  inhabiles  alicubi  graduari : 
sed  credo,  quod  finaliter  Veritas  vincet  eos. 

*^  See  Mansi  XXVI.  p.  695.  Namely,  as  Conclusiones  hasreticas :  I.  Quod 
substantia  panis  matcrialis  et  vini  maneant  post  consecrationem  in  sacramento 
altaris.  II.  Item  quod  accidentia  non  maneant  sine  subjecto  post  consecrationem 
in  eodem  sacramento.  III.  Item  quod  Christus  non  sit  in  saci-amento  altaris  iden- 
tice,  vere  et  realiter  in  propria  prajsentia  corporali.  IV.  Item  quod  si  Episcopus 
vel  sacerdos  existat  in  peccato  mortali,  non  ordinat,  conficit,  nee  baptizat.  V.  Item 
quod  si  homo  fuerit  debite  contritus,  omnis  confessio  exterior  est  sil)i  superflua  vel 
inutilis.  VI.  Item  pertinaciter  asserere,  non  esse  lundatum  in  Evangelio,  quod 
Christus  Missam  ordinavcrit.  VII.  Item  quod  Deus  debet  obedire  Diabolo.  VIII. 
Item  quod  si  Papa  sit  pra;stigiator  et  malus  homo,  ac  per  consequens  membrum 
Diaboli,  non  habct  potestatem  supra  fideles  Christi  ab  aliquo  sibi  datam,  nisi  forte  a 
Caesare.  IX.  Item  quod  post  Urbanum  sextum  non  est  aliquis  recipiendus  in 
Papam,  sed  vivendum  est  more  Gi-scorum  sub  legibus  propriis.  X.  Item  asse- 
rere, quod  est  contra  sacram  scripturam,  quod  viri  ecclesiastici  habeant  possessiones 
temporales.  Then  follow  14  Conclusiones  erroneffi :  I.  Quod  nullus  Praelatus 
debet  aliquem  excommunicare,  nisi  prius  ipsum  sciat  esse  excomnuinicatum  a 
Deo.  III.  Item  quod  Praelatus  excommunicans  clericum,  qui  appellavit  ad  regem 
et  consilium  regni,  eo  ipso  traditor  Dei  est,  regis  et  regni.  IV.  Item  quod  illi,  qui 
dimittunt  prffidicare  seu  audire  verbum  Dei  vel  evangelium  pra;dicatum  propter 
excommunicationem  hominum  sunt  excommunicati,  et  in  die  judicii  traditores  Dei 
habebuntur.  V.  Item  asserere,  quod  liceat  alicui,  etiam  diacono  vel  presbytero, 
prasdicare  verbum  Dei  absque  auctoritate  sedis  Apostolicffi  vel  Episcopi  catholici, 
seu  alia  de  qua  sufficienter  constet.  VI.  Item  asserere,  quod  nullus  est  dominus 
civilis,  nullus  est  Episcopus,  nullus  est  Pra'latus,  dum  est  in  peccato  mortali.  VII. 
Item  quod  domini  temporales  possint  ad  arbitrium  eorum  auferre  bona  temporalia 
ab  ecclesiasticis  habitualiter  delinquentibus,  vel  quod  populares  possint  ad  eorum 
arbitrium  dominos  delinquentes  corrigere.  VIII.  Item  quod  decims  sunt  purae 
eleemosyna;,  et  quod  parocliiani  possint  propter  peccata  suorum  curatorum  eas 
rtetinere,  et  ad  libitum  aliis  conferre.  IX.  Item  quod  speciales  orationes  applicatae 
uni  persona;  per  Praelatos  vel  religiosos  non  plus  prosunt  eidem  persons,  quam 
orationes  generales,  ceteris  paribus,  eidem.  X.  Item  quod  eo  ipso,  quod  aliquis 
ingreditur  religionem  privatam  quamcunque,  redditur  ineptior  et  inhabilior  ad 
observantiam  mandatoruin  Dei.  XI.  Item  quod  sancti  instituentes  religiones  pri- 
vatas  quascumque,  tam  possessionatarum,  quam  mendicantium,  in  sic  instituendo 
peccaverunt.  XII.  Item  quod  religiosi  viventes  in  religionibus  privatis  non  sint 
de  religione  Christiana.  Error  perniciosus.  XIII.  Item  quod  fratres  teneantur 
per  laborem  manuum,  et  non  per  mendicationem  victum  suum  adquirei'e.  Dam- 
natits  ab  Jllex.  IV.  XIV.  Item  quod  conferens  eleemosynam  fratribus  vel  fi'atri 
praedicanti  est  excommunicatus  et  recipiens.  Three  of  the  most  distinguished  of 
WiclifTe's  followers,  Nicholas  de  Hereford,  John  Aston,  and  Philip  Repingdon 
were  summoned  before  the  council ;  their  explanations  of  the  above  pi-opositions 
were  not,  however,  satisfactory.  Wiclitfe  complains  that  various  assertions  were 
attributed  to  him  at  this  council  without  foundation  ;  namely,  Deus  debet  obedire 
Diabolo,  see  Leiois,  p.  96. 

•'  See  the  royal  edict  of  12  Jul.  1382,  in  Lewis,  p.  282,  by  which  permission 
was  given  the  bishops  ad  omnes  et  singulos,  qui  dictas  conclusiones  sic  damnatas 
praedicare  seu  manutenere  vellent,  —  arrestandos,  etc.,  and  the  university  of  Ox- 
ford ordered  on  13  Jul.  (ibid.  p.  379),  to  excommunicate  all  qui  quicquam  praedic- 


Chap.    VIII.     Reformers.     §   123.    John  Wicliffe.  145 

liffe  was  forced  to  leave  Oxford  and  retreat  to  his  rectory  of  Lutter- 
worth, he  continued  to  attack  the  abuses  of  the  church  with  unabated 
zeal.  Shortly  before  his  death  (t  I3S4)  he  wrote  the  Trialogus,  in 
which  he  deposited  the  results  of  all  his  observations  in  ecclesiastical 
and  theological  matters,  a  legacy,  as  it  were,  for  posterity. ^"^ 

torum  hsresium  vel  errorum  —  foveriat  vel  defenderint,  vel  qui  magistros  Jo. 
Wycclj'ff,  Nicholaum  Herfoi-do,  Philippum  Repyungdon,  Jo.  Astonn  —  in  domos 
et  hospitia  ausi  fuerint  acceptare,  vel  cum  eoruni  aliquo  communicare  etc. 

'■•  Jo.  Wiclefi  dialogorum  Hbri  IV.  ed.  (Basile(e)  1525.  4to.  (compare  Baum- 
gartens  Nachr.  von  einer  hall.  Bibl.  I?d.  5.  S.  ITS)  ;  ed.  L.  Ph.  Wirth.  Francof. 
et  Lips.  1753.  4to.  Wiclifte  himself  calls  the  work  ti-ialogus,  see  the  introduction: 
vidimus  quod  posset  multis  utilis  quidam  esse  Trialogus,  ubi  ^rhno  AJithia  tanquam 
solidus  theologus  loqueretur;  secundo  infidelis,  captiosus  tanquam  Pseudis  objice- 
ret;  et  tertio  subtihs  theologus  et  maturus,  tanquam  Phrouesis  decideret  verita- 
tem.  Contents:  Lib.  L  de^Deo  et  ideis  (in  which  the  Platonic  Realism  is  very 
decidedly  maintained)  Lib.  IL  de  rebus  creatis  (teaching,  c.  14,  strict  predestina- 
tion :  Et  sic  videtur  nuhi  piobabile,  quod  Deus  necessitat  creaturas  singulas  activas 
ad  quemlibet  actum  suum.  Et  sic  sunt  aliqui  prsdestinati,  hoc  est  post  laborem 
ordinati  ad  gloriam  :  aliqui  prajsciti,  hoc  est  post  vitam  miseram  ad  poenam  perpe- 
tuam  ordinati.  (cf.  Thomas  Br adwardinus,  §  113,  note  10)  Lib.  III.  de  virtuti- 
bus  et  vitiis  (cf.  cap.  31) :  nulla  alia  scriptura  capit  auctoritatem  vel  valorem,  nisi 
de  quanto  sua  sentenfia  a  scriptura  sacra  sit  derivata.  —  Et  hinc  Augustinus  — 
sajpe  prfecipit,  quod  nemo  credat  scriptis  suis  vel  verbis,  nisi  de  quanto  se  tunda- 
verint  in  scriptura,  et  in  ipsa,  ut  saepe  dicit,  omnis  Veritas  implicite  vel  explicite 
continetur.  lit  indubie  idem  est  judicium  de  scriptis  aliorum  sanctorum  doctorum, 
et  multo  magis  de  scriptis  Romans  ecclesias,  et  doctorum  novorum.  —  Et  tunc 
scriptura  sacra  foret  in  rcverentia,  et  bulliB  papales  (sicut  dehent)  forent  postpositas, 
et  tam  leges  papales,  quam  doctorum  novorum  sentential,  quae  sunt  post  solutionem 
Sathan.-B  promulgate,  forent  in  suis  limitibus  venerat*).  He  appears  as  a  reformer 
more  especially  in  the  Lib.  IV.,  where,  beginning  with  the  sacraments,  he  goes  on 
to  reprove  many  of  the  abuses  and  errors  of  the  church.  First,  de  Eucharistia, 
c.  2  - 10,  where  he  attacks  the  notion,  quod  hoc  sacramentum  sit  accidens  sine 
subjecto.  Cap.  2  :  Ipsa  curia  ante  solutionem  diaboli  cum  antiqua  sententia  pla- 
nius  concordavit,  ut  patet  Dist.  II.  c.  Ego  Berengarius  (see  above,  §  29,  note  10). 
Et  sic  de  omnibus  Sanctis  Doctoribus,  qui  usque  ad  solutionem  Satanjg  istam  mate- 
riam  pertractarunt.  A  tempore  autem  solutionis  Satana?,  diniissa  fide  scripturffi, 
multaj  haereses  in  ista  materia,  et  specialiter  inter  fratres  et  discipulos  eis  similes, 
volitarunt.  Cap.  4:  Non  dubium  etiam  laico  idiotaj,  quin  sequitur :  iste  panis  est 
corpus  Christi,  ergo  iste,  panis  est,  et  per  consequens  manet  panis,  et  sic  simul  est 
panis  et  coi-pus  Christi.  Exempla  autem  possunt  grossa  poni  pro  ista  materia 
attestanda.  Non  enim  oportet,  sed  veritati  repugnat,  quod  homo,  dum  fit  dominus 
vel  pralatus  Ecclesias,  desinat  esse  eadem  persona:  sed  maneat  omnino  eadem 
substantia  quoddammodo  exaltata.  Sic  oportet  credere,  quod  iste  panis  virtute 
verborum  sacramentalium  fit  consecratione  sacerdotis  primi  veraciter  corpus  Christi: 

—  natura  panis  non  ex  hinc  destruitur,  sed  in  digniorem  substantiam  exaltatur. 
Cap.  6 :  Istam  ergo  reputo  causam  lapsus  hominum  in  istam  hasresim,  quod  discre- 
dunt  Evangelio,  et  leges  papales  ac  dicta  apocrypha  plus  acceptant.  Cap.  7  :  Ideo 
si  essent  centum  Papa?,  et  omnes  fratres  essent  versi  in  Cardinales,  non  deberet 
concedi  sententi*  su£e  in  materia  fidei,  nisi  de  quanto  se  fundaverint  in  scriptura. 

—  Cap.  14  De  confirmatione,  doubts  de  ejus  fundatione  ex  fide  scripturse. — Cap. 
15:  De  sacramento  ordinis  :  In  piimitivaecclesia  —  sufFecerunt  duoordines  cleri- 
corum,  scil.  sacerdos  atque  diaconus.  —  Tunc  enim  adinventa  non  fuit  distinctio 
Papae  et  Cardinalium,  Patriarcharum  et  Archiepiscoporum,  Episcoporura  et  Archi- 
diaconorum,  Otficialium  et  Decanorum  cum  casteris  officiariis,  et  privatis  religioni- 
bus,  quorum  non  est  numerus  neque  ordo.  De  contentionibus  autem  circa  ista, 
quod  unumquodque  istorum  est  ordo,  et  in  eju.s  acceptione  gratia  Dei  ac  character 
imprimitur,  cum  aliis  difficultatibus  quas  nostri  balbutiunt,  videtur  mihi  esse  tacen- 
dum,  cum  sic  loquentes  nee  fundant  quod  asserunt,  nee  probant.  Sed  ex  fide 
scripturae  videtur  mihi  sufficere,  esse  Presbyteros  atque  Diaconos,  servantes  statum 

VOL.    III.  19 


146  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

The  followers  of  WiclifFe,  to  whom   the  heretic  name  of  Lollards 
was  soon  applied,  were  chiefly  amongst  the  higher  and  more  cultivated 


utque  officium,  quod  eis  Christum  imposuit,  quia  certum  videtur,  quod  superbia 
caesarea  hos  gradus  et  ordines  adinvenit. —  Dixit  doininus  ad  Aaron;  in  terra 
eorum  uihil  possidebitis, — Jiliis  autein  Levi  dedi  omnes  decimas  Israel.  —  Si 
ergo  pra;lati  nostri  —  fundant  se  in  secunda  parte  hujus  dicti  doininici  ad  avide 
capienduin  decimas,  —  cur  noii  primain  partem  auctoritatis  domini  pro  aniore 
Christi  pauperis  adeo  amplectuutur  ?  Cap.  17:  Habere  civiliter,  cum  necessitat 
ad  sollicitudinem  circa  temporalia  et  leges  hominum  observandas,  debet  omnino 
clericis  interdici.  Et  quantum  ad  Sylvestruin  et  alios,  est  mihi  probabile,  quod  in 
recipicndo  taliter  dotationem  gi'aviter  peccaveruiit.  Cap.  18  :  Temporales  domini 
in  isto  gravitcr  peccaverunt.  Et  hinc  credo  quod  justo  Dei  judicio  taliter  in  suis 
mundanis  divitiis  sunt  punili.  Ex  hoc  cnim  orta  sunt  bella,  contentio  et  paupertas 
multorum  saecularium  dominorum. — Unde  narrant  Chronicae,  quod  in  dotatione 
Ecclesioe  vox  audita  est  in  aOre  angelica  time  tcmporis  sic  dicentis:  hodie  effusum 
est  venenurn  in  ecrlesia  sancta  Dei.  Unde  a  tempore  Constantini,  qui  sic  dotavit 
ecclesiam,  decrevit  itnperium  Ronianum,  et  ipso  dominium  sasculare.  —  Nos  autem 
dicinius  illis  [dominis  teinporalibus],  quod  nedum  possunt  auferre  temporalia  ab 
ecclesia  habiludinaliter  delinquente,  nee  solum  quod  illis  licet  hoc  facere,  sed  quod 
debent  sub  poena  damnationis  gehennse,  cum  debent  de  sua  stultitia  poenifere  et 
.satisfacere  pro  peccato,  quo  Christi  ecclesiam  macularunt.  Cap.  23:  De  pceniten- 
tia.  Prima  est  solum  in  animo  et  insensibilis,  quia  contritus  domino  confitetur. 
Ilia  autem  licet  sit  parvipensa,  est  tamen  virtute  maxima,  sine  qua  aliae  nihil 
valent.  Secunda  vero  est  pcenitenlia  aggregata  ex  ilia,  et  expressione  vocali  sin- 
gulariter  facta  Deo,  et  sic  tam  patres  legis  veteris,  quam  patres  novi  testamenti 
communiter  sunt  confessi.  Sed  tertia  est  poenitentia  aggregata  ex  duabus  priori- 
bus,  et  promulgatione  secreta  private  facta  presbytero.  Et  ad  istam  poenitentiain 
magis  altendimus  propter  lucrum.  Utrum  autem  isia  poenitentia  tertia  sit  de 
necessitate  salutis,  vel  qua  auctoiitate  intioducta  tiierat,  est  dissensio  apud  multos. 
—  Sed  non  credat  aliquis,  quin  sine  tali  confessione  auriculari  stat  hominem  vera 
conteri  et  salvari,  cum  Petrus  injunxit  generalem  poenitentiam.  Of  the  passage, 
Matth.  xvi.  19:  Quodamque  ligaveris,  etc.  Non  videtur  hoc  dictum  in  Petro 
ulleriorem  sapere  poleslafem,  nisi  quod  omne,  quod  ligaverit  vel  solvent  super 
terram  confornjiter  ad  Christi  judicium  et  ecclesia-  triumphantis,  erit  solutum  et  in 
coelis.  Cap.  25  :  De  extreina  unctione.  That  there  was  no  foundation  for  this 
sacrament  in  James  v.  14:  cum  fidelis  posset  dicere  satis  probabiliter,  quod  ille 
sanctus  Apostolus  non  specivocat  infirmitatem  finalem,  sed  consolalionem  facien- 
dam  a  presbytero,  dum  aliquis  infirmatur,  et  quia  per  viam  naturse  oleum  abundans 
in  illis  partibus  valet  ad  corporis  sanitatem.  Idco  talem  meminit  unctionem,  non 
quod  illud  oleum  agat  in  animam,  sed  quod  oratio  effusa  a  sacerdote  devoto  medicat 
quemquam,  ut  Deus  inlirmitati  anima;  suffragctur.  Si  enim  ista  corporalis  unctio 
foret  sacramcntum,  ut  modo  fmgitiir,  Christus  et  caiteri  Apostoli  ejus  promulgatio- 
nem  et  executionem  debitam  non  tacerent.  —  Et  sic  in  sacramento  baptismatis,  in 
Sacramento  confirmalionis  et  cunctis  aliis  Antichristus  ritus  infundabiies  adinvenit, 
et  ad  onus  ecclesias  extra  fidem  sciiptura;  supra  tideles  subditos  cumulavit.  Sacra- 
menta  autem  alia  necessaria  prstermisit,  ut  patet  de  septem  operibus  spiritualis 
misericordicT,  qusp  debent  apud  fideles,  et  specialiter  presbyteros,  esse  sacramen- 
tum,  etc.  Cap.  26  :  De  speciebns  ministrorum :  Antichristus  habet  sub  specie 
cleri  procuratores  duodecim  contra  ecclesiam  Christi  machinantes,  cujusmodi  com- 
muniter ponuntur  Pap»  et  Cardinales,  Patriarchs,  Archipr.Tsules,  Episcopi,  Ar- 
chidiaconi,  Officiales,  Decani,  Monachi  et  Canonici  bifurcati,  Pseudofratres  intro- 
ducti  jam  ultimo,  et  Quffistores  (all  which  were  to  be  distinguished  from  the 
sacerdotcs  Christi,  recte  ejus  Evangelium  prasdicantes.  Et  ista  pars  debet  esse 
quasi  anima  corpori  matris  nostra^).  Oiimi;s  autem  isti  duodecim,  et  specialiter 
pra?lati  Ca?sarii  et  frati-os  infundabiliter  introducli  sunt  manifeste  discipuli  Anti- 
chrisfi,  quia  liberlatem  Christi  tollunt,  ac  oneiant  sanctam  ecclesiam  et  impediunt, 
ne  currat  lex  evangelii  libere  sicut  olim.  Cap.  27:  Quod  fratres  comminiscant 
hceresim  in  ecclesia.  Tres  bla^phemias  do  multis  ostendi  populo  de  istis  fratribus 
in  vulgari.  Prima  est  de  quidditate  sacramenti  altaris  (namely,  quod  ipsa  conse- 
crata  hostia  sit  accidens  sine  subjccto) ;  secunda  de  mendicatione  Christi,  et  tertia 


Chap.    VIII.     Reformers.     §   123.    Jolin   Wicliffe.  147 

classes.^''     The  hierarchy  continued  to  repeat  their  condemnation  of 


de  literis  fraternitatum  t'alsissiniis  (in  which  they  pretend,  quod  personce,  quibus 
istasconcedunt,  participabunt  post  moi'tein  de  suis  ineiilis).  This  subject  continued 
to  c.  31.  Cap.  32:  De  indulgentiis :  Superbia  eoruni,  quia  Deum  oderunt, 
ascendit  semper.  Ideo  licet  fons  ha^resis  et  peccati  sit  in  ipso  tenebraruni  prin- 
cipio,  tamen  rivulus  fratrum  ab  eo  descendens  nititur,  ut  dictum  est,  innaturahter 
se  extollere  supra  fontem.  Fateor,  quod  indulgentife  Papales,  si  ita  se  habeant  ut 
dicuntur,  tunc  sapiant  manifestam  blaspheiniam.  Dicitur  enim,  quod  Papa  prae- 
tendit  se  habere  potentiani  ad  salvandum  sino;ulos  viatores :  —  et  nedum  ad  niiti- 
gandum  posnas  eorum,  qui  deliquerunt,  ad  suffragandum  eis  cum  absolutionibus  et 
indulgentiis,  ne  unquam  veniant  ad  purgatorium,  sed  ad  praacipiendum  Sanctis 
angelis,  ut  anima  separata  a  corpore,  indilate  ipsam  deferant  in  requiem  sempiter- 
nam.  Et  per  fratres  coloratur  ista  blasphemia  per  hoc,  quod  Christus  est  oiiini- 
potens.  —  Sed  Papa  est  plenus  vicarius  ejus  in  terris,  el  ideo  potest  idem  quicquid 
potest  Christus  humanitus.  —  Unde  ad  declarandum  papalem  potentiam  pseudo- 
fiatres  in  secretis  tidei  sic  procedunt.  Supponunt  eniin  primo,  quod  in  coelis  sint 
intinita  sanctorum  supererogata  merita,  et  specialiter  meritum  domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi,  quod  sufficeret  salvare  mundos  alios  infinitos  :  et  super  ilium  totum  thesau- 
rum  Christus  Papam  constituit  ad  secundum  quod  sibi  libuerit  dispensandum  : 
ideo  infinitum  potest  de  illo  distribuere,  cum  hoc  remaneat  infinitum.  Contra 
istam  rudem  blasphemiam  invexi  alias  primo  sic.  Nee  papa  nee  dominus  Jesus 
Christus  potest  dispensare  cum  aliquo,  nee  dare  indulgentias,  nisi  ut  aternaliter 
deltas  justo  consilio  definivit.  —  Item  quajro  de  illis  supererogatis  meritis  sempi- 
ternis,  in  quo  membro  ecclesi*  subjectantur  ?  Si  in  Christo  et  membris  suis, 
mirabile  videtur,  quod  Papa  potest  a  subjectis  propriis  illasubtrahere  propter  muHa. 
Primo  quia  accidens  non  potest  esse  sine  subjecto.  Secundo  quia  nullus  eorum 
ilia  desiderat,  pra^teriit  illis  bora  merendi.  Et  tertio  quia  plane  juxta  suum  meri- 
tum prsmiatur.  Quomodo  ergo  Papa  potest  per  rapinam  talem  imaginativam 
facere  Deo  et  illis  injuriam  ?  Item  per  deducens  ad  impossibile  declaratur,  quod  si 
viator  in  tempore  alicujus  Papai  damnabitur,  ipse  Papa  erit  reus  damnationis  propter 
hoc,  quod  omittit  ipsum  salvare,  etc.  —  In  tales  infinitas  blasphemias  involvitur  infa- 
tuata  ecclesia,  et  specialiter  per  caudam  illius  draconis,  hoc  est  sectas  fratrum,  quEe 
ad  illusionem  istam,  et  alias  seductiones  ecclesife  Lucit'erinas  deserviunt.  Sed  eia 
milites  Christi,  abjicite  prudenter  hsc  atque  fictitias  principis  tenebraruni,  et  in- 
duimini  Jesum  Christum,  —  et  excutite  ab  ecclesia  tales  versutias  Antichristi,  etc. 
—  Cap.  33  to  38  are  against  the  Mendicants.  With  this  work  of  Wicliffe's  may  be 
compared  the  account  of  his  opinions  given  in  Lewis,  p.  125,  and  supported  by 
citations  from  the  original  works.  The  most  remarkable  of  his  views  are  those 
concerning  the  abuse  of  the  mass,  the  scientific  music  in  the  churches,  consecra- 
tion with  oil,  salt,  wax,  etc.,  canonization,  pilgrimages,  ecclesiastical  asylums,  the 
celibacy  of  the  clergy,  etc.  He  defines  heresy,  p.  140,  as  Errour  meynlened 
agenst  holy  writt,  and  that  in  life  and  conversation,  as  well  as  in  opinion.  He  also 
condenms  war  and  capital  punishment. 

'5  See  the  list  of  Wicliffe's  most  considerable  followers  in  Wood  hist.  Univ. 
Oxon.  p.  186  ;  and  in  Lewis,  p.  175.  — Henricus  de  Knyghton,  Lib.  V.  p.  2660: 
Erant  etiam  milites,  Dominus  Thomas  Latymer,  Dom.  Johannes  Trussel,  etc. — 
cum  Ducibus  et  Comitibus,  isti  erant  praacipue  eis  adhaerentes  et  in  omnibus  eis 
faventes.  —  Cumque  aliquis  Pseudo-Prwdicator  ad  partes  alicujus  istorum  militum 
se  diverteret  prasdicationis  causa,  in  continenti  cum  omni  promptitudine  populum 
patrias  convocare,  et  ad  certum  locum  vel  Ecclesiam  cum  ingenti  soUicitudine  con- 
gregare  satagebat,  ad  audiendum  voces  eorum,  licet  invitos,  resistere  tamen  vel 
contradicere  non  audentes.  Nam  assistere  solent  juxta  sic  inepte  pradicantes 
gladio  et  pelta  stipati,  ad  eorum  defensionem,  ne  quis  contra  eos  aut  eorum  doctri- 
nam  blasphemam  aliquid  tentare  vel  contradicere  quandoque  auderet.  —  Crevit 
populus  credentium  in  ista  doctrina,  et  quasi  germinantes  multiplicati  sunt  nimis, 
et  impleverunt  ubique  orbem  regni,  —  audacesque  ad  plenum  facti  sunt.  —  Sicque 
a  vulgo  Wyclif  discipuli  et  Wycliviani  sive  LoUardi  vocati  sunt.  —  Secta  ilia 
in  maximo  honore  illis  diebus  habebatur  et  in  tantum  multiplicata  fuit,  quod  vix 
duos  videres  in  via,  quin  alter  eorum  discipulus  Wyclefi  fuerit.  —  Thomas  TVal- 
singham  in  Hypodigniate  JVeustria,  p.  544  :  Lollardi  sequaces  Johannis  WicklifF 


148  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 


in  tantam  sunt  evecti  temeritatem,  ut  eoruni  presbyteii  more  Pontificum  novos 
crearent  presbyteros,  asserentes,  querulibet  saccrdotem  tantam  habere  potestatem 
conferendi  sacrainenta  ecclesiastica,  qtiantam  Papa.  —  Audierunt  et  coonoverunt 
ha;c  regni  Pontiiices,  sed  abieriint  alius  in  villain  suara,  alius  ad  negotiationem 
suam  :  solus  Norvvicensis  temporibiis  malis  ausus  est  esse  bonus.  Henricus  de 
Knyghton,  p.  2706,  says  of  them  :  insuper  novos  errores  antiquis  immiscent,  and 
then  gives  a  catalogue  of  25  heresies,  amongst  which,  besides  those  of  WiclifTe 
above  enumerated,  arc  the  following  :  Vll.  quod  non  est  supplicandum  Sanctis 
orare  pro  viventibus,  nee  dicenda  est  Letania:  atfirmant  enim  Deum  omnia  facere, 
ipsos  nihil  facere  posse,  quos  Sanctos  vocamus.  Sed  mullos  corum  pr;edicant  esse 
in  inferno,  quorum  festa  celebrantur.  XI.  quod  nullus  intrabit  regnum  ccelorum, 
nisi  omnibus  renunciaveiit,  ea  dando  paupciibus,  solum  Deum  sequcndo,  modo 
ipsorum.  Xlil.  quod  omnia  inter  clericos  debent  esse  communia.  XVI.  quod 
non  licet  aliquo  modo  jui-are.  Compare  the  Conclusioncs,  presented  to  Parliament 
by  the  Lollhards,  A.  D.  1394,  in  Lewis,  p.  298:  Prima  Conclusio  est,  quod, 
quando  Ecclesia  Anglia?  incepit  delirare  in  temporalitate  secundum  novercam 
suam  magnam  Ecclesiam  Romanam,  et  Ecclesiae  fuerant  auctorizata?  per  appro- 
priationcm  diversis  locis ;  fides,  spcs,  charitas  inceperunt  fugere  de  Ecclesia  nostra, 
quia  supej'bia  cum  sua  dolorosa  gcnealogia  mortalium  peccatorum  vendicabat  hoc 
titulo  veritatis.  —  Secunda  Conclusio,  quod  nostrum  usuale  sacerdotium,  quod 
incepit  in  Koma,  fictum  potestate  Angelis  altiori,  non  est  istud  sacerdotium,  quod 
Christus  ordinavit  suis  Apostolis.  —  III.  quod  lex  contincntia;  injuncta  sacei'dotio, 
quas  in  pra^judicium  mulierum  prius  fuit  ordinata,  inducit  Sodomiam  in  totam 
sanctam  Ecclesiam.  —  IV.  quod  fictum  miraculum  saci'amcnti  panis  inducit  onuies 
homines  —  in  idolatriam.  —  Sed  vellet  Deus,  quod  ipsi  vellent  credere,  quod 
Doctor  Evangelicus  dicit  in  suo  Trialogo,  quod  panis  Altaris  est  accidentaliter 
corpus  Christi.  —  V.  quod  Exorcismi  et  henedictiones  factae  super  vinum,  panem, 
aquam  et  oleum,  sal,  ceram,  et  incensum,  lapides  Altaris,  et  ecclesiae  muros, 
super  vestimentum,  mitram,  crucem  et  baculos  peregrinorum  sunt  vera  practica 
necromantiffi  polius  quam  sacra  theologis. —  VI.  quod  Rex  Episcopus  in  una 
persona,  Prselatus  et  judex  in  temporalibus  causis,  Curatus  et  Officialis  in  mundiali 
officio  facit  quodlibet  regnum  extra  bonum  regimen.  —  VII.  quod  spirituales 
orationes  pro  animabus  mortuorum  factte  in  Ecclesia  nostra,  praeferentes  unum  per 
nomen  antequam  alium,  est  falsum  fundamentum  eleemosyna;.  — VIII.  quod 
peregrinationes,  orationes,  et  oblationes  factfe  crucibus  sive  Rodys,  et  surdis  imagi- 
nibus  de  ligno  et  lapide,  sunt  prope  consanguinete  ad  idolatiiam  : — imago  usualis 
de  trinitate  est  maxime  abominabilis.  —  IX.  quod  auricularis  confessio,  qua?  dicitur 
tarn  necessaria  ad  salvationem  hominis,  cum  ficta  potestate  absolutionis,  exaltat 
superbiam  Sacerdotum,  et  dat  illis  opportunitatem  secretarum  sermocinationum, 
quas  nos  nolumus  dicere,  quia  Domini  et  Dominse  attestantui-,  quod  pro  timore 
confessorum  suorum  non  audent  dicere  veritatem,  et  in  tempore  confessionis  est 
opportunum  tempus  procationis,  id  est  of  Wowyng  et  aliarum  secretarum  conven- 
tionum  ad  peccata  rnortalia.  Ipsi  dicunt,  quod  sunt  commissarii  Dei  ad  judicanduni 
de  omni  peccato,  ad  perdonandum  et  mundandum,  quemcunque  eis  placuerit. 
Dicunt,  quod  habent  claves  cceli  et  inferni,  et  possunt  excommunicare  et  benedi- 
cere,  ligare  et  solvere  ad  voluntatem  eorurn,  in  tantum  quod  pro  tussello  vel  XII 
denariis  volunt  vendere  benedictionem  CceII  per  cartam  et  clausulam  de  warrantia 
(garantie)  sigillata  sigillo  communi.  —  X.  Quod  homicidium  per  bellum  vel 
prffitensam  legem  justitiae  pro  temporal!  causa  sine  spirituali  revelatione,  est  ex- 
presse  contrarium  Novo  Testamento,  quod  quidem  est  lex  gratia;  et  plena  miseri- 
cordiarum.  —  XI.  quod  votum  continentia;  factum  in  nostra  Ecclesia  per  mulieres, 
quas  sunt  fragiles  et  imperfectai  in  natura,  est  causa  inductionis  maximorum  horri- 
bilium  peccatorum  possibilium  humana;  naturae :  quia,  licet  interfectio  puerorum 
antequam  baptizentui-,  et  abortivorum,  et  destructio  naturs  per  medicinam  sint 
turpia  peccata,  adhuc  commixtio  cum  seipsis  vel  irrationalibus  bcstiis,  vel  ci'eatura 
non  habente  vitam,  tali  transcendit  indignitate,  ut  puniantur  poenis  inferni.  — XII. 
quod  multitudo  artium  non  necessarium  usitalarum  in  nostro  regno  nutrit  multum 
peccatum  in  Waste  curiositate  et  inter  Disguising.  —  videtur  nobis  quod  aurifabri 
et  armatores,  et  omnimodae  artes  non  necessariw  homini  secundum  Apostolum 
destruerentur  pro  incremento  virtutis. 


Chap.    VIII.     Reformers.     §  123.    John   Wicliffe.         149 

his  doctrines,i6  denouncing  especially  his  translation  of  the  bible^' 
but  without  effect.  At  length  under  the  young  Henry  V.  (A.  D. 
1413)  at  the  instigation  of  the  clergy,  in  particular  of  his  father  con- 
fessor, the  Carmefite  Thomas  Waldensis,i»  a  bloody  persecution  was 
commenced,  and  the  Wicliffites  in  England  seemed  soon  to  be  entire- 
ly exterminated. I'J  But  the  truth  thus  persecuted  and  trampled  down 
soon  rose  again  in  its  full  vigor.  The  renewed  condemnation  of 
Wicliffe  at  *the  council  of  Constance,  with  the  sentence  that  his 
bones  should  be  dug  up  and  burned  (A.  D.  1428), '-^^  only  served  to 
show  the  impotence  of  earthly  power  in  the  struggle/-^!. 

16  cf  Wilkins  Cone.  Britannise,  vol.  III.  p.  202  seq.  Compare  especially  Cone. 
Londin.  ann.  1396,  p.  227  seq.  (Mansi  XXVI.  p.  811  seq.),  where  again  18  pro- 
po4tion«  ofWicliffe's  were  comlemned  ;  •ind  Constitutiones  Bom.  TJiomcB  Arundel 
Cantuar.  Archiep.  ann.  1408,  in  Wilkins,  p.  314  (Mansi  XXVI.  p.  1031). 

"  In  A.  D.  1401,  Wicliffe's  translation  was  attacked  by  the  Franciscan,  William 
Butler  (see  Jac.  Usserii  historia  dogin.  controversia;  de  seripturis  et  sacris  verna- 
ciiHs,  Lend.  1690.  4to.  p.  163).  —  Constitutionum  ThomcB  Arundel,  ann.  1408. 
Const.  VII:  Periculosa  qiioque  res  est,  testante  b.  Jeronymo,  textum  sacrae  scri- 
pturffi  de  uno  in  aliudidioma  transferre,  eo  quod  in  ipsis  translationibus  non  de  lacih 
idem  in  omnibus  sensus  retinetur,  proutidem  b.  Jeronymus,  etsi  mspiritusfmsset, 
se  in  hoc  s*pius  fatetur  crrasse.  Statuimus  igitur  et  ordinamus,  ut  nemo  deniceps 
aliquem  textum  sacra;  scripturae  auctoritate  sua  in  linguam  Anglicanam  vel  aham 
transferal  per  viam  lihri,  libelli  aut  tractatus:  nee  legatur  aliquis  hujusmodi  liber, 
libellus  aut  tractatus  jam  noviter  tempore  dicti  Johannis  Wy cliff,  sive  citra,  com- 
positus,  aut  inposterum  componendus,  in  parte  vel  in  toto,  publiee  vel  occulte,  sub 
majoris  excommunicationis  poena,  quousque  per  loci  dioecesanum,  seu  si  res  exe- 
gerit  per  Concilium  provinciale  ipsa  translatio  I'uerit  approbata.  Qui  contra  tecerit, 
ut  fautor  hffiresis  et  erroris  similiter  puniatur. 

'**  He  too  with  many  others,  wrote  a  Doctrinale  antiquitatum  fidei  Ecclesiae 
Cathol.  (against  the  followers  of  Wicliffe  and  Huss),  ed.  Paris.  1532.  Venet. 
1571.  lol. 

la  The  persecution  began  with  the  arrest  of  John  Oldcastle,  Lord  Cobham,  who 
escaped  from  the  tower,  but  was,  at  length,  imprisoned  again,  and  in  A.  D.  1416, 
huno-  in  chains,  and  burned.  Comp.  Walsingham  hist.  Anglia-,  p.  382  seq. 
Eiusll.  hypodigma  Neustria;,  p.  574  seq.  Jo.  Fox  rerum  in  ecclesia  gestarum, 
quce  postremis'et  periculosis  his  temporibus  evenerunt  (Basil.  1559.  fol.),  P.  I.  p. 
97  seq.  — Compare  Tliomas  Waldensis  in  prooemio  ( Raynald.  ann.  1414,  no.  16) : 
Henricus  V.  Christo  et  mundo  commendatissimus  inter  Reges,  gaudebat  in  ipso 
regni  sui  primordio  contra  Wiclevistas  ha-relicos  erexisse  vexillum,  dum  scilicet  ad 
Christi  natalem  cum  duce  iniquitatis  eorum  Joanne  Castriveteris  (Oldcastle) 
contra  inclytum  Regem  conspirare  eoeperunt:  nee  mora  longa  processit,  quin 
statutum  publicum  per  omne  regni  concilium  in  publico  emanavit  ediclo,  quod 
omnes  WiclevistEC,  sicut  Dei  proditores  essent,  sic  proditores  Regis  et  regni,  pro- 
seripti  bonis  censerentur,  duplici  poenae  dandi,  incendio  propter  Deuni,  suspendio 
propter  Regem  factumque  est  ita.  Stat  res  jure  perenni.  Multi  eorum  deprehensi 
ignibus  eonsumti  sunt,  contriti  sunt:  et  sic  malignantium  habita  opportunitate 
relicto  regno  decesserunt.  Si  qua  alia  gens  (Bohemia)  hujus  fascinata  criminibus 
colligere  dignum  ducat  paleas,  quas  nos  auctoritate  sanctorum  antistitum  cum  clero 
reoni  et  principali  terrore  discussimus,  quis  imputet  Anglicis  ?  Mare  nostrum 
ejiat  mortuos  nostros,  et  terra  nostra  dedit  fructum  eentuplum,  quis  criminabitur 
Angliam,  quod  populus  circumventus  dolo  haeretico  mortuos  nostros  eolit  et  vene- 
ratur  ut  Deus .' 

20  The  council  of  Constance  at  its  eighth  sitting,  on  the  4th  of  May,  1415, 
condemned  45  articles  of  Wicliffe's,  sentenced  his  books  to  be  burned,  and  re- 
.solved,  corpus  ejus  et  ossa,  si  ab  ahis  fidelium  corporibus  discerni  possint,  exhu- 
mari  et  procul  ab  eeclesiastica  sepultura  jactari  secundum  canonicas  et  legitimas 
sanct'iones  (v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  IV.  p.  150  seq.).     A.s  late  as  1427,  how- 


150  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

CHAPTER    NINTH. 

PROGRESS    OF    CHRISTIANITY. 


^  124. 

In  this  period  the  last  heathen  nations  of  Europe  were  converted 
to  Christianity  in  as  fiir  as  depended  on  the  mere  performance  of  the 
rite  of  baptism.  In  Lithuania  the  Greek  church  had  already  made 
some  converts,  when  the  Grand  Duke  Jagello,  in  order  to  secure  the 
hand  of  Hedwig,  the  heiress  of  the  Polish  crown,  caused  himself  to 
be  baptized  into  the  Romish  church  (A.  D.  1386),  and  called  on  his 
subjects  to  follow  his  example.i     But  although  many  were  baptized,^ 

ever,  Martin  V.  had  to  enjoin  the  execution  of  this  command  on  the  bishop  of 
Lincoln  again  and  again  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1427,  no.  14). 

*•  The  Lutheran  theologians  do  injustice  to  Wicliffe.  Luther  condemns  his 
doctrine  concerning  the  last  snpper,  calling  him  the  spitzigen  Wicliffe  (the  subtle 
Wicliffe)  (Bekcnntniss  vom  Abendmahl  Chiisti  in  Walchs  Ausg.  Th.  20.  S.  128S 
and  1294).  Melancthon  in  Apologia  August  Confess,  ad  Art.  XVI  :  Plane 
furebat  Wiglefus,  qui  negabat  licere  saccrdotibus  tenere  propriura.  And  even  in 
the  Unschuldigen  Nachrichten,  A.  D.  1712,  S.  558,  Wicliffe  is  denied  a  place 
amongst  the  true  reformers. 

'  Jo.  Blugossi  (Canon,  in  Cracow,  f  1480)  hist.  Polonis.  Francof  1711.  fol. 
Lib.  X.  p.  96  seq.  According  to  p.  104,  Jagello's  brother  Switrigal,  and  his  cousin 
Witondt  were  baptized  with  him  at  Cracow :  reliqui  Lithuanice  Duces,  fratres 
Ducis  Jagyellonis  cum  dudum  ante  Grscorum  ritu  baptisma  sortiti  fuerint,  ad 
iterandum,  vel  ut  signihcatiori  verbo  utar,  ad  supplendum  baptisma  non  poterant 
induci.  Compare  Schlossers  Gesch.  von  Litthauen,  in der  Allgem.  Weltg-esch. 
Th.  50.  S.  84  ff.  b  6 

2  Jo.  DIugossus,  1.  c.  p.  109  seq.  In  A.  D.  1387,  Jagello,  now  Wladislaus  II., 
repaired  with  a  great  retinue  to  Lithuania,  and  there  commanded  all  the  heathen 
relics  to  be  destroyed.  Confractis  autem  et  exterminatis  idolis,  dum  Deorum 
suorum  falsitatem  —  oculis  pervidissent,  universa  Lithuanorum  gens  et  natio  fidem 
Christianam  suscipere  —  prona  et  obedienti  devotione  consensit.  Per  dies  autem 
aHquot  de  articulis  fidei,  quos  credere  oportet,  et  oratione  dominica,  atque  symbolo 
per  sacerdotes  Polonorum,  magis  tamen  per  Wladislai  Regis,  qui  linguam  gentis 
noverat  et  cui  facilius  assentiebat,  [operam]  edocta,  sacri  baptismatis  unda  renata 
est,  largiente  Wladislao  Rege  singulis  ex  popularium  numero  post  susceptum 
baptisma  de  panno  ex  Polonia  adducto  novas  vestes,  tunicas,  et  indumenta.  Qua 
quidem  provida  liberalitate  et  largilione  effecit,  ut  rudis  ilia  natio  et  pannosa,  lineis 
in  eam  diem  contenta,  fama  hujusniodi  liberalitatis  vulgata  pro  consequendis  laneis 
vestibus  catervatim  ad  suscipiendum  baptisma  ex  omni  regione  accurreret.  Et 
quoniam  labor  inunensus  erat,  unumquemque  credentium  baptisare  singillatim, 
concurrents  ad  baptisma  populi  Litbuanici  utriusque  sexus  multitudo  mandante 
Rege  sequestrabatur  in  turmas  et  cuneos,  et  universis  de  qualibet  turmarum  bene- 
dicta  aqua  sufficienter  conspersis,  cuilibet  etiam  turmae  et  universis,  qui  in  ea 
constiterant,  nomen  Christianum  et  usitatum  abrogatis  barbaricis,  videlicet  prirose 
turma  Petrus,  secunda;  Paulus,  etc.  —  imponebantur.  Militaribus  tamen  et  natu 
majoribus  specialis  impendebatur  baptisma,  etc.  Tbe  nature  of  this  conversion 
will  be  better  understood  by  the  following  facts  :  the  Lithuanian  prince  had  been 
baptized  once  in  Prussia,  in  1384,  when  he  took  refuge  with  the  Order  of  the 
German  Knights  (see  JahrbUcher  J  o  h  a  n  n  e  s  L  i  n  d  e  n  b  1  a  1 1  s  [a  contemporary] 


Chap.  IX.    Conversions.     §  125.    Of  the,  Jews.  151 

they  remained  in  fact  as  completely  heathen  as  before.^  Such  was 
likewise  the  case  amongst  the  Laplanders,  whom  Hemmuig,  arch- 
bishop of  Upsal,  undertook  to  convert  (A.  D.  iSao)."* 

The  popes  still  continued  to  flatter  themselves  with  false  hopes  of 
converting  the  Moguls  to  Christianity,  though  most  of  the  nations 
comprehended  under  that  name  had  now  decidedly  embraced  Mo- 
hammedanism.5  The  small  Christian  church  in  China  was  entirely 
destroyed  by  the  expulsion  of  the  Moguls  from  that  country  (A.  D. 
13C9).6 


<^  125. 

PERSECUTION  AND  CONVERSION  OF  THE  JEWS. 

The  Jews  in  the  14th  century  underwent  various  persecutions,  the 
offspring  partly  of  avarice,  and  partly  of  religious  fanaticism.i     One 


ed  by  Job.  Voigt  u.  Schubert  Koniffsbera:,  1823,  S.  60)  ;  and  ag;ain  by  Russian 
priests  (see  Lucas  Davids  [f  1583]  Preuss.  Chronik,  ed.  by  Henning;,  Bd.  7. 
S  174  Anm.  S.  1S9,  225),  before  he  received  baptism  in  Cracow.  —  The  Samogi- 
tse  a  Lithuanian  tribe,  invited  the  German  Order  to  come  in  and  baptize  them,  in 
1401  (Lindenblatt,  S.  130)  :  in  1413,  king  Wladislaus  found  this  land  still  heathen, 
and  once  more  converted  it  (Dlu?;ossus,  lib.  XL  p.  342  seq.)  :  but  in  1418,  the 
Samogitse  drove  away  their  priests,  burned  their  churches,  and  returned  again  to 
paganism  (Lindenblatt,  S.  334). 

3  .BEneas  Sylvivs  de  Statu  Europae  sub  Frider.  IIL  c.  20.  (in  Freheri  Rer. 
Germ.  Scriptt.  ed.  Struve,  T.  IL  p.  114)  relates  on  the  authority  of  a  monk, 
Hieronymus  Pragensis,  that  only  a  short  time  before  the  council  of  Basil,  idolatry 
was  still  extensively  prevalent  in  Lithuania.  When  the  monk,  supported  by  king 
Wladislaus  and  duke  Witoudt,  began  to  destroy  their  idols,  and  their  temples,  there 
were  symptoms  of  reformation  :  motus  ea  re  Witoldus,  veritusque  populorum  tu- 
multum,  Christo  potius  quam  sihi  deesse  plebem  voluit,  revocatisque  Uteris,  quas 
Pra;sidibus  provinciarum  dederat,  jubens  parere  Hieronymo,  hominem  ex  provincia 
decedere  jussit.  As  late  as  the  16th  century  idolatry  was  secretly  practised  in  this 
country,  see  Lucas  David,  Bd.  7.  S.  205. 

*  Jo.   Schefferi  Lapponia  Francof.  1673.  4to.  p.  63  seq.     Dal  in  Gesch.  des 
Reichs  Schweden,  Th.  2.  S.  169. 
»  Compare  above,  §  90,  note  4.    Mosheim  hist.  Tartarorum  ecclesiast.  p.  90  seq. 
6  Mosheim,  1.  c.  p.  119  seq. 

1  Comp.  Josts  Gesch.  der  Israeliten  seit  der  Zeit  der  Maccabaer,  Th.  6.  S. 
341  ff.,  and  Th.  7.  The  common  pretences  for  persecuting  them  were  the  poison- 
ing of  wells,  the  desecration  of  the  hostia,  and  the  murder  of  Christian  children. 
How  much  imposition  was  practised  in  this,  see  in  Benedicti  XILEpist.  ad  Alber- 
tum  Ducem  Austria,  in  Raynnld.  ann.  1338,  no.  18  seq.  A  persecution  of  the 
Jews  in  the  territory  of  Passbu  having  risen  out  of  the  finding  of  a  bloody  hostia 
before  the  house  of  a  Jew,  the  duke  took  part  with  the  Jews,  and  wrote  the  Pope, 
quod  olim  in  ducatu  Austria;  in  oppido  Neirmiburch  —  quaedam  hostia  non  conse- 
crata  cruore  madefacta  per  quendam  clericum  in  ecclesia  dicti  oppidi  posita  fuit, 
qui  postmodum  —  confessus  fuit,  se  dicto  cruore  prsfatam  hostiam  madidasse  ad 
prffisumptionem  inducendam,  quod  a  Juda;is  contumeliose  dehonestata  taliter  exti- 
tisset  in  opprobrium  Salvatoris,  qua;  etiam  cum  a  Chrislitidelibus  per  aliquod 
teraporis  spatium  tanquam  verum  corpus  Christi  adoraretur,  demum  vermibus 
tineisque  scaturiens  demolita  extitit  penitus  et  consumpta.  Quam  quidam  clencus 
ejusdlem  eccleslEe  sic  consumptara  aspiciens  suggestione  diabolica  persuasus,  erro- 


152  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

of  the  most  bloody  was  that  which  began  in  Seville,  A.  D.  1390,  and 
spread  over  a  great  part  of  Spain,  proving  fruitful  in  pretended  con- 
versions.2 


APPENDIX     I. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    GREEK    CHURCH. 
<^    126. 

ATTEMPTED    UNION    WITH    THE    LATIN    CHUUCH. 

Leo  AUatius  de  Eccl.  Occident,  et  Orient,  perp.  Consensione,  lib.  H.  c.  16-18. 

In  order  to  secure  the  aid  of  the  Western  nations  against  the  Turks, 
the  Greek  emperors  of  the  14th  century  exerted  themselves  almost 
incessantly  to  bring  about  a  reconciliation  of  the  two  estranged 
churches.  But,  excepting  themselves  and  a  small  court-party,  there 
was  no  one  on  either  side  disposed  to  make  the  least  concession,  and 
all  their  efforts  were  of  course  in  vain.  The  first  who  began  these 
negotiations  was  the  emperor  Andronicus  III.,  Palseologus  (reigned 
A.  D.  1328-1341),  in  the  year  1333, ^  and  in  consequence  of  them 
a  Greek  embassy  appeared  at  Avignon  (A.  D.  1339),  but  without 
effect.-     The  most  conspicuous  man   in  the  embassy,  the  abbot  Bar- 

rem  errori  accumulans,  aliam  hostiam  non  consecratam,  cruore  per  ipsum  intinc- 
tam,  loco  prfedicfEe  hosfiae  sic  consumpta?  reponere  niinime  formidavit,  sicut  post- 
inodum  per  confessionem  ejusdem  cleiici  talia  perpetrantis  extitit  revelatum : 
eademque  hostia  in  alteiius  locum  supposita  —  usque  ad  hodiernum  diem  (anquam 
verum  corpus  Dominicum  a  Christifidelihus  hujusmodi  fraudem  ignorantibus 
veneratur,  —  ca,sus  similis  ob  invidiam  et  odium  Judaeorum  in  oppido  Werchartstof 
coeperat  exoi-iri,  etc.  A  similar  case  is  related  also  by  Jo.  Vitoduranus,  in  the 
Thesaurus  hist.  Helvet.  p.  44  seq.,  adding  that  the  priest  who  had  practised  tlie 
deception  suo  Uiocesano  erat  prassentatus,  qui  eum  captum  et  vinctum  detinuit  per 
plures  dies,  sed  quod  arctae  custodiae  carceris  ti-aditus  fuerit,  vel  alias  secundum 
exigentiam  malitis  sua;  punitus  sit,  non  audivi :  quod  ex  intimis  meis  doleo  prae- 
eordiis.  —  Quod  autem  Episcopus  suus  remissus  et  negligens  fuit,  —  in  eo,  ut 
quidam  ajunt,  ratio  hffic  est,  quia  per  pecuniam  —  plebani  —  corruptus  fuit. 

2  Jost,  1.  c.  Th.  7,  S.  53  ff. 

'  See  the  letters  of  Pope  John  XXH.  to  the  Greek  emperors,  the  patriarch  of 
Constantinople,  etc.  in  Raynald,  ann.  133.3,  no.  17  seq.  —  Of  the  negotiations  in 
Constantinople  with  two  hishops  sent  thither  by  the  Pope  (1334),  see  JViceph. 
GregorcB  Byzantina  hist.  lib.  X,  c.  8  (ed.  Bonn.  1829.  vol.  I.  p.  .501),  who  him- 
self had  an  agency  therein. 

^  See  the  Protocol  (in  Raynald,  ann.  1339,  no.  19  seq.,  and  from  a  Ms.  in  Mla- 
tiiis,  1.  c.  p.  788  seq.)  and  Benedicti  XH.  ep.  ad  Philippum  regem  Franciae,  Ray- 
naJd,  ann.  1339,  no.  33.  The  Greek  ambassadors  made  application,  quod  in  gene- 
rali  concilio  —  articulus  de  processione  Spiritus  Sancti  per  disputationes  et  concer- 
tationes  ibidem  concordaretur  inter  Latinos  et  Graecos  :  quodque  ante  omnia  super 
recuperatione  trium  vel  quatuor  civitatum  magnarum,  quae  per  Turcos  —  detineri 
dicuntur,  —  praestaretur  auxilium.    Barlaam,  who  spoke  in  the  name  of  the  embas- 


A^Jp.  I.     Greek  Church.      §   126.     Attempted  Union.         153 


sy,  promised :  qiijecumque  a  generali  concilio  determinata  fuerint,  oinnes  orienta- 
les  libenter  ha?c  recipient.  —  Si  autem  aliquis  (licet,  quia  jam  factum  est  de  istis 
generale  concilium  in  Lugduno,  in  quo  fuerunt  et  Gr«ci  (see  above,  §  92,  note 
12)  :  sciat,  quod  nemo  poterit  iiumiliare  populuin  Gra-cuni,  ut  recipiant  illud  con- 
cilium sine  alio  concilio.  Quare  .'  quia  illi  Gra;ci,  qui  interfueruut  isti  concilio, 
non  luerunt  missi  neque  a  quatuor  pntriarchis,  qui  gubernant  orientalem  ecclesiam, 
neque  a  populo,  scd  a  solo  Imperatore,  qui  conatvis  t'uit  focere  unionem  vobiscuni 
ex  vi,  et  non  voluntarie.  He  petitioned,  however,  that  the  help  might  precede 
the  council,  in  the  first  place,  quod  naturaliter  omnes  homines  magis  volunt 
subjugari  benefacientibus  eis,  quam  contra  facientibus,  in  the  second  place  be- 
cause" till  the  war  with  the  Turks  should  be  ended,  the  emperor  could  not  assem- 
ble a  council,  neque  enim  dum  guerra  fit,  poterit  quatuor  patriarchas  et  alios  pon- 
tifices  in  unum  conjugare,  nee  concilio  poterit  interesse.  The  Pope  refused  to 
hold  a  general  council,  on  the  ground  that  non  esset  decens,  —  sic  clarum, 
determinatum  et  definitum  articulum  fidci  —  nunc  per  novas  disputationes — in 
dubium  revocare.  Barlaam  then  made  the  remarkable  proposition,  quod  saltern, 
si  ad  protitendum  dictum  articulum  Gra^ci  forsan  induci  non  possent,  reunione 
facta  permitterentur  ipsi  Graeci  quod  super  eodem  articulo  tenent  credere,  Lati- 
nique  crederunt  catholice  Spiritum  Sanctum  a  Patre  et  filio  procedere  :  but 
responsum  extitit,  hoc  esse  nullatenus  tolerandum,  quia  in  ecclesia  catholica,  in 
qua  una  fides  esse  noscitur,  quoad  hoc  duplicem  fidem  minus  veraciter  esset  dare. 
The  Pope,  on  the  other  hand,  proposed  that  the  Greek  church  should  choose 
plenipotentiaries  to  send  to  the  West,  qui  cum  aliis  viris  sapientibus,  —  per  sedem 
Apostohcam  super  hoc  deputandis,  non  per  modum  disputationis  vcl  concertati- 
onis,  sed  instructionis,  quoad  Gracos  ipsos,  salutifere  haberent  matures  et  dili- 
gentes  tractatus.  Barlaam  kept  to  his  proposition  ;  that  the  Pope  should  send 
ambassadors  to  the  four  Gieck  patriarchs  and  the  emperor,  with  the  following 
declaration  :  Viri  fratres,  quoniam  vos  et  nos  confitemur  in  divinis  unam  sub- 
stantiam  et  tres  personas,  etiam  unum  principium,  et  neque  vos  neque  nos  addu- 
cimus  in  divinis  aut  identitatem  personarum,  aut  divisionem  substantia; ;  sufficiant 
ista  nobis,  ut  habeamus  unionem.  De  processione  autem  Spiritus  Sancti  non 
dividamur  ab  invicem  ;  sed  sapieutes  quidem  vestri  cum  uostris  disputent  de  ista 
quajstione  si  volunt :  communiter  vero  non  haberemus  propter  hoc  divisionem, 
sed  tenete  vos  quod  vultis  de  isto,  et  nos  similiter;  et  non  damnenms  propter 
hoc  alterutrum,  sed  factum  sit  tantum.  Vos  quidem  date  ecclesiae  Romanre 
ilium  honorem,  quem  dabant  et  antiqui  patriarchae  in  tempore  unionis,  quern 
determinaverunt  etiam  leges  Imperatorum  et  canones  sanctorum  patrum,  et  plus 
non  petimus  a  vobis  :  Nos  autem  parati  sumus  dare  et  firmare  ecclesife  orien- 
tali,  et  specialiter  ecclesiag  Constantinopolitanae  et  imperio  Constantinopolitano 
omnia  jura,  quas  sunt  vel  ab  antiqua  consuetudine,  vel  determinata  aut  a  legibus 
Imperatorum  aut  a  canonibus  sanctorum  patrum.  To  such  a  proposition  he 
thought  that  most  of  the  Gjeeks  would  accede.  The  final  answer  of  the  Pope  was, 
quod  ex  eo  justa  petitio  non  videtur,  quia  si  [Gra;ci]  fortificati,  ditati,  exaltati 
et  confirmati  per  sedem  Apostolicam,  Keges,  Principcs  et  populos  catholicos 
ante  reunionem  prsdictam  postea  terga  et  non  faciem  verterent  Romanas  ecclesiaB 
memoratas,  sicut  alias,  dum  credebantur  reuniti,  —  fecisse  noscuntur;  proculdu- 
bio  idem  dominus  summus  Pontifex,  ecclesia,  et  fideles  remanerent  delusi,  et 
dici  posset  opprobrium  non  modicum,  quod  suos  et  fide  juverant  et  fortificave- 
rant  inimicos  et  hostes,  et  participassent  scandalose  cum  eis.  Sed  si  per  ilium, 
qui  omnem  hominem  venientem  in  hunc  miindum  illuminat,  eorundem  Gra;co- 
rum  cordibus  infusione  gratias  spiritualis  illustratis  per  viam  tactam  per  eundem 
dominum  nostrum  vel  aliam  accommodam  et  honestam  ad  obedientiam  —  Romanse 
ecclesiae  redire  curaverint  cum  effectu  ;  ipsos  tunc  effusis  gaudiis,  ac  gratiis  et 
favoribus  largiflue  dispensatis  —  ipse  dominus  noster  et  Apostolica  sedes  recipient, 
—  non  solum  super  his  qua;  petunt,  sed  super  aliis  eoruin  opportunitatibus  exhi- 
bituri  tunc  —  auxilia,  consilia  et  favores.  Barlaam,  on  his  part,  showed  that  the 
expedient  recommended  by  the  Pope  de  mittendis  pro  parte  Graecorum  sapienti- 
bus, was  next  to  impossible  :  quia  Imperator  non  audet  manifestare  se,  quod 
velit  uniri  vobiscum,  quoniam  si  manifestasset  se,  multi  ex  principibus  suis,  etiam 
ex  populo,  timentes  ne  forte  ipse  vellet  facere,  sicut  fecit  ipsis  Michael  Pala;- 
ologus,  quKrerent  opportunitatem  interficiendi  ilium.     Prsterea  ecclesia  Constan- 

voL.  III.  20 


154  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 

laam,3  influenced  probably  by  the  result  of  his  controversy  with 
Gregory  Palamas  (A.  D.  1341),  went  over  to  the  Latin  church,  and 
called  on  his  former  friends  to  do  the  same.'*  But  so  far  were  they  from 
listening  to  him,  that  not  even  the  example  of  the  emperor  John  V., 
Palajologus  (reigned  from  1341-1391),  who  in  his  need  repeatedly 
swore   allegiance   to  the  Pope  (A.  D.  1355  seq.),^  could  induce  the 


tinopolitana  non  mitteret  ad  hoc  negotium  legates  suos  sine  consilio  et  consensu 
patriarcharum  Alexandrini,  Antiocheni  et  Jerosolyniitani :  quare  opoitet  eos  in 
simul  congregare,  quod  est  difficile  propter  guerras  :  et  praeter  hoc  incertum  est, 
si  vocati  ad  hoc  voluisscnt  venire  :  et  dato,  quod  jam  venissent,  et  oinnes  unanimi- 
ter  concordassent  ad  niittendum  legatos  super  pra-dictis,  ipsi  non  darent  unquam 
plenum  posse  super  hoc  talibus  legatis,  nee  promitterent  illud  quod  factum  fuisset 
per  ipsos  legatos  ratum  habere,  nisi  sub  certis  articulorum  pactis,  qua;  pacta  vos 
nullatenus  admitteretis.  He  went  away,  however,  promising  nevertheless  to 
do  all  he  could  to  bring  about  such  an  arrangement ;  but  nothing  was  done. 

3  Before  his  conversion  to  the  Latin  church,  he  had  written  several  works 
against  it.  See  AUatius,  1.  c.  p.  823  seq.  Cave  hist,  literaria,  vol.  II.  App.  p.  37, 
especially  Xoyoi  ^i^i  rris  mu  Yiava  a,^x^''>  ^®*^  ^*^-  ''^  ^''-  Salmasii  libr.  de  pri- 
matu  Papae  App.  p.  101. 

"*  In  five  letters,  see  Allatius,  1.  c.  p.  839  seq.  Four  of  these  are  in  Canisii 
lectt.  ant.  ed.  Basnage,  T.  IV.  p.  369  seq. 

^  He  took  an  oath  to  a  Nuntius  of  the  Pope,  1355  (RaynaJd,  ad  h.  a.  no.  34) : 
In  primis  quod  ero  fidelis,  obediens,  reverens,  et  devotus  beatissimo  patri  et  domi- 
no, domino  Innocentio  sacrosanctse  Romans  ac  universalis  ecclesise  —  summo  Pon- 
tifici,  et  ejus  successoribus.  —  Item  quod  faciam  toto  posse  meo,  —  quod  omnes 
populi  sub  nostro  imperio  constituti  —  erunt  fideles,  obedientes,  reverentes  et 
devoti  eisdem  domino  nostro  et  summo  Pontifici,  et  ejus  successoribus.  Et  quia 
diuturnitas  temporis  induravit  et  aggravavit  animos  populorum,  et  vix  possent  a 
consuetis  retrahi,  et  per  viam  novam  incedere,  nisi  cum  modo  sapientia;  et  mode- 
ratione  prudentia; ;  istum  modum,  qui  sequitur,  —  ordinavi :  He  promised  to  send 
the  Pope  his  son  Manuel  Pakiologus,  the  Pope  on  his  part  was  to  furnish  him  with 
fifteen  transports  (usceria),  five  gallies  (galeas),  five  hundred  horsemen,  and  one 
thousand  infantry  for  six  months,  to  carry  on  the  war  against  the  Turks,  in  quo 
tempore  legatus  domini  nostri  Papfe  dabit  beneficia  et  dignitates  ecclesiasdcas  per- 
sonis  sufficientibus  Gra?cis,  qui  ad  unioneni  et  obedientiam  ecclesias  sponte  redi- 
bunt,  secundum  quod  sibi  et  nobis  melius  vidcbitur.  Ubi  vero  infra  sex  menses 
—  Grasci  sponte  ad  obedientiam  ecclesiaj  noluerint  redire,  quod  non  credimus, 
prornitfimus  ex  nunc  pro  tunc,  quod  facieinus  cum  consilio  et  deliberatione  legati 
domini  nostri  Papa;,  quod  omnino  erunt  obedientes.  He  promises  the  papal  legate 
palatium  magnum  and  pulchram  et  venerabilem  ecclesiam.  Item  dabo  filio  meo 
primogenilo  unum  magistrum  Latinum,  qui  docebit  eum  literas  et  Jinguam  latinam 
de  consilio  et  voluntate  dicti  legati.  Item  dabo  hospitia  tria  magna,  in  quibus 
tenebuntur  scholar  literarum  Latinarum,  et  ego  dabo  operam  efficacem  et  favorem 
cum  corde  sincere,  quod  filii  magnatum  et  potentum  Graecorum  ibunt  addiscere 
literas  Latinas.  In  casu  ubi  pradicta  omnia  et  singula  non  observarem,  —  ex 
nunc  pro  tunc  judico  auctoritate  imperiali  me  indignum  imperio,  et  privo  memet 
ipsum  jure  imperii,  et  transfero,  do,  cedo  jus  et  potestatem  imperii  et  imperandi  in 
prffidictum  filium  meum  ;  —  transfero  jus  patriae  potestatis  in  —  summum  Pontifi- 
cem  super  dictum  filium  meum  :  — do,  concedo  et  trado  potestatem  —  summo  Pon- 
tifici, quod  possit  acquirere  —  imperium  nostrum  pro  dicto  filio  nostro  tanquam  pro 
vero  et  legitimo  Imperatore,  et  dare  eidem  filio  meo  uxorem,  bajulos  (governor), 
tutores  et  curatores  usque  ad  prsfinitum  tempus  a  jure  ;  et  possit  de  pradicto 
imperio  ordinare  et  disponere  tanquam  de  imperio  sibi  de  jure  debito,  vice  et 
nomine  prsdicti  filii  nostri,  etc.  In  case,  however,  that  all  the  terms  of  the 
compact  were  fulfilled,  the  Pope  was  to  furnish  him  with  various  auxiliaries,  and 
in  part  pay  them  ;  the  emperor  to  be  always  principalis  capitancus  et  signifer  et 
vexillarius  s.  matris  Ecclesiae  cum  mero  et  mixto  imperio  et  plenaria  potestate  over 
the  whole  army.  If  the  emperor  should  not  fulfil  all  conditions  pro  eo  quod 
potentia  et  non  voluntas  deficeret,  and  should  appear  in  person  before  the  Pope, 


App.  L     Greek  Church.     §  127.     Barlaam.  155 

Greek  nation  to  such  a  step.  The  son  and  successor  of  this  prince, 
Manuel  II.  (A.  D.  1391-1425),  was  himself  the  author  of  works 
against  the  Latins.'^  The  peculiar  doctrines  of  the  church  of  Rome 
were  attacked  by  several  other  Greek  writers  in  this  century.'  Still 
there  were  not  wanting  instances  of  those  who,  like  Barlaam,  went 
over  to  the  Latins,  and  wrote  against  their  own  church.*^ 


"^  127. 

CONTROVERSY  WITH  BARLAAM. 

Dionys.  Petavii  de  theologg.  dogniatibus.    T.  I.  lib.  I.  c.  12,  13. 

The  censure  passed  by  Barlaam  on  the  gross  manner  in  which  the 
monks  on  Mount  Athos  (ot  i]avxuCQVjEQ),  supposed  themselves  to  attain 
to  the  visual  perception  of  the  divine  light,'   involved  him  in  a  con- 


this  last  was  to  furnish  him  with  the  means  of  reconquering  his  empire.  When  it 
came  to  the  trial,  however,  the  summons  of  the  Pope  to  the  knights  of  St.  John 
to  go  to  the  help  of  the  emperor  (Raynald,  1.  c.  no.  38  seq.),  proved  as  ineffectual 
as  those  to  the  emperor  to  come  over  with  his  people  to  the  Latin  church  ( Rayn- 
ald,  ann.  1365,  no.  22  ;  ann.  1366,  no.  1).  The  emperor  swore  fealty  to  the  Pope 
before  Lewis  of  Hungary,  to  whom  he  came  for  help  (Raynald,  ann.  1366,  no.  4), 
and  finally,  A.  D.  1369,  entered  the  Latin  church  by  assenting  to  a  Roman  con- 
fession of  faith  presented  to  him  in  Rome  (Raynald,  1369,  no.  2,  Greek  in  Alla- 
tius,  p.  843  seq.)  :  still  he  received  neither  the  promised  aid,  nor  did  the  desired 
union  of  the  churches  take  place. 

6  Though  he  had  long  resided  in  the  West,  see  note  5.  of.  Leo  Allathis  de 
perp.  consens.  p.  854. 

■^  For  instance,  Barlaam  (see  note  3) ;  the  monk  Maximus  Planudes,  about  1340 
(De  processione  spirit,  sancti  contra  Latinos,  ed.  in  Petri  Arcudii  opusculis  aureis 
theologicis,  Roma;.  1630  and  1671.  4to.  p.  614)  ;  the  archbishop  of  Thessalonica, 
Nilus'Cabasilas,  about  1340  (De  causis  divisionum  in  Ecclesia  and  De  primatu 
Papa;  in  Salmasii  de  primatu  Papa;  App.  p.  10.  De  processione  Spir.  S.  adv. 
Latinos,  Ms.  in  Vienna,  Basel,  and  Venice,  cf.  AUatius  diatr.  de  Nilis  et  eorum 
scriptis,'p.  49  seq.  Cave  hist.  lit.  vol.  IL  App.  p.  39)  ;  the  monk  Gregorius  Pala- 
mas,  about  1350  (libb.  IL  ^To'iiiKrix.oi  quod  non  ex  Alio,  sed  ex  solo  patre  procedat 
Spiritus  Sanctus,  ed.  with  several  other  similar  works.  Lond.  1624.  4to.)  ;  the  monk 
Nilus  Dampla,  about  1400  (several  works  de  processione  Spir.  s.  also  De  Damaso 
Papa  et  fide  antiquae  Roma?,  and  De  Synodis  duabiis  Photianis,  of  which  only 
fragments  have  been  published  in  Leo  AUatius  lib.  de  Synodo  Photiana,  p.  179, 
and  De  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient,  perp.  cons.  p.  622,  857,  859,  916,  1375,  1376).  — 
cf.  /.  G.  Walchii  hist,  controv.  Grascorum  Latinorumque  de  process.  Spir.  s. 
p.  97  seq. 

^  For  instance,  Demetrius  Cydonius,  about  1357,  who  in  Milan  became  a  con- 
vert to  the  church  of  Rome  (cf.  Caye  hist.  lit.  vol.  II.  App.  p.  57,  .59)  ;  the  Domi- 
nican, Manuel  Caleca,  about  1360  (cf.  Jac.  Qiietif  et  Jac.  Echard  Scriptt.  Ord. 
Prasdicatorum,  T.  I.  p.  719),  the  Dominican,  Simon  Constantinopohtanus  (1.  c.  p. 
558).  —  cf.  Walch.  1.  c.  p.  109  seq. 

1  It  is  related  by  the  emperor  Joh.  Cai^acuzenus,  who  took  an  active  part  against 
Barlaam  in  this  controversy  (Hist.  lib.  II.  c.  39,  ed.  Bonn.  vol.  I.  p.  543),  that  this 
last,  who  had  always  be:?n  secretly  attached  to  the  Latins,  T^o(pa<riv  nva  ^nraiv,  i^  -J;  ra 
rt/^iiripa  ^iax-ufinfinci'  x*'  "t^oi  •roXtf^ov  pf^a^Yiirii  (pxn^ttii,  u;  S?i  fiaS-nriati  rivi  T^ixrtjx^i 
Tav  riirv^al^iviTciiv,  xiyou  t-  iviffTi^rifiivti)  •ttocvtiXci/;  kcci  oXiyov  oia(pi^oiiTi  uXlycav  xai 
euhi  Ipaov^fius  yovy  fitnir^nKOTJ  ir^iTouffris  loiurri  •    iccu   vTiK^iytro    /SauXia'Sa/  fta^nTiuffai 


156  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.  J 305  —  1409. 

troversy  with  Gregory  Palamas,  which  at  lencrth  turned  upon  the  point 
whether  this  divine  light  (that,  namely,  which  appeared  at  the  trans- 
figuration) was  created  or  uncreated.-  A  synod  assembled  in  Con- 
stantinople, A.  D.  1341,  having  decided  against  Barlaam,  he  went  to 
Italy,  and  there  passed  over  to  the  Roman  church.^  The  questions 
concerning  the  light  on  Mount  Tabor,  and  the  nature  of  God  were 
still,  however,  zealously  discussed.  Several  synods  were  called  at 
Constantinople  (A.  D.  1341,  1347,  1359),  and  all  decided  against  the 
apostate  Burlaam.' 


■waj  avru,  xai  rviv  oSov  Tjjf  hvvx'ots  ixiiia.rx.trB-ai  xa.)  rolls  vi/^«vf  rtj;  u^rsrayv!.  —  S  Si 
Tov  T£  deXov  fiii  eruvidav,  i/TO  n  rr,;  ayav  Kov^irnro;  I'vap^i);,  aXXa  ti  IS/^airxs  rot 
'^avn^orarov  o  avonros,  xai  u;  •T^oKsTTiVTis  xaru  //.ikoov  oi  rjtrv^d^ivTis  x.a)  •rfi)i(rtv^ofi:vot 
aifoovfiui,  ayaXXiairiy  rt  ma,  Kai  afpriTov  y,0()v>jv  Ka'i  ^iiav  ITihi^otTai  sv  rri  i^v^rii  *«' 
(fai;  o^co(n  Toig  tretifiariKcT;  iipS^xXfiois  urT^aTTov  Ti^]  auTov;.  'Eor/  /Av  civ  Toli  aXXoif 
vroXXriv  Ka.TiyivuiffKl\i  o  j3cf^Xaa/,c  avoiav  tou  avipcg  xai  afiaBiav  '  <pu;  Ss  anouaai  opufuvov 
i^^aXfiois  truf/.a.TiKoi;,  oiniri  oloi  ri^ifJ-u^  iiv'ia'^iTo.  aXXa  Koiviiv  iTroiUTo  tuv  nnv^cil^'ovToiv 
xa,Ta,o^i>f/.-/lv,  ccrariuvcti  kolXuii  kou  •^luhofji.xtotii  xai  Maa'a-aXiavous  xa]  'Of;i(paXo-^v^ou{, 
X.  r.  X.  Uaihiaiii  had  found  tliere  a  soi-t  of  contemplation  practised  similar  to  that 
for  which  the  following  directions  liad  been  jgiven  by  the  abbot  Simeon  (see 
Allatins  de  Eccl.  Occid.  et  Orient,  perp.  cons,  pi  829)  :  xx^'irxs  Iv  fna  yuvia  xara 
f/,ova.$  fr^oj-sla;  ■riiir,iras  o  Xiya  ffoi  '  xXiicov  t»iv  B-u^uv,  Koi  'i-rapov  <rov  vouv  aou  u.vo  xavrot 
fiaraiou  jjyayv  •^r^offxai^ou  '  lira  losurcci  ru  trrriS-li  trot  -jrayuta,  xivSv  rov  aiffS-riToti  cll9-aX- 
f/ov  ffvv  oXu  vo'i  fv  fi^^r!fl  tyi;  xoiXia;  riyoiiv  xura.  tov  of/.ipaXov,  ay^oy  xai  rriv  Trii  pivi;  reu 
Tv'.vfixns  o^'-hv,  Tnu  ftM  alia;  TviTv  '  i^iuv/ia-cy  jvJ«v  Iv  Toi;  iyxarsii  li/puv  tov  t'owov  Tyi; 
xct^Via;,  £vS-a  tfi(piX!i;;(;co^t7v  '7ri(puxaffiv  "Tranai  ai  \puxixai  lvva//.ui.  Ka/  ■jrpuJTov  fitv 
(TKOios  luoYiffii;  xa)  -ru^t);  ocviv^orov  "  tTif^ivoyro;  Ss  <rov,  xa)  roCrnv  toZ  'ioyav  vvxros  xa) 
tifii^a;  -roiovf/ivou,  iv^y,(ni;,  u  tou  B-aufiaro;,  aXvxrov  ilcp^oTuvnv  '  af^a  yap  xvpri  i  vovf 
To»  TO'Tov  Ttj;  xafiOia;,  lixixii  'pra^ivBv;  a  ovoiTOTi  riTi/rTara  '  fiXiTii  yap  <rov  uira^u  T>i; 
xu^aiai  L't^a,  xa)  \xutov  (puriivcv  oXav  xa)  liaxpiciu;  ifi'^rXfov.  (A  similar  practice  wa9 
found  anion<j,st  the  Ascetics  in  Mam,  see  K  a  m  p  1  e  r  s  Gesch.  v.  Japan,  Th.  1,  S. 
.30,  and  in  India,  see  Franc.  Bernier  voyages,  T.  II.  p.  127). 

^  Jo.  Cantaciizenus,  1.  c.  Amongst  the  hffvx.a'C'^'ris  in  Thessalonica,  Palamas 
and  his  brothers  were  the  most  distinguishea  ;  they  represented  to  Bailaam, 
ioio)iTO  TavicrBai  raZ  roiaZra  xa)  ip^oviiv  xa)  xiynv  xwra  ruv  hfU^a^ivTo/t,  xa)  fivi  S/a 
Tjfv  a/riiBiav  svoj  Ta  )ja  -ravTuv  xara^riifi^irBai,  xa),  r'oyi  tl;  avrov  nxcv,  nZ  axparaTov 
fiieu  xai  t5jj  TiXsMTarfis  ToXiriiag  roh;  avB^urovj  (oi',  as  they  atttrwarJs  lei'iii  it, 
-riis  if^as  htrux'iai)  av/xm^uv.  'I'hat  the  holy  are  sometimes  surrounded  by  light 
(Sui/csTov  ii)iai  <To~,i  ffoifji.arixc7s  e(pBaXf/.a7s  Sunv  xa)  uxTiffrev  <pas  BiaatttrBai),  they  sought 
to  prove  especiilly  by  thi>  example  ol  Jesus  on  Mount  labor:  tl  <ii/»  xaxiitm  (the 
disciples)  a\Bptd'!roi  t(  ovn;,  xa)  'iTi  aTiXi<rTipov  ^iaxii//,ivoi,  to  TipiatrTpd-^av  aiiTovf 
Biiov  xai  axTnTTov  ^uif  '/idvv'/iB>i(rav  lOiTv,  71  BavfiatrTcv,  ii  xa)  yZv  tovs  ayiovs  fiaififiiv  ^cuf 
o^av  ■  avuBiv  iXXafiirofaitovi  \x  BioZ.  This,  however,  furnished  IJarlaaiu  uilh  new 
cause  of  rebuke.  He  exclaims  :  T?f  aTOTiasl  xaTvov  yd^  (pivyovris  ifi-xirrruxafityi 
tU  •prZ^  '  ax-ovi  oi^an  xa)  hoiri^ou  h  ytj  toIv  &a[iMp  (fiai  axriffTov  xa)  'Ti  elXXo  rt  Bio;  xaB' 
V(t,as  ovh\)i  yd^  dxTiirrov  oV/  f/.h  Bio;  s'l  ovm  fn-riri  X'Tior/aa  to  (pui;  ixiivo,  (KjjtJ  BtoZ  ovffiec 
(Seov  ydo  «t/3s/«  laoaxi  •xu/voti],  t'i  Xoitov  ri  ovc)  Xarpiviiv  Bio7s,  Ivi  /u,iv  tu  tuvtuv 
enfidov^yu,  ov  xa)  ke^aTov  ttols  ti;  av  cftoXoywm,  ^ivripai  it  tZ  xaB'  iifid;  o^ufi'ivu  uxTiffTef 

TOVTU   ^UTI* 

^  Cantacuzenvs,  lib.  II.  c.  40.  JKlcephoras  Gregoras,  lib.  XI.  c.  10  (ed. 
Bonn.  vol.  I.  p.  557). 

"  See  the  detailed  accounts  of  Cantacuzenus  and  Nicephorus  Gregoras,  who 
both  took  an  active  part  in  the  contest,  the  former  in  favor  of,  the  other  against, 
Palamas.  —  The  deci'^ion  of  tlie  synod,  A.  D.  1350,  in  Mansi  XX VI.  p.  127  seq. 
answers  the  question  proposed  to  it  by  the  emperor  only  by  passages  from  the 
church  fathers,  p.  1.50  :  -pr^uTov  si  'irTiv  iw)  BtoZ  Seotjst??  ^idx^iin;  ovj-la;  xa)  ivi^ytia; 
(namely,  p.  174,   rSj  Btia;  (puirixn;  hioyiias,  p.   1  •'7,  '"iTi;  (pvffti    xa)    vT'ofuu;    v^oritri* 


Appendix  II.     Oriental  Churches.  §   128.  157 

APPENDIX     II. 

HISTORY     OF     THE    OTHER    ORIENTAL     CHURCHES. 

•^    128. 

The  kings  of  Armenia,  always  in  need  of  the  aid  of  the  Western 
nations,  were  always  anxious  to  maintain  the  connexion  of  the 
Armenian  church  with  that  of  Rome.i  Still,  like  the  efforts  of  the 
Greek  emperors,  this  was  a  mere  political  measure,  and  the  disposi- 
tion to  such  union  was  confined  to  the  court.  All  the  efforts  of  the 
popes  could  not  move  the  common  people  to  give  up  their  peculiar 
opinions.2  The  aid  received  from  the  West  being  very  inconsiderable, 

tKuvrij  <rZv  Bia^^ixav  uxofTaviaii)  ;  in  the  affirmative  :  'i-rtira.  hax^iireaf  avafanlfnst 
vroTt^ov  ■/!  ivi^yiia  avTi)  xriirTti  Ivriv,  n  axTKrros  ;  Answer,  axriaTOi,  Tlien  :  ilyt 
aKTiffTo;  aTodti^^titi  »  ^n'jr^i-Trhs  avrv  Wt^yiia,  -rus  av  n;  ixipvyoi  ro  fir\  Vapci  touto 
truvSirov  rov  9-=»v  iivai  vo/jii^uv ;  in  reply  only  passages  from  the  t'alhers  :  TiTaoTov  II 
iiyt  h  (fuvn  T?;  S-ioTriTos  'ux  It]  t?s  ehirta,;  /jiovov,  aXXa,  xa]  rti;  B-iia;  l-jtaytlxs  irapoc  tuv 
S-ioXiyav  vfivtiTon  ;  aliiiuiative.  rr'ifiTTOv  Be,  t'lTi^  ol  S^ioXoyci  xarti.  ri  tjjh  oi/iriav  T^y 
fti^yi'ia;  ii'TS^KU'r^ai  (pariv ;  affirmative.  Finally,  t/vo;  fUTt^ouiri  ra  Tavra.,  tt,;  Biia; 
elffia;  ri  Tru  ro'ij  B-iiu  ^iiai  ivi^yi'ia;  ;  amrni.  ^av  Otifimuaytj/ix  <Tr,s  Uipyi'ia.;  tou  ^nuiavg- 
yncioref,  aXX'  eu^i  Tr,;  ols'iai  f^iraXa-y^avn.  —  xa.)  el  ayi/st,  t^  ■r^o;  B-ov  ivurii  ^lo- 
•raiovf/,ivi)i,  eii  tyis  ^iia;  ol/iritx;,  aXXii  rhs  al/rov  3-s/aj  ivi^ytlas  fi.iTi^ou<Ti.  And  so  it 
followed,  JV/  Ti  axrurrov  itTt  ri  (pas  rni  toZ  ku^'iou  f/.iToifAi>p(pu(nus,  xa.)  on  olx  c<rri 
Tovra  ii  elria.  rou  BioZ.  The  views  ot  Barlaani  and  hi.s  lolluwerj  are  given  by  his 
contempoiary  JS'Ui  Metrop.  Rhodii  Synopsis  (Maiisi  XXV.  p.  1148),  as  follows: 
foayftariffav,  vvv  f/Xv  cuii/aiav  oiax^iffiv  iivai  i-ri  tTh  Biiag  <puina;  eiiiria;,  xa)  tvipyiia.;, 
kXXo.  rawrov  livai  xa)  a§(«^s^ov  '  vZv  bi  diax^iiriy  //.Iv  ilvai  'iXiyov  '  ^Xh'  rhv  f^iv  olalav 
dxTirTot,  ras  oi  avTij;  oliri^dii;  ivtoytia;  xai  (pvcnxa.;  trvy^u^povvn;  ir'taai  livai,  TXfjt 
aiix  acXTiffrou;,  aXXa  xriirra;,  xa)  'in  ri  £v  ra  QaliitiQicii  ixXd.(i-^av  SsTov  ixtlvo  (pu;, 
(pagfua  arXu;  xa)  xrifffjia,  yivo/jLivot  xa)  u.'Ttiyno/ji.iyiiiii,  a.XXa  ctlri  ^lias  ipCtTius  (fuffixviv 
aiyXriv,  xa)  Siirtira,  xa)  (pco;  uv^offirov  xxi  oy  xai  Xtyofiivoy, 

'  The  embassies  of  the  Armenian  kings  to  the  Pope  and  the  princes  of  Europe, 
sent  in  the  hope  of  inducing  a  crusade  in  their  support  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1317, 
no.  35;  1331,  no.  30),  promised  willingly  that  all  deviations  fiom  the  creed  of  the 
church  of  Rome  should  be  forbidden  ( Rayn.  1318,  no.  8  seq.)  :  and  Armenia 
inferior  also  joined  in  submission  to  the  Pope  (Rayn.  1323,  no.  7).  But  the  sum- 
mons to  a  crusade  {Rayn.  1322,  no.  30)  were  rendered  ineffijctual  by  internal  wars, 
and  only  afforded  the  French  kings  a  pretext  to  tax  the  revenues  of  the  church 
(see  §  96,  note  33).  The  Armenians  received  only  some  pecuniary  aid  from  the 
Popes,  Rayn.  1323,  no.  4;   1336,  no.  41. 

^  In  1341,  Benedict  XII.  complains  to  the  king,  and  the  catholicos  of  Armenia 
{Raynald.  ad  h.  a.  no.  45),  that  he  had  learned  from  unquestioned  authority,  qitod 
tarn  in  majori  quam  in  minori  Armenia  nonnulli  execrandi  errores  tenentnr  a  mul- 
tis  et  dogmatizantur,  and  demands  that  such  errors  should  be  condemned  at  an 
Armenian  synod.  The  enumeration  in  117  articles,  1.  c.  no.  49  seq.  E.  g.  I.  and 
II :  the  old  Armenian  teachers  had  taught  truly  quod  Spir.  S.  procedit  a  filio  sicut 
et  a  Patre  (hoc  fuerat  determinatum  in  conciliis  Const antinopoUtanu  et  Ejihe- 
sino),  but  612  years  before  a  general  Armenian  council  had  decreed  (according  to 
Art.  85  concilium  Manesquerdense,  quod  congregatum  fuit  ibi  de  mandato  cujus- 
dam  Sarraceni,  nepotis  JNIachometi)  that  the  procession  fi-om  the  Father  alone 
should  be  maintained,  which  for  the  most  part  had  been  obeyed  :  III.  Item  quod 


15S  Third  Period.     Div.  IV.     A.  D.   1305  —  1409. 


in  clicto  concilio  reprobaveriiiit  conciliuin  Chalcedonense,  —  et  deterininaverunt, 
quod  sicut  in  Domino  Jesu  Chiisto  erat  iniica  persona,  ita  erat  una  natura  scil. 
divina,  et  una  voluntas  et  una  operatio.  —  In  diclo  etiam  concilio  Dioscoruni  con- 
dernnatuin  per  dictum  conciliuin  Chalcedonense  canonizaverunt,  —  et  adhuc  tei-  in 
anno  f'aciunt  Icsturn  de  eo  sicut  de  sancto,  —  et  maledicunt  b.  Leonem  et  concilium 
Chalcedonense.  IV.  Item  quod  Armeni  dicunt  ct  tenent,  quod  peccatum  primo- 
rum  parentum  personale  ipsorum  tam  grave  fuit,  quod  omnes  eorum  filii  ex  semine 
eoruin  propagati  usque  ad  Chrisli  passionem  merito  dicti  peccati  personalis  ipsorum 
daninati  fuei'unt,  —  non  propter  hoc  quod  ipsi  ex  Adam  aliquod  peccatum  originale 
contraxerint,  cum  dicant,  pucros  nullum  omnino  habere  originale  peccatum  nee 
ante  Christi  passionem  nee  post :  —  sed  post  Domini  passionem,  in  qua  peccatum 
primorum  parentum  deletum  I'uit,  pueii  qui  nascuntur  ex  liliis  Adam  non  sunt 
damnationi  addicti.  VIII.  The  Armenians  taught  that  the  blessed  non  videbunt 
Dei  esscntiam,  quia  nulla  creatura  eam  videre  potest;  sed  videbunt  claritatem 
Dei,  qune  ab  ejus  essentia  manat.  XVII.  Item  quod  Armeni  communiter  tenent, 
quod  in  alio  sa^culo  non  est  purgatorium  animarum,  quia,  ut  dicunt,  si  Christianus 
contiteatur  peccata  sua,  omnia  peccata  ejus  et  perns  peccatorum  ci  dimittuntur. 
Nee  etiam  ipsi  orant  pro  defunclis,  ut  eis  in  alio  sajculo  peccata  dimittantur;  sed 
generaliter  orant  pro  omnibus  mortuis  sicut  pro  b.  Maria,  Apostolis,  Martyribus,  et 
aliis  Sanctis,  ut  in  die  judicii  intrent  in  regnum  cceleste  (see  Vol.  I.  §  97,  note  16). 
XXXII.  The  Armenians  said:  sunt  jam  trecenti  anni,  quod  omnes  dasrnones  sunt 
disligati,  et  seduxerunt  homines  a  fide  Christi  per  totum  mundum  exceptis  Arme- 
nis :  sed  a  ti-iginta  annis  citra  illos  homines  de  minori  Armenia,  et  a  viginti  quinque 
annis  citra  Armenos  de  majoii  Armenia  seduxerunt  a  fide  Christi,  quia,  ut  dicunt, 
ex  tunc  Armeni  posuerunt  in  sacrificio  aquam  in  vino,  et  fecerunt  festum  nativi- 
tatis  Domini  vigesima  quinta  die  Decembris,  et  sic  a  dsmonibus  seducti  fidem 
Christi  dimiserunt.  XXXIV.  Dicunt  etiam  quod  7?ea:  et  nobiles  minoris  Artne- 
nice,  quia  tenent  supradictos  a7'ticulos  cum  Ecclesia  Romana  et  Grceca,  non 
sunt  de  ecclesia  catholica  et  apostolica.  XXXVIII.  Item  quod  Armeni  credunt 
et  tenent,  quod  in  aliis  ecclesiis  —  non  datur  peccatorum  remissio,  quia  aliae  eccle- 
siae  negaverunt  veram  fidem,  recipiendo  concilium  Chalcedonense,  nee  etiam 
habent  verum  baptismum.  XLVI.  Item  quod  dicti  Armeni  observant  discretio- 
nem  ciborum  mundorum  ct  immundorum  animalium  secundum  quod  lex  Moysi 
dicit :  et  licet  aliqui  ex  Armenis  comedant  porcum,  tamen  secundum  eos,  si  sacer- 
dos  comederet  de  porco,  postea  non  posset  expellere  dasmones  de  obsessis  corpori- 
bus,  quia,  ut  dicunt,  Dominus  expellens  da:!mones  de  duobus  hominibus  misit  eos 
in  porcos.  LVI.  Those  who  had  been  baptized  in  the  Armenian  church,  where 
they  had  been  converted  to  Mahommedanism  or  Judaism,  and  afterwards  i-eturned 
to  their  faith,  were  not  again  baptized  :  si  tamen  aliquis  fuisset  baptizatus  in 
ecclesia  alicujus  catholicon  A<-menorum,  et  postea  converteretur  ad  fidem  Romana; 
Ecclesiifi  vel  Grajcae,  si  postea  vellet  venire  ad  ecclesiam  primam,  —  ilia  ecclesia  sic 
baptizaret  eum,  ac  si  nunquam  fuisset  baptizatus.  In  like  manner  ecclesia  Armena 
baptizat  baptizatos  in  ecclesia  latina  vel  graeca,  quando  veniunt  ad  eam.  LVIII. 
Item  quod  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  ad  hoc,  quod  sit  baptismus  verus,  ista 
tria  requiruntur,  scil.  aqua,  chiisma  et  Eucharistia.  LIX.  That  amongst  the 
Armenians  some  baptized  with  wine,  others  with  milk,  the  most  with  water;  but 
all  with  arbitrary  forms.  LXV.  Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  ilia  inunctio 
cum  chrismate  facta  in  novem  locis  (at  the  baptism)  valet  Christianis,  dum  vivunt, 
pro  onMul)us  inunctionibus,  qua;  fiunt  per  ecclesiam  latinam  :  unde  apud  eos  non 
est  sacramentum  confirmationis,  nee  extreniEe  unctionis :  nee  quando  consecrantur 
presbyteri  vel  episcopi,  inungunlur  eorum  manus  vel  capita.  LXXIV.  Item 
quod  apud  Armenos  majoris  Armeniae  non  sit  imago  Crucifixi,  nee  alls  imagines 
tenentur  Sanctorum.  LXXVII.  That  the  Catholicos  of  Armenia-minor  had  mal- 
treated some  who  had  been  baptized  in  forma  Ecclesia;  Lalina;,  and  LXXVIII. 
forbidden  his  bishops,  quod  non  celebrarent  missam  latinam,  sed  Armenorum 
missam  antiquam,  quod  non  servarent  jejnnia  ecclesije  Romanae,sed  antiqua  jejunia 
Armenorum,  etc.  Et  ad  testimonium  et  confirmationem  horum  dictorum  est  hoc, 
quod  —  supradictus  catholicon  consecravit  sex  episcopos  Armenos,  et  accepit  ab 
eis  literam  publicam,  quod  ipsi  non  darent  pueros  de  partibus  suis  ad  addiscendum 
literam  Latinam,  nee  admitterent  aliquem  piadicatorem  Latinum,  qui  prasdicaret 
veritatem  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae,  etc.     LXXXII.  Item  quod  quando  aliqui  commu- 


Appendix  II.     Oriental  Churches.   <§.  128.  159 


nicare  debent,  per  sacerdotem  fit  confessio  generalis,  —  et  postea  populus  reiterat 
dictam  confessionem  :  in  secreto  tanien  raro  vel  nunquam  aliquis  Armenus  con- 
fitetur  sacerdoti  sua  peccata: — dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  dicta  generalis  confessio 
sufficit  ad  remissionem  peccatorum.  LXXXIV.  Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent, 
quod  catholicon,  episcopi  et  presbyteri  Arinenorurn  eandeni  et  a;qualem  potestatem 
habent  ligandi  et  solvendi,  quantum  et  qualem  habuit  Petrus  Apostolus,  cui  a 
Domino  dictum  est :  Quodcunqve  ligaveris,  etc.  nee  quoad  hoc  minorem  potesta- 
tem habent  presbyteri  Armenoruni  quam  eorum  catholicon  et  episcopi.  LXXXV. 
Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  usque  ad  concilium  Nicaenum  Romanus  Pon- 
tifex  non  habuit  potestatem  majorem,  quam  alii  patriarchs  :  sed  nunc  de  voluntate 
dicti  concilii  fuit  ordinatum,  quod  dictus  Romanus  Pontifex  haberet  potestatem 
super  alios  patriarchas.  Quam  potestatem  liabuerunt  Romani  Pontitices  usque  ad 
concilium  Chalcedoncnse  :  scd  quia  in  dicto  concilio,  ad  instantiam  b.  Leonis  Papa; 
congregate,  i'uit  determinatum,  quod  in  Christo  erant  dua;  natura;  et  una  persona, 
Romani  Pontitices  perdiderunt  dictam  potestatem,  et  omnes  illi,  qui  dicto  concilio 
consenserunt.  XC.  Item  Armeni  dicunt  et  tenent,  quod  potestas  ilia,  quam 
Christus  dedit  b.  Petro,  dicendo  ei :  Quodcumque  ligaveris,  etc.  sit  solum  data 
persons  Petji  et  pro  ipso  solo,  ita  quod  base  potestas  non  transivit  ad  aliquem  ejus 
successorem.  CX.  Item  quod  apud  Armenos  sunt  multi  errores  a  praedictis,  qui 
errores  continentur  in  infrascripfis  libi-is  Armenorum,  quorum  primus  intitulatur 
Tenophacer,  i.  e.  contra  festivitates,  quas  celebrant  Ecclesiae  Romana  et  Graeca. 
Secundus  liber  vocatur  Anadoarmat,  i.  e.  radix  fidei.  —  Decimus  liber  vocatur, 
liber  canonum  Jlpostolorum,  in  quo  continentur  omnes  errores  Armenorum,  etc. 
The  Armenians  did  indeed  go  so  far  as  to  hold  a  synod  to  satisfy  the  Pope  {Ray- 
nald.  1341,  no.  118):  still  Clement  VI.  found  it  necessary  to  send  two  legates, 
Antonius  Episc.  Gajetanus  and  Joannes  electus  Coronensis,  to  the  Armenian 
bishops  {Raynald.  1346,  no.  67  seq.),  ut  per  eos  de  ipsa  tide  ejusque  salutari 
doctrina  infbrmemini  plenius  et  imbuamini  viva  voce,  quam  possetis  scriptura  in- 
strui  vel  Uteris  informari,  and  they  brought  back  information  (Bnynald,  13.50,  no. 
37),  quod  dicti  Rex,  catbolicos  et  populus  adhuc  in  multis  a  veritate  catholicae 
fidei  aberrabant,  so  that  when  they  again  applied  to  the  Pope  for  aid,  he  contented 
himself  with  directing  the  archbishop  of  Nicosia  (1.  c),  quatenus  eidem  Regi 
populoque,  cum  ipse  ac  dicti  catbolicos  et  populus  aliquas  recognitiones  super 
aliquibus,  quibus  ad  ejusdem  fidei  discrepant  veritate,  fecerint  juxta  formam,  quam 
tibi  —  transmittemus,  —  sex  millia  florenorum  auri  de  pecuniis  cameras  nostras  tradi 
et  assignari  facere  non  omittas.  The  Pope  had  also  sent  the  Armenian  Catbolicos 
by  those  ambassadors  quffdam  capitula  pro  pleniori  eruditione,  and  received  respon- 
siones :  but  complains  in  another  letter  (Raynald.  1351,  no.  2  seq.) :  non  potuimus 
nee  possumus  ex  responsionibus  hujusmodi  quoad  plura  elicere,  quid  tu  et  eadem 
ecclesia  minoris  Armeniae  sincere  et  pure  credatis  :  —  ex  quarum  (responsionum) 
aliquibus  conditionata,  ex  quibusdam  vero  diminuta  vel  imperfecta,  et  ex  nonnullis, 
forsitan  scriptoris  vel  interpretis  vitio,  minus  vera  confessio  manifeste  coUigitur. 
He  therefore  gives  there  these  Responsiones,  accompanying  each  by  new  questions, 
calculated  to  call  foi-th  explanation.  Then :  Post  praedicta  omnia  niirari  cogimur 
vehementer,  quod  —  subtrahis  de  LIII  primis  capitulis  capitula  XVI.  Primum, 
quod  Spiritus  sanctus  procedit  a  Patre  et  Filio.  Tertium,  quod  parvuli  ex  primis 
parentibus  contrahunt  originate  peccatum.  Sextum,  quod  animae  ex  toto  purga- 
t£e  separatae  a  suis  corporibus  manifeste  Deum  vident.  Nonum,  quod  animae 
decedentium  in  mortal!  peccato  in  infernum  descendant.  Duodecimum,  quod 
baptismus  deleat  originate  et  actuate  peccatum.  XIII.  quod  Christus  non  de- 
struxit,  descendendo  ad  inferos,  inferiorem  infernum.  XV.  quod  angeli  a  Deo 
fuerunt  creati  boni.  XXX.  quod  effusio  sanguinis  animalium  nullam  operatur 
remissionem  peccatorum.  XXXII.  quod  non  judicent  comestores  piscium  et  olei 
in  diebus  jejuniorum.  XXXIX.  quod  in  ecclesia  catholica  baptizati,  si  etficiantur 
infideles,  et  postmodum  convertantur,  non  sunt  iterum  baptizandi.  XL.  quod 
parvuli  ante  octavum  diem  possunt  baptizari,  et  quod  baptismus  non  potest  esse  in 
liquore  alio,  quam  in  vera  aqua.  XLII.  quod  corpus  Christi  post  verba  consecra- 
tionis  sit  idem  numero,  quod  corpus  natum  de  virgine  et  immolatum  in  cruce. 
XLV.  quod  nullus,  etiam  sanctus,  corpus  Christi  potest  conficere,  nisi  sit  sacerdos. 
XLVI.  quod  est  de  necessitate  salutis,  confiteri  proprio  sacerdoti,  vel  de  licentia 
ejus  [alii]  omnia  peccata  mortalia  perfecte  et  distincte.  —  Idee  volumus  clare  et 


160  Third  Period.     Die.  IV.     A.  D.  1305  —  1409. 

Armenia  was  at  length  overrun  by  the  Mamelukes,  A.  D.  1367,  and 
the  Christiiins  cruelly  persecuted.^ 

The  Christians  in  Egypt  also  suffered  severe  persecution  under  the 
dominion  of  the  Mamelukes,  and  many  of  them  went  over  to  Islam- 
ism.'* 

The  attempts  of  John  XXII.  to  induce  the  Ethiopians,^  and  the 
Jacobites^  to  submit  to  the  papal  authority,  were  entirely  ineffectual. 

sine  velamine  a  te  scire,  si  prasdicta  XVI  capitula  diminuisti  de  LIII  pro  eo,  quod 
non  credis  esse  vei-a  neqiie  catholica,  vel  ex  qua  causa  ipsa  capitula  diminuisti. 
Item  in  scriptis  rogasti  archieplscopnm  et  episcopum  antefatos  (the  papal  legates), 
ut  esset  inter  eos  et  te  verborum  tinis  :  —  scias,  quod  non  possemus  nos  —  finem 
imponere,  —  ni^i  prius  pure,  clare,  perfecte  et  integre  tu  et  Armeni' — tidem  illam 
receperitis,  quam  ipsa  Koniana  tenet  et  docet  Ecclesia.  —  Ca;terum  quia  fidedigno- 
rum  plurium,  et  quorumdam  etiam  Armenorum  relatio  frequenter  nostris  auribus 
instillavit,  quod  tu  et  antecessores  tui  —  ea,  qu£e  circa  ipsius  tidei  nostras  cultum  — 
Ronuinis  Pontilicibus  —  descripsistis  et  promisistis,  —  in  nullo  penitus  observatis, — 
ac  fidem  ipsius  ecclesia;  Hoinana",  extra  quam  nulli  est  gratia,  nulli  salus,  habuistis 
damnalnlitei-  in  dcrisum  :  ideo  fraternitateiu  tuam  monemus,  —  quatenus  respon- 
sioncs  per  te  ad  intcrrogationes  nostras  iaciendas,  et  omnia,  qua;  tu  et  iidem 
obedientes  tilii  Armeni  circa  ipsius  fidei  nostras  negotiiim  promittetis  et  dicetis,  vos 
ci-edere  ac  tenerc,  —  tactis  sacrosanctis  evangeliis,  juramcntis  solemnibus  roboretis: 
et  nihilominus  sub  juramcntis  sin;ilibus  piomittatis,  quod  nobis  et  successoribus 
nostris  Romanis  Pontificibus  —  parebi'is  cum  efTectu,  ut  ora  de  te  et  Armenis 
eisdem  sic  graviter  —  obloquentium  obslruas: — sciturus  pro  cei'to,  quod  praeter 
salutis  seterna;  prsuiia,  et  fama;  titulos,  qua;  provide  consequeris,  dabit  tibi  Deus, 
ille  omnium  opulentissinius  retributor,  unde  in  prsesenti  quoque  saculo  gratiis  et 
beneficiis  affluas. 

3  cf.  dementis  VII.  Epist.  ad  Archiep.  Taraconensem  b.  Raynald.  ann.  1382, 
no.  49. 

4  Taki-eddini  Makrizii  (in  Cairo  "f*  1441)  hisforia  Coptorum  Christianorum  in 
^gypto,  arab.  cdila  et  in  ling.  lat.  translata  ab  H.  J.  Wetzer.  Solisbaci,  1828.  8vo. 
p.  135  seq.  cf.  Renaudot  hist.  Patriarcharum  Alexandrinorum  Jacobitarum.  Paris. 
1713.  4to.  p.  602  seq. 

6  Raynald.  ann.  1329,  no.  98. 
6  Raynald.  ann.  1330,  no.  57. 


FIFTH     DIVISION. 

FROM    THE    COUNCIL    OF    PISA    TO     THE    REFORMATION: 
A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 


The  most  important  authorities  are  :  Antoninus,  a  Dominican,  Archbishop  of 
Florence  from  A.  D.  1446,  "f  1459,  canonized  1523  (Summa  historialis  in  III 
Partt.  to  1459.  ed.  Venet.  1481.  Norimb.  1484,  etc.  last  in  0pp.  omn.  Florent. 
17 tl.  T.  I.  fol.).  —  Joannes  Trithemius,  or  of  Trittenheim,  from  1483  Abbot 
of  Spanheim,  from  1506  Abbot  of  St.  James  in  the  suburbs  of  Wilrzburg,  "J* 
1516  (Chronicon  Monast.  S.  Martini  Spanheimiense  in  0pp.  Trithemii  historicis 
ed  Marq.  Freherus.  T.  II.  P^rancof  1601.  Chron.  Monast.  S.  Jacobi  Majoris 
in  J.  P.  Ludewig  Scriptt.  rerum  Herbipolitanarum,  Halse.  1713.  By  far  the 
most  important  are  the  Annales  Hirsaugienses,  ed.  in  Monast.  St.  Galli,  1690. 
Tomi  II.  fob).  —  Albrecht  Kranz,  teacher  of  Theology  and  the  canon 
law  in  Rostock,  then  Canonicus,  finally  Decanus  of  the  Cathedral  in  Hamburg, 
"f  1517.  (Metropolis,  a  church  history  of  the  North  of  Germany  to  1504,  cum 
prajf  Dav.  Chytrsi,  Viteberga;  1576.  Francof.  ad  M.  1576,  1590.  —  His  Saxo- 
nia,  Vandalia,  and  Chronicon  Regnorum  Aquilonarium  belong  rather  to  general 
history). 


CHAPTER    FIRST. 

HISTORY    OF    PAPACY. 

Bartholomm  Platinm  (or  Barth  de'  Sacchi  of  Piadina  in  the  territory  of  Cremona, 
under  Pius  II.  papal  Abbreviator,  under  Paul  II.  persecuted,  under  Sixtus  IV. 
at  the  head  of  the  Vatican  Library,  "f  1481),  vitas  Pontificum  Romanorum,  ed. 
Venet.  1479.  fol.  afterwards  often  ed.  but  sometimes  with  changes.  The 
editions  which  appeared  in  Holland  A.  D.  1640,  1645,  and  1664,  without  men- 
tion of  any  place  of  publication,  are  accurately  printed  after  the  Edit,  princeps., 
and  therefore  much  valued.  Comp.  Dan.  Guil.  Moller  disp.  de  B.  Platina. 
Altorf.  1694.  4to. 

^  129. 

COUNCIL  OF  PISA  (25  March  to  7  August,  1409),  Alexander  v.  (26 
June,  1409,  to  3  May,  1410),  john  xxiii.  (17  May,  1410— De- 
posed 29  May,  1415). 

Theodoricus  a  JViem  (see  authorities  prefixed  to  §  101)  de  Schismate  lib.  III. 
c.  38  seq.     Ejusdem    Vita  Johannis   XXIII.    in   Meibomii  Rerum  Germ. 
T.  I.  p.  5  seq.  and  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Constant.  T.  II.  p.  336  seq. 
VOL.    III.  21 


162  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

Leonardi  Aretini  (Private  Secretary  to  Innocent  VII.,  Gregory  XII.,  Alexander 
v.,  and  John  XXIII.,  then  Chancellor  in  Florence,  "f*  1444)  rertiin  suo  tem- 
pore in  Italia  gestarum  commentarius  ab  anno  1378  usque  ad  ann.  1440  (in 
Muratorii  Rerum  Italicarum  Scriptores  T.  XIX.  p.  909  seq.). 

Acta  of  the  Council  in  Mansi  XXVII.  p.  1  seq.  in  d'Achery  Spicileg.  I.  p. 
828,  and  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Constantiense,  Tom.  II.  P.  II.  p.  62  seq. 

Hisloire  du  Concile  de  Pise,  et  de  ce  qui  s'est  passe  de  plus  memorable  depuis 
ce  Concile  jusqu'au  Concile  de  Constance,  par  Jacques  Lenfant.  T.  II.  k  Am- 
sterdam. 1724.  4to. 

The  Synod  of  Pisa,  at  which  the  two  most  distinguished  leaders 
of  the  Reform  party  were  Petrus  de  Alliaco,  bishop  of  Cambray,^ 
and  John  Gerson,  Chancellor  of  the  University  of  Paris,-  was  opened 
on  the  25th  of  March,  1409.  Notwithstanding  the  efforts  of  the  emperor 
Ruprecht  in  favor  of  the  Roman  Pope  Gregory  XII. ,-^  the  council 
proceeded  immediately  (on  the  5th  of  June)  to  depose  both  popes,'*  and 
after  having  secured  the  reformation,  as  it  was  thought,  by  exacting 
a  solemn  oath  from  all  the  assembled  cardinals,^  caused  Alexander  V. 

^  See  §  103,  note  1 ;  §  116,  note  8.  He  was  the  teacher  of  Gerson  and  Nico- 
laus  de  Clamengis,  1389  chancellor  of  the  Univ.  of  Paris,  1396  bishop  of  Cam- 
bray,  1411  Cardinal  (Cardinalis  Cameracensis)  "f  1425.  Of  his  life,  see  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  VIII.  p.  450  seq. 

^  See  §  104,  notes  3  and  7.  Chancellor  of  the  Univ.  of  Paris  from  1395,  f  1429. 
0pp.  ed.  L.  E.  Du  Pin.  Antverp.  1706.  Tomi  IV.  fol.  Tomus  II.  contains  such 
writings  of  Gerson  as  relate  to  the  existing  state  of  the  church,  as  well  as  some 
works  of  his  contemporaries  on  the  same  subject.  Of  his  life  and  writings  see 
V.  d.  Hardt,  1.  c.  T.  I.  P.  IV.  p.  26  seq.,  and  Gersoniana  prefixed  to  Dupins 
Ausgabe. 

^  Theod.  a  JViein  III.,  c.  39.  The  speech  of  the  imperial  ambassador,  Ulricus 
Ep.  Verdensis,  is  in  Raynaldus  ad  ann.  1409,  no.  13  seq.  The  answer  of  Petrus 
de  Ancharano  in  name  of  the  Council,  in  Mansi  XXVII.  p.  367  seq. 

*  Sess.  X.  on  the  2d  of  May,  the  Articuli  contra  Petrum  de  Luna,  Benedictum 
XIII.,  et  Angelum  Corario,  Gregorium  XII.  nuncupatos,  de  papatu  pei-peram 
contendentes  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1409,  no  47  seq.  d'Achery  Spicileg.  T.  I.  p. 
833  seq.),  being  a  detailed  account  of  all  that  had  thus  far  passed  between  the  two 
Popes  and  the  Cardinals,  were  laid  before  the  council.  Sess.  XV.  on  the  5th  of 
June  followed  the  Sententia  definitiva  et  privativa  contra  prasdictos  contendentes 
(Theodor.  a  A'iem  111.,  c.  44.  Raynald.  a.  1.  no.  71.  d  Achery  I.  p.  847  seq.)  : 
Christi  nomine  invocato  sancta  et  universalis  Synodus  universalem  Ecclesiam  re- 
prassentans,  et  ad  quam  cognitio  et  decisio  hujus  causae  noscitur  pertinere, —  pro- 
nunciat,  decernit,  definit  et  declarat, —  Angelum  Corario  et  Petrum  de  Luna  de 
papatu  contendentes,  et  eorum  utrumque  luisse  et  esse  notorios  schismaticos,  et 
antiqui  schismatis  nutritores,  defcnsores,  fautoi-es,  approbatoies,  et  manutentores 
pcrtiuaces,  necnon  notorios  ha?reticos,  et  a  fide  devios,  notoriisque  criniinibus 
enormibus  perjurii  et  violationis  voti  irretitos,  universalem  Ecclesiam  sanctam  Dei 
notorie  scandalizantes  cum  incorrigibilitate,  contumacia,  et  pei'tinacia  notoriis, 
evidentibus  et  manifestis;  et  ex  his  et  aliis  se  reddidisse  omni  honore  et  dignitate, 
etiam  papali,  indignos  ;  ipsosque  et  eorum  utrumque  propter  prasmissas  iniquitates, 
crimina  et  excessus  ne  regnent,  vel  inipcrent,  aut  pra'sint,  a  Deo  et  sacris  canoni- 
bus  fore  ipso  facto  abjectos  et  piivatos,  ac  etiam  ab  Ecclesia  praecisos;  et  nihilomi- 
nus  ipsos  Petrum  et  Angelum,  et  eorum  utrumque,  per  banc  sententiam  definitivam 
in  his  scriptis  privat,  abjicit  et  prsecidit,  inhibendo  eisdem,  ne  eorum  aliquis  pro 
summo  Pontifice  gerere  se  prajsumat,  etc. 

^  Sess.  XVI.  on  the  10th  of  June,  the  cardinals  were  made  to  take  oath  (Ray- 
nald. 1.  1.     d' Achery,  I.  p.  848.),  quod,  si  quis  nostrum  in  summum  Romanu'm 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  129.     Council  of  Pisa.  163 

to  be  elected  in  their  place,  on  the  26th  of  June.  But  they  were 
grievously  disappointed  in  their  hopes,  and  soon  learned  that  it  was 
in  vain  to  look  for  any  assistance  from  popes  in  bringing  about  a 
reformation  in  the  church.*^  And,  indeed,  it  was  to  be  expected  only 
of  a  pope  of  more  than  ordinary  sagacity,  as  well  as  moral  feeling 
and  power,  that  he  should  turn  a  deaf  ear  to  the  advice  of  those  who 
seemed  most  attached  to  his  interests,  and  himself  assist  in  demolishing 
the  splendid  fabric  his  predecessors  had  been  centuries  building  up 
for  him,  without  even  being  sure  that  his  work  would  be  durable,  or 
his  name  handed  down  with  honor  to  posterity.  But  Alexander's 
first  act  was  after  the  old  papal  fashion.'     He  strove  only  to  appease, 

Pontificem  eligetur,  prassens  concilium  contiiiuabit  nee  dissolvet,  neque  dissolvi 
permittet,  quantum  in  eo  erit,  usquequo  per  ipsum  cum  consilio  ejusdera  concilii 
sit  facta  debita,  I'ationalis,  et  sufficiens  reformatio  universalis  Ecclesia;,  et  status 
ejus  tam  in  capite  quam  in  membris.  If  the  choice  should  fall  on  any  one  not 
present,  the, person  so  chosen  was  to  take  the  same  oath  before  the  election  should 
be  made  public. 

*  The  necessity  of  which,  and  the  points  in  which  it  was  needed  had  been 
eloquently  urged  on  the  new  Pope  before  his  coi'onation,  by  Gerson,  in  the  Sermo 
factus  coram  Alex.  P.  (0pp.  ed.  du  Pin,  II.  p.  131). 

'  Gerson  de  modo  reformandi  Ecclesiam  in  Cone.  Univ.  written  1410,  cap.  10 
(in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  V.  p.  90)  :  Et  ut  sic  tieret  (namely,  ut 
limitaretur  potestas  usurpata  papalis)  fuit  oinnino  inclinatus  dictus  Dominus  Alex- 
ander V.  ante  ejus  Papatum,  dum  ageretur,  ut  dictum  concilium  celebraretur  in 
Pisis.  Qui  etiam  hoc  dicebat,  et  etiam  super  limitatione  subsequenda  multis  argu- 
mentis  theologicis,  philo^ophicis,  juridicis  insudabat.  Qui  creatus  in  Papain  in 
lucem  educere  non  curabat.  Pttrus  de  Mliaco  dc  difficultate  reformationis  in  Cone, 
universal!  ad  Jo.  Gersonem,  written  1410,  cap.  3  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T. 
I.  P.  VI.  p.  262) :  Alexander  prorsus  inexpertus  erat  eoruiu,  quas  officii  pastoralis 
honor  et  sublimitas  exigebat,  quamvis  esset  magnus  Theologus.  Et  quicquid  dicti 
Cardinales  ab  eo  petierunt,  ipsis  absque  contradictione  concessit,  nee  audebat  ipsis 
aliquid  denegare.  Unde  ipsi  continuo  eum  importune  crebris  petitionibus  vexarunt, 
ita  ut  aliquando  propterea  in  se  ipso  nimium  turbaretur.  Nee  poterant  satiari. 
Theodoricus  a  A'iem  III.  c.  51 :  Fuit  autem  dictus  dominus  Petrus  (Alexander 
prius  nominatus  Petrus  de  Candia),  cum  eligebatur  in  Papam,  septuagenarius,  vel 
circa.  —  Hie  quicquid  ordinavit  et  fieri  voluit  per  ipsum  dictus  dominus  Joannes 
Papa,  tunc  Diaconus  Cardinalis  (Balthasar  Cossa),  in  omnibus  et  per  omnia  fecit, 
ab  ejus  precibus,  consiliis  aut  mandatis  —  nullatenus  recedendo,  et  in  ejus  Papatu 
nihil  penitus  reformavit,  et  onmibus  studuit  complacere,  et  vix  alicui  ab  eo  quic- 
quam  petenti  a  majori  usque  ad  minimum  sine  personaruni  discretione  scivit  dene- 
gare. Unde  subito  postquam  in  Papam  assumtus  fuit,  adeo  deformavit  notabiliora 
officia  suae  Curias  ad  importunam  instantiam  multorum  petentium,  excedendo 
illorum  numerum  antiquum  nulla  necessitate  aut  utilitate  urgente,  quod  in  longo 
tempore  in  statuin  debituni  vix  potuerunt  reformari,  et  tam  prodigus  fuit  in  con- 
cedendis  gratiis  beneficialibus,  quod  nullam  novit  differentiam  inter  personas,  quibus 
ilia  fecit,  et  quales  facere  deberet,  nee  modura  nee  ordinem  debitos  et  consuetos  in 
talibus  observando :  fuit  enim  in  illis  pracficalibus  et  agibilibus  penitus  inexpertus. 
—  Aliquos  etiam  fratres  Minores  (the  brethren  of  his  own  Order)  sibi  caros  et 
sociales  publicis  officiis  et  lucrativis,  quae  prius  consueverunt  regi  per  sasculares 
personas  habiles  et  expertas,  in  eadem  sua  Curia  prajfert,  et  miro  modo  conabatur 
plerosque  fratres  Minores  cathedralibus  Ecclesiis  vacantibus  preeficere  in  pastores: 
in  his  praicipue,  et  etiam  in  multis  aliis  Papale  officium,  cujus  gravitatem  non 
novit,  in  brevi  tempore  denigrando. —  Cap.  52: — statini  postquam  creatus  fuit,  et 
ante  ipsius  coronationem  multos  creavit  Archiepiscopos,  Episcopos  et  Abbates,  et 
omnibus  illis  familiaribus  dominorum  Cardinalium,  qui  eum  elegerunt  in  Papam, 
qui  dictis  Dominis  Cardinalibus  in  conclavi  ministiarunt,  adeo  abusivas  et  exorbi- 
tantes  beneficiales   gralias,   etiam   cum   dispensationibus  ad  plura  incompatibilia 


164  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

not  to  satisfy.  Thus  he  made  some  trifling  concessions,  promised  to 
hold  a  new  synod  for  the  purpose  of  beginning  the  reformation,  and 
as  soon  as  possible  (7th  of  August)  dismissed  the  troublesome  assem- 
bly that  had  appointed  him.'^ 

Thus  the  Synod  of  Pisa,  which  had  been  opened  with  such  high- 
wrought  hopes  (see  §  104),  disappointed  even  such  expectations  as  it 
might  have  been  reasonable  to  entertain.'-^     Instead  of  two  popes, 

beneficia,  qui  eas  petierunt,  absque  personarum  delectu  fecit,  sicuti  a  saeculo  nun- 
quam  prius  auditte  fuerunt,  ita  quod  CEEteri  saltern  intelligentes  Curiales  de  indis- 
creta  provisione  stupefacti  murmurabant.  Vidobatur  eniiii  praedictus  Alexander 
pro  nihilo  habere  titulos  ecclcsiasticos,  quos  tain  impiovide  videbat,  etc. 

**  Sess.  XX.  on  the  27th  of  July  the  Pope  issued  a  decree  (iVAchery  1.  p.  852) : 
Sacro  approbante  Concilio  decei-niinus,  —  iterum  generale  Concilium  EcclesiEe  fore 
convocandum,  hinc  ad  triennium,  videlicet  anno  quo  dicetui-  Dom.  MCCCCXII  in 
mense  Aprilis,  in  civitate  sen  loco  habili  et  decenli.  Sess.  XXIIl.  on  the  7lh  of 
Aug.  (1.  c.)  :  Sanctissinius  Doniinus  noster  sacro  approbante  Concilio  ordinavit, 
quod  bona  immobilia  Ecclesise  Romanfe  seu  aliarum  Ecclesiarum  nullatenus  — 
alienentur  seu  hypothecentur  usque  ad  proximo  inductum  Concilium,  in  quo 
super  hoc  articulo  maturius  poterit  deliberari.  Item  Dominus  noster  eodem  appro- 
bante Concilio  ordinat  et  mandat  celebrari  Concilia  provincialia  per  Metropolitanos, 
et  Synodos  per  eorum  suffraganeos,  secundum  formam  juris  et  Concilii  generalis  ; 
quia  ex  eorum  omissione  niulta  sequuntur  inconvenientia.  Item  —  celebrari  capi- 
tula  Monachorum  nigrorum  et  Canonicorum  regularium.  —  Item  Dominus  noster, 
misericordia  motus,  liberaliter  remiltit,  piout  alias  fecit,  omnia  arreragia  (fr.  arri- 
rages)  majora,  et  minuta  ser\  itia  su£e  Cameras  Apostolica;  de  toto  tempore  antique 
debita,  sibi  dumtaxat  competentia  :  etiam  si  qui  propter  defectum  solutionis  hu- 
jusmodi  arregariorum  sententiam  excommunicationis  incui-rerint,  eos  auctoritate 
Apostolica  absolvit.  —  Item  —  disponit,  non  facere  translationes  de  invitis.  —  Item 
—  conccdit  omnibus,  qui  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio  inteifuerunt,  et  ejus  determinationi 
adhaerent,  absolutionem  plenariam  a  culpa  et  poena  semel  tantum.  —  Item  Dominus 
noster  sanctissimus  cum  consilio  Concilii  intendit  reformare  Ecclesiam  in  capite  et 
in  membris.  Et  quia  jam  multa  per  Dei  gratiam  sunt  expedita,  quse  ipsum  Domi- 
num  nostrum,  et  favorem  Praelatoi-um,  aliorumque  inferiorum  concernunt,  restant- 
que  alia,  qua^  j)ropter  recessum  Prslatorum  et  Ambassiatorum  de  prassenti  expe- 
diri  non  possunt :  proplerea  Dominus  noster  sacro  requirente  et  approbante  Concilio 
dictam  reforniationem  suspendit,  et  continuat  (i.  e.  differt)  usque  ad  pioxime 
indictum  Concilium,  etc. 

**  Gerson  says,  1410,  de  modo  reformandi  Eccles.  in  Cone.  univ.  c.  19  (in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P.  V.  p.  113)  :  In  Concilio  Pisano,  secundum  opinionem 
niiiltri'um,  omnia  fuerunt  quasi  primis  motibus  facta  et  agitata,  spiritu  vehementi, 
et  non  matura  deliberatione,  ut  etiam  Concilium  decebat,  ordinata  nee  completa. 
JVicolai  de  Clamengis  disp.  super  materia  Concilii  generalis  cum  quodam  Scho- 
lastico  Parisiensi  (written  1416,  see  p.  75)  in  his  0pp.  ed.  Jo.  M.  Lydms.  Lugd. 
Bat.  1613.  4to.  p.  70:  QuEe  alia  res  in  Pisana  congregatione  Ecclesiam  Dei  popu- 
lumque  decepit,  et  clamare  fecit:  Pax,  pax,  cum  nulla  esset  pax ;  nisi  quia  ear- 
nales  et  cupidi  homines,  qui  ubique  ex  refrigerio  charitatis  superabundant,  bene- 
ficiorum  ardore  succensi,  prorsusque  exca?cati  ecclesiasticam  reforniationem,  quam 
boni  et  fideles  plerique  ante  omnia  fieri  volebant,  impedierunt,  ad  novamque  mox 
electionem  processerunt,  qua  facta,  et  promotionibus  quas  concupierunt  adeptis, 
pacem  esse  clamarunt,  solutoque  conventu  cum  ilia  quam  quaesierant  pace,  hoc  est 
promotione,  reversi  sunt  ?  Whether  this  was  an  oecumenical  council  long  remained 
doubtful,  after  the  deposition  of  John  XXIlI.  had  obliterated  the  only  trace  of  its 
influence.  S.  Antonini  Summa  histor.  Tit.  XXII.  cap.  5.  §  2  :  per  Pisanum 
Concilium  vel  Conciliabulum  (cum  non  esset  auctoritate  alicujus  eorum,  qui  se 
gerebant  pro  Pontifice,  congregatum)  non  crat  ablatum  ipsum  schisma,  sed  augmen- 
tatum,  ex  dunbus  vel  tribusjam  se  pro  Papa  gerentibus.  Cajetanus  de  auct.  Papae 
et  Concilii  Tract.  II.  c.  2,  says,  quod  nee  illud  Concilium  constat  fuisse  certum  et 
induhitatum  :  Bellarininus  de  Conciliis  et  Ecclesia,  Lib.  I.  c.  8,  calls  it  nee  appro- 
batum,  ncc  reprobatum,  but  considers  Alexander  V.  and  John  XXIII.  to  have  been 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  129.     Council  of  Pisa.  165 

there  were  now  three ;  for  although  Alexander's  election  was  gene- 
rally recognised,  Gregory  XII.  was  still  supported  by  Naples,  several 
of  the  smaller  Italian  States,  and  the  German  bishops  of  Triers, 
Speyer,  and  Worms,  whilst  Benedict  XIII.  had  Spain  and  Scotland 
on  his  side.  No  reformation  of  the  church  had  taken  place,  and 
after  the  death  of  Alexander  V.  in  Bologna,  3d  of  May,  1410, i*^  and  the 
succession  of  the  infamous  Balthasar  Cossa,  under  the  name  of  John 
XXIir,ii  none  was  to   be  expected  from  the  Pope.^'-^     John  XXIII. 

the  true  Popes  of  that  time  :  certe  ex  tribus,  qui  turn  se  pro  Ponlificibus  gerebant, 
isti  maxime  ut  veri  Pontiiices  colebantur.  In  later  times  the  papal  party  reject  this 
council  as  not  oecumenical  ( Ballerinius  de  potestate  ecclesiastica  summoruni  Pon- 
tificum  et  Concill.  Generall.  cap.  6.),  and  consequently  the  Popes  it  appointed, 
Alexander  V.  and  John  XXIII.,  acknowledging  Gregory  XII.  as  lawful  Pope  till 
the  time  of  his  resignation  in  Constance  ( Ray  rial  d.  ann.  1409,  no.  79  and  80).  The 
French  writers,  on  the  other  hand,  have  always  defended  the  council  and  its  Popes, 
see  Eibn.  Richerii  hist,  conciliorum  generalium,  Lib.  II.  c.  2.  §  6.  Bossuet  De- 
fensio  declaral.  Cleri  Gall.  P.  II.  lib.  9.  c.  11.  especially  A'^atalis  Alex.  hist.  eccl. 
ssec.  XV.  et  XVI.  diss.  II. 

'"  Probably  poisoned  by  his  successor.  See  the  Articuli  conti'a  Joh.  P.  XXIII. 
presented  to  the  Council  of  Constance  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  IV.  p.  197)  : 
Dictus  tunc  Dominus  Balthasar  appellatus,  Legatus  Bononiae  existens,  ad  papatum 
illicitis  mediis  anhelans,  in  mortem  bonas  memoriifi  Domini  Alexandri  Papa?  V. 
extitit  machinatus,  et  ut  tam  ipse,  quam  medians  suns  Magister  Daniel  de  sancta 
Sophia,  artium  et  medicine  Doctor,  vcneno  extinguerentur,  prout  extincti  sunt, 
operam  dedit.  Sicque,  ut  prjedicitur,  fuit  dictum,  tentum,  creditum  et  reputatum, 
diciturque,  tenetur,  creditur  et  rcputatur.  Atque  fuit  et  est  de  pra°missis  in  civi- 
tate  Eononiensi  et  extra  per  totum  mundum  publica  vox  et  fama,  et  est  graviter  et 
notorie  diffaraatus.  Conrad  Justingers  (*f  1426)  Berner  Chronik,  ed.  by 
Stierlin  and  Wyss,  Bern.  1S19.  8vo.  S.  275  :  "  And  it  was  the  common  report 
that  his  death  was  furthered  by  him  who  proved  his  successor."  Antoninus  P. 
III.  Tit.  XXII.  Cap.  5,  §  3,  says  only  :  migravit  a  sseculo,  ut  dicitur,  toxicatus  in 
clisterio. 

^'  See  Conrad  Justinger,  S.  276.  Also  Theod.  a  JMein  Invectiva  in  diffugien- 
tem  a  Constant.  Cone.  Joh.  XXIII.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  II.  p.  296  seq. 
Ejusd.  Vita  Jo.  XXIII.  ibid.  p.  336,  and  the  Articuli  cited  in  preceding  note. 

12  See  the  Reguls  Cancellariae  Joh.  P.  XXIII.  published  July  19,  1410,  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  I.  XXI.  p.  954.  Petrus  de  Alliaco  de  difficultate  reformationis  in 
Cone,  universali  ad  Jo.  Gersonem,  1410,  cap.  2  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T. 
I.  P.  VI.  p.  256  seq.)  :  Quippe  notorium  est,  quod  dictus  Johannes  in  primordio 
sui  Pontificatus  reservarit  sua;  dispositioni  onmes  Patriarchales,  Metropolitanas  ac 
Cathedrales  Ecclesias,  necnon  omnia  Monasteria  virorum,  prout  etiam  nonnulli 
ejus  prasdecessores  summi  Pontitices  facere  consueverunt.  —  Item  ultra  praedictas 
et  omnes  generales  alias  reservationes  quarumlibet  inferiorum  dignitatum  et  bene- 
ficiorum  ecclesiasticorum  per  eum  etiam  factas,  extra  solitam  consuetudinem 
eorundem  suorum  pra^decessorum,  reservavit  suae  dispositioni  omnes  Prioratus, 
Conventuales  et  majores  post  Pontiticales  in  cathedralibus,  necnon  principales  dig- 
nitates  in  collegiatis  Ecclesiis  ubicunque  vacantes  et  vacaturas.  —  Item  dictus 
Johannes  aliam  fecit  constitutionem,  continenteni  in  effectu,  quod  quicunque  ab 
eo  impetraret  qualecunque  beneficium  ecclesiasticum,  —  antequam  illi  super 
eadem  impetratione  lilera;  apostolical  in  Romana  curia  confectffi  tradei-entur,  solve- 
ret  camerre  Apostolicae  realiter  medietatem  fructuuin  dicti  beneticii  impetrati 
imius  anni.  To  this  were  added  dua;  novella;  constifutiones.  Namely,  olim  qui- 
cunque pra>fecti  fuerant  cathedralibus  Ecclesiis,  aut  Monasteriis  virorum  vacanti- 
bus  in  Praelatos,  non  arctabantur  per  sedem  Apostolicam,  ut  in  promtu  plus  solve- 
rent  Camera;  Apostolicae  aut  collegio  Cardinalium  pro  communi  servitio,  quam 
medietatem  taxa>,  ad  quam  Ecclesias  vel  Monasteria  ipsa  in  eadem  Camera  reperi- 
ebantur  esse  taxata.  Et  pro  alia  medietate  solvenda  promotis  —  dilatio  dabatur.  — 
Quas  quidem  taxas  oportet  promotos  per  ipsum  Doni.  Johannem  integraliter  sol- 


166  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

bent  all  his  powers  to  the  struggle  with  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples, 
who  maintained  the  cause  of  Gregory  XII.  After  all  his  efforts  had 
proved  ineffectual,  even  a  crusade  against  him  which  he  had  caused 
to  be  preached  from  A.  D.  141 1,^^  the  king  was  at  length  won  over 
by  negotiation,  A.  D.  1412,  and  Gregory  Xll.,  betrayed  and  forsaken, 
had  to  seek  refuge  in  Rimini  with  his  friend  Charles  of  Malatesta.i^ 
Not  long  after,  however,  Ladislaus  quarrelled  with  his  new  friend, 
and  advancing  upon  Rome,  compelled  John  to  fly  into  the  North  of 
Italy,  and  there  throw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  emperor  Sigismund. 
Under  these  circumstances,  the  emperor  prevailed  on  him  to  summon 
the  long  desired  General  Council,  which  was  at  length  to  put  an  end 
to  the  confusion  and  dissensions  of  the  church,  at  Constance,  on  the 
1st  of  Nov.  1414.15. 

vere,  —  antequam  lileras  Apostolicas  —  tradantur  ipsis  promotis.  —  Ex  quo  contin- 
git,  quod  plures  Ecclesiarum  et  dignitatum  seu  nionasteriorum,  ad  qute  promoti 
sunt,  possessionem  nequeant  apprehendere.  Further,  olim  ante  schisma  —  ratione 
inferiorura  dignitatum  et  beneficiorum  Ecclesiasticoi-um  vacantium  —  non  consue- 
verunt  impetrantes  medios  fructus  dignitatum  et  beneficiorum  prafatorum  eidem 
camera;  solvere,  priusquam  ilia  essent  pacifice  assecuti.  Et  tunc  concordabant 
super  illis  cum  collectoribus  fi'uctuum  diets  camera;  in  diversis  partibus  debito- 
rum.  —  Nunc  autem  extorquentur  dicti  medii  fructus  ab  impetrantibus  ipsis  in 
eadem  curia,  antequam  eis  liters  Apostolicte  confectce  super  talibus  gratiis  tradan- 
tur per  officiales  dictas  camera;.  —  Et  quod  dcterius  est,  si  forte  centum  concurre- 
rent  pro  uno  beneficio  vacante  et  reservato  impetrando,  daretur  omnibus  per 
Papam.  Tamen  si  literas  Apostolicas  super  ipsis  impetrationibus  suis  vellent 
habere,  quemlibet  eorum  incunctanter  medietatcm  fructuum  dicti  beneiicii  pi-sefatfe 
camerae  ante  omnia  solvere  oporteret,  licet  nisi  unus  eorum  illud  assequi  posset 
(coinp.  Anonymus  in  Bulcsi  hist.  Univ.  Paris,  IV.  p.  914).  —  Cap.  3,  p.  260  : 
Cum  igitur  juxta  praihabita  pateat,  quod  apud  Papam  et  ejus  collegium  Cardinali- 
um  nulla  vigeat  charitas  quoad  alios  Prajlatos  et  Christianos,  sed  perpetua  et  insa- 
tiabilis  rapacitas  potius  ardeat  in  eisdem,  ut  qualitercunque  dicebatur :  dato,  quod 
generale  Concilium  convocaretur  et  iieret,  sicut  dicis  et  consulis  fieri  debere, 
quails  ex  hoc  ulilitas  universalis  Ecclesise  resultaret .'  Esto,  etiam,  quod  omnes 
isti  tres  de  papatu  contendentes  sponte  cederent,  aut  ad  cedendum  compellerentur 
inviti,  eisque  novus  Papa,  sicut  factum  fuit  in  Pisis  novissime,  surrogaretiir :  dicti 
Cardinales  in  statu  eorum  nihilominus  remanentes  dicerent,  quod  ad  eos  duntaxat 
spectaret  electio  summi  Pontificis.  Quod  si  obtinercnt,  non  est  dubitanduni,  quin 
unum  ex  se  ipsis  eligerent,  sicut  fecerunt  in  Pisis.  Sicque  nulla  reformatio  efii- 
cax  et  fructuosa  ex  cessione  hujusmodi  sequeretur,  nisi  vocalis,  et  unius  personas 
mutatio  tantum.  Et  hi  quidem  electus  et  electores  juxta  moies  veteres  eorum 
similiter  perpetuum  errorem  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  continuarent,  quousque  unus  eorum 
in  eodem  statu  in  ipsa  Ecclesia  remaneret.  Certum  est  enim,  quod  mystice  sacer- 
dotes  Bel  cum  eorum  uxoribus  et  filiis  omnes  unanimiter  in  lacum  leonum  missi 
fuerint,  ut  per  ipsos  leones  devorarentur.  Quod  si  aliqui  eorum  supervixissent, 
extunc  etiam  cibos  regies,  eidem  Bel  singulis  diebus  appositos  devorassent,  prout 
ante  deceptori  facere  consueverant.  Et  ne  hoc  deinceps  fieret  taliter,  una  sentea- 
tia  super  omnes  justo  Dei  judicio  lata  subito  perierunt. 

'^  Raynaldus,  ann.  1411,  no.  5 ;  ann.  1412,  no.  2. 

'4  Theodor.  a  JViem  de  vita  Jo.  XXIII.  c.  22  and  24.  H.  Leo  Gesch  der 
italienischen  Staaten.  Th.  4to.  (Hamburg.  1830.)  S.  271  ff. 

'°  Leonardus  Aretinus  in  Muratori  XIX.  p.  928:  Unicum  remedium  et  Im- 
peratori  et  Pontifici  videbatur  generale  Concilium  advocari.  Sed  erant  circa  hoc 
ipsum  constituenda  permulta,  ceu  locus,  tempus,  modus.  Missi  sunt  igitur  his  de 
causis  ad  Sigismundum  Legati.  Horuiii  missio  Legatorum  ruinaj  Pontiticis  inilium 
fuit.  Qua  in  re  non  videtur  pra'tereundum  mirabile  quiddam,  quod  tunc  accidit, 
ut  omnia  caelitus  gubernari  cognoscamus.  Communicaverat  mecum  Pontifex 
arcane  mentem  ct  cogitationem  suam.     In  loco,  inquit,   Concilii  rei  summa  est, 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  130.     Council  of  Constance.         167 


^   130. 

COUNCIL  OF  CONSTANCE   (5  Nov.  1414  to  22  April,  1418),  martin  v. 
(11  Nov.  1417,  t  20  Feb.  1431). 

Magnum  cecumenicuin  Constantiense  Concilium  ex  ingenti  antiquissimorum, 
Msctorum  mole  diligentissime  erutum  op.  H.  v.  d.  Hardt.  VI.  Tomi.  Francof. 
et  Lips.  1700.  Tom.  VII.  sistens  indicem  generalem.  congessit  G.  Ch.  Bohn- 
stedt.  Berolini.  1742.  fol. 

Theodorici  Vrie  (written  also  Vrige,  Frig,  Frie,  and  erroneously  Uric  or  Urias, 
an  Augustine  monk  in  Osnabruck,  see  v.  d.  Hardt  Prolegg.  ad  T.  I.  Cone. 
Const,  p.  22  seq.)  de  consolatione  EcclesicB  libb.  IV.  written  1417,  ed.  by 
V.  d.  Hardt,  with  the  title  Historia  Cone.  Constantiensis  {Cone.  Const.  T.  I. 
p,  1  seq.) 

Histoire  du  Concile  de  Constance  par  Jaques  Lenfant.  Tomes  II.  k  Amsterdam 
1714.  nouv.  6dit.  1727.  4to.  Nouvelle  Histoire  du  Concile  de  Constance,  oii 
Ton  fait  voir,  combien  la  France  a  contribu6  k  I'exlinction  du  Schisme,  par 
Bourgeois  du  Chastenet  a  Paris.  1718.  4to.  (a  continuation  of  v.  d.  Hardt  and 
Lenfant).  —  Gasp.  Royko's  Geshichte  der  Kirchenversammlung  zu  Gostnitz. 
Prag.  Th.  1.  2.    2te  Aufl.  1796.  Th.  3.  4to.   1784,  1785.  Register  1796.  gr.  8vo. 

The  longing  for  peace  in  the  church  and  a  thorough  reform  had 
been  only  increased  by  the  disappointment  in  the  case  of  Alexander 
V.  and  the  scornful  disregard  of  John  XXIII.,  whilst  the  principles 
and  propositions  so  powerfully  supported  in  the  writings  of  John 
Gerson  ^  were   adopted  by  so  many  of  those  who  assembled   to  the 

nee  ego  alicubi  esse  volo,  ubi  Imperator  plus  possit.  Legatis  igitur  istis,  qui  a 
me  mittuntur,  mandata  amplissima,  potestatemque  maximam  ad  honestatis 
speciem  dabo,  qucB  palam  ostentare  possint,  atque  proferre  ;  secreto  aufem  man- 
datum  restringam  ad  loca  certa.  Afterwards,  however,  he  concluded  to  oive 
them  only  general  instructions,  ostendens  quanti  ponderis  ilia  res  esset,  cujus  rei 
gratia  niitterentur,  and  dismissed  them  with  the  injunction  :  vestrcB  prudentice 
cuncta  permitto.  Vos,  quid  tnihi  tutum,  et  quid  formidandum,  cogitetis.  After 
the  place  had  been  agreed  upon  between  the  ambassadors  and  the  emperor,  Joan- 
nes incredibile  quantum  indoluit,  se  ipsum  ac  fortunam  suam  detestatus,  quod  tarn 
levitera  cogitatione,  propositoque,  illo  pristino  restringendorum  locorum  descivisset. 
The  bull,  appointins  the  council,  d.  Laudae  V.  Id.  Dec.  1413,  see  in  Raynald  ann 
1413,  no.  22.  v.  d.  Hardt,  T.  VI.  p.  9.  j         >        ^ 

'  Especially  in  the  work  written  1410  (cf.  cap.  21,  cum  ad  prssens  de  facto 
vacet  Imperium,  et  Imperii  Electores  diversis  obediant).  Opus  de  modis  uniendi  ac 
refonnandi  Ecclesiam  in  Concilio  universal!  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  I.  P. 
V.  p.  68  seq.  and  in  0pp.  Gersonii  ed.  du  Pin,  T.  II.  P.  II.  p.  161  seq.),  in 
which  he  attempts  to  meet  the  difficulties  raised  by  Petrus  deJllliacu  de  difficult'ate 
reform,  in  Cone.  Univ.  (see  §  129,  note  12).  Worthy  of  remark  is  the  distinction 
which  he  makes  between  the  una,  sancta  catholica  and  the  Aposfolica  Ecclesia 
see  V.  d.  Hardt,  cap.  2,  p.  70  :  Catholica,  universalis  Ecclesia  ex  variis  membris 
unum  corpus  constituenlibus  —  est  conjuncta  et  nominata.  Cujus  corporis,  uni- 
versahs  Ecclesiae,  caput  Christus  solus  est.  Ca;teri  vero,  ut  Papa,  Cardinales,  et 
Prffilati,  Clerici,  Reges,  et  Principes,  ac  plebeji  sunt  membra  infequaliter  disposita. 
Nee  istius  EcclesicB  Papa  potest  dici  nee  debet  caput,  sed  solum  vicarius  Christi, 
ejus  vicem  gerens  in  terris,  dum  tamen  clavis  non  erret.  Et  in  hac  Ecclesia,  et  in 
ejus  fide  omnis  homo  potest  salvari,  etiamsi  in  toto  mundo  aliquis  Papa  non  posset 
reperiri.  —  Haec  Ecclesia  de  lege  currenti  nunquara  errare  potuit,  nunquam  deli- 


168  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


cere,  nunquam  schisma  passa  est,  nunquain  hKi-esi  maculata  est,  nunquam  falli 
aut  fallere  potuit,  nunquam  peccavit  (accoi-ding  to  Gratian's  decree,  Cans.  XXIV. 
Qu.  1,  per  totum).  In  ista  etiam  oiiines  fideles,  in  quantum  fideles  sunt,  unum 
sunt  in  Christo,  in  cujus  fide  non  est  distantia  Judsi,  Gra;ci,  domini  et  servi.  Alia 
vero  vocatur  Ecclesia  Aposiolica  particularis  et  privata,  in  catholica  Ecclesia 
inclusa,  ex  Papa,  Cardinalibus,  Episcopis,  Pra;latis  et  viris  ecclesiasticis  compagi- 
nata.  Et  solet  dici  Ecclesia  Romana,  cujus  caput  Papa  creditur  :  caeteri  vero 
Ecclesiastic!,  tanquam  membra  inferioi-a  et  superiora,  in  ea  includuntur.  Et  haec 
errare  potest,  et  potuit  Ailli  et  fallere,  schisma  et  hteresin  habere,  eliam  potest 
deficere.  Et  hJBC  longe  ininoris  auctoritatis  videtur  esse  universali  Ecclesia :  — 
et  est  quasi  instrumentalis  et  operativa  clavium  universalis  Ecclesia;,  et  executiva 
potestatis  ligandi  et  solvendi  ejusdem.  Nee  de  recta  conscientia  majorera  habet 
vel  habei-e  potest  auctoritatem,  et  executionem  potestatis,  quam  sibi  ab  universali 
Ecclesia  conceditur.  Cap.  .5,  p.  7.5  :  Si  propter  salvationem  unius  regni,  unius 
provincial,  deponitur  unus  Rex,  unus  Princeps  sa;cularis,  qui  per  successionem 
perpetuam  descendit :  multo  magis  unus  Papa,  unus  Praelatus  est  deponendus, 
qui  ])er  electionem  Cardinalium  fuit  institutus,  cujus  pater  et  avus  fbrsan  ventres 
implore  non  sufficiebant  fabis.  Durum  cnim  est  dicere,  quod  lilius  unius  Veneti 
piscatoris  papatum  debeat  tencre  cum  detrimento  totius  reipublicre  ecclesiasticae. 

—  8ed  forte  me  voluisti  capere  in  sermons  per  varia  scripta,  allegando,  quod 
tarn  sancta,  tarn  alta  sit  potestas  Papi,  ut  a  nullo  mortalium  judicari  valeat  nee 
deponi,  ni-;i  propter  hajresin  incorrigibilem  :  ad  haec  allegas  Dist.  XL.  can.  6. 
Sed  perpende,  nji  fi-ater,  quanta  fraude,  quanta  astutia  temporibus  antiquis  fuerint 
facta  et  scripta  quam  plurima  ad  tenendain  banc  dignitatem  Papatus. — Dico, 
quod  tantam  fraudem  in  administratione  hujus  Papatus  fecerint  aliqui  antiqui,  qui 

—  multa  jura  sibi  usurparunt,  et  pro  se  fccerunt,  et  de  republica  non  curarunt. 
Et  quis  fecit  illos  libros,  Sextum  et  Clementinas,  arrogantiam,  superbiam,  juris 
Ordinariorum  locorum  usurpalionem,  Imperatorum  Romanorum  injuriosam  detrac- 
tionem,  et  eorum  aliorumque  potestatis  periculosissimam  suppressionem,  et  alia 
multa  in  spiritualis  et  sfeculaiis  reipublicfe  laesionem  malitiose  et  pertinaci  ambiti- 
one  fabricata,  in  omnibus  et  per  omnia  concludentes.  Et  male  :  quia  non  minus 
terreno  Principi  in  his,  quffi  ad  jura  pertinent  imperii,  quam  spirituali  in  his, 
quK  ad  Deum  spectant,  debetur  obedientia.  —  Igitur  omnes  inobedientes  Romano 
Imperatori,  et  ejusdem  imperio,  quia  ejus  jura  usurpant,  in  statu  damnationis 
existunt.  Nihilominus  et  Pap^  voluerunt  observari  illos  sicut  sancta  Dei  Evan- 
gelia.  —  Papa,  ut  Papa,  est  homo,  et  ut  homo,  sic  est  Papa,  et  ut  Papa  potest 
peccare,  et  ut  homo  potest  errare.  —  Subjicitur  ergo,  ut  alter  Christianus,  in  omni- 
bus prsecepto  et  mandato  Christi.  —  Cum  ergo  Chiisti  prKceptum  dicat :  Si  pecca- 
verit  in  te  f rater  tuus,  corripe  eiim  inter  te  et  ipsum  solum:  si  te  non  audierit, 
adhibe  duos  testes,  sin  aiitem,  die  EcclesicB  (Matth.  xviii.  15)  :  cum  ergo  Papa 
sit  meus  frater  et  proximus  in  natura  et  in  Christi  fide  ;  —  corripicndus  est  juxta 
processum  prajcepti  Christi.  Non  ergo  illud  decretum  est  tenendum,  quod  Papa 
a  nemine  sit  judicandus.  —  p.  80  :  Papatus  non  est  sanctitas,  nee  facit  hominem 
sanctum,  licet  volentem  disponat  ad  sanctitatem,  sicut  faciunt  csterae  dignitates 
ecclesiasticas.  —  Et  si  dicatur:  ilia  sedes  aut  sanctum  facit,  aut  sanctum  invenit; 
intelligitur  ita :  deberet  sanctum  invenire.  Ridiculum  est  enim  dicere,  quod 
unus  homo  mortalis  dicat  se  potestatem  habere  in  coelo  et  in  terra  ligandi  et  sol- 
vendi a  peccatis,  et  quod  ille  sit  filius  perditionis,  simoniacus,  avarus,  mendax, 
exactor,  fornicator,  superbus,  pomposus,  et  pejor  quam  diabolus.  —  Cap.  9,  p.  87  : 
Sed  numquid  tale  Concilium,  ubi  Papa  non  pra^sidet,  est  supra  Papam  .'  Certe  sic. 
Superius  in  auctoritate,  superius  in  dignitate,  superius  in  officio.  Tali  enim  Con- 
cilio  ipse  Papa  in  omnibus  tenetur  obedire,  tale  Concilium  potest  potestatem  Papae 
limitare,  quia  tali  Concilio,  cum  repra?sentet  Ecclesiam  universalem,  claves  ligandi 
et  solvendi  sunt  concessaj.  Tale  Concilium  jura  papalia  potest  tollere,  a  tali 
Concilio  nullus  potest  appellare,  tale  Concilium  potest  Papam  eligere,  privare  et 
deponere,  tale  Concilium  potest  juia  nova  condere,  et  facta  ac  antiqua  destruere, 
talis  etiam  Concilii  constitutiones,  statuta  et  regulae  sunt  immutabiles  et  indispen- 
sabiles  per  quamcunque  personam  inferiorem  Concilio.  Nee  potest,  nee  potuit 
aliquando  Papa  dispensare  contra  canones  sanctos  in  Conciliis  generalibus,  nisi 
Concilium  spccialiter  hoc  illi  commisorit  ex  magna  causa.  Nee  facta  Concilii 
potest  Papa  imnnitarc,  imo  nee  intcrpretari,  aut  contra  ea  dispensare,  cum  sint 
sicut  Evangelia  Christi,  quse  nullam  recipiunt  dispensationem,  et  super  quae  Papa 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   130.     Council  of  Constance.  169 


nullam    habct  jurisdictionem.  —  Cap.  10,   p.    90:    Concilium  ergo    generale,  re- 
pra^sentans    universaleni    Ecclesiam,    si    affectat    unionem    integrani    videre,    si 
affectat   schismata    reprimcre,   si    vult    Ecclesiain    exaltai-e ;    primo    ante    omnia 
ad    instar   sanctorum    Patrum,    qui    nos    pra;cesserunt,    limitet   ac   terminet   po- 
testatem   coactivam   et   usurpatam   papaleiu.      (Here    follows    the   passage   cited 
above,   §    106,  note    3).     p.  91  :  Ideo   sacrum    universale  Concilium    reducat   et 
reformet   Ecclesiam    univei-salem    in  jure    antiquo.      Et    abusivam    papalem    in 
Decreto  et  Decretalibus,  Sexto  et  Clementinis,  nccnon  Extravagantibus  papalibus 
pra3tensam  limitet  potestatem.     Christus  enim  nullam  aliam  potestatem  Petro  tri- 
buit,  quam  ligandi  et  solvendi,  ligandi  per  pccnitentias,  et  solvendi  culpas.     Non 
enim  illi  contulit,  ut  beneficia  tribueret,  ut  regna,  castra  et  civitates  haberet,  ut 
Imperatores  et  Reges  privaret.     Quod  si  taliter  potestatem  Christus  Petro  contulis- 
set,  utique  ipse  Petrus  aut  Paulus,  quod   nefas  est  dicere,  valde  peccassent,  ant 
errassent  in  eo,  quod  Neronem  Impeiatorem,   quern  sciverunt  esse   pessimum,  et 
Christianorum  immanissimum  persecutorem,  imperio  non  privarint.  —  Et  quis  un- 
quam  legit,  vel  in  veriiate  audivit,  quod  antiquis  temporibus   Romanoriim   Reges 
vel  Imperatores  consueverint  ante  Papam  juramentum   pra;stare,  potissime  ante- 
quam  primus  Otto  Magni  August!  semper  alter,  juramentum  reperitur  in  Decretis 
pra;stitisse  .'  quod  indultum  a  quoquam  Papm  fuerit,  ut  reservationes  cathedraliuni 
et  aliarum  Ecclesiarum  ac  Monasteriorum  faceret .'  ut  propter  pecunias  homuies, 
Episcopos  et  Pra;latos  excommunicaret,  atque   ab  eorum  dignitatibus  destitueret, 
seu  privaret,  ac  omni  die  festivo  in  valvis   Curire  .'  ut  primos  fructus  in  Camera 
soleret  aggregare,  et  excommunicatos  emaciaret  ac  eos  scandalizaret  ?  (cf.  cap.  17, 
p.  110  :  Tta  ut  jam  non  videatur  Romana  Curia  esse,  nisi  quoddam  forum  pubh- 
cum,  ad  quod  quo  quis  plura  portaverit,  plura  mercimonia  habehit.)  —  Reformetur 
etiam  Ecclesia  quoad  Cardinales,  qui  tot  commendas  habent  sine  causa,  destruentes 
tot  Ecclesias  et  Monasteria.  —  Reformetur  etiam  Ecclesia  in  Pra>latis,  in  Monachis 
et  Presbyteris.     In  Pralatis,  ut  electi  ad  Ecclesias  vitae  honestate,  literarum  suffi- 
cientia,  et  perfecta  state  excellentes  per  Ordinarios  et  Archicpiscopos   contirmen- 
tur;  in  Monachis,  ut  vivant  in  observantia  regulari :  in  Presbyteris,  ut  non  prasfi- 
ciantur  Ecclesiis,  nisi  virtutibus  clari  et  literarum  sufficientia  fuerint  imbuti,  docti 
et  instructi.  —  Rescindantur  etiam  abusive  libertates  et  exemtiones,  concessa;  illis 
quatuor  Ordinibus  fratrum  mendicantium,  qiiibus  nimium  abutuntur.  — Et  liberen- 
tur  ab  ipsis  omnino  omnia  monasteria  Monialium,  quia  ipsi  fratres,  seu  miilti  ex  eis 
in  plerisque  provinciis  valde  deturpant  ipsas  moniales  eis  subjectas.  —  Nimis  etiam 
niultiplicantur  hi  fratres.      Et  quid  opus  est,  ut  in  aliqua  domo  eorum  fratrum, 
scilicet  Colonic,  — continue  resideant  LXX.  eorum,  aut  plures,  inter  quos   forsan 
non  sunt  quinque  vel  sex  sufficientes  ad  proponendum   verbum  Dei  populo.     Et 
tot   pro    una  tota  provincia  sufiicere  possent.     Cap.    12,  p.   96  :    Sed  timeo,  dato 
etiam,  quod  ista  reformatio  fiat  in  scriptis,  etiam   ccrtis  juramcntis  et  firmamentis 
ac  pactis  adjectis,  quod   post  per  Papam   et  Cardinales,  ac  csteros  ipsius  Curia; 
Otficiales  et  Pi-*latos  non  observarentur,  dicente  Francisco  Petrarcha  in  libro  sine 
nomine  :   Crescentibus  flagitiis  hominum  crevit  veri  odium,  et  regnum  blanditiis 
atque  mendacio  datum  est.     Et  quia  difficile  est,  consueta  relinquere.  -—  Cap.  16, 
p.  105  :  Aut  ergo  congregetur  Ecclesia  ad  hoc,  ut  sancita  et  actitata  in  concilio 
Pisano  demande'ntur  ulteriori  et  reali  execution!,  et  il'.i  duo  (Greg.  XII.  et  Bened. 
XIII.)  privati  de  jure  etiam  priventur  de  facto.     Aut  ubi  hoc  remedium  reperiri 
non  polerit,  quod  est  verisimile  reperiri  non  posse  propter  adstrictas  obedientias  eis 
subditas,  seu  potentes  obedientes  ipsis,  qui  ab  eis  deviare  nolunt :  tunc,  si  illi  duo 
privati  et  abjecti  petant  generale  concilium,  et  promittant,   se  ibidem  personahter 
velle  comparere,  et  suojuri  de  facto,  quod  habent,   libere   et  pure  renunciare  in 
casu,  quo  Dominus  noster  Papa  Johannes  etiam  fuo  juri  renunciare  velit :  tunc  in 
isto  casu  quid   fiet,  dicam  sine    pra;judicio,  quod  ipse  Dominus  noster.  Papa,  si 
ahas  non  potest  consuli  Ecclesia;,  —  non  dico  unum  Papatum,  sed  plures,  si  essent 
possibiles,  teneatur  in  casu  isto  libcnter  et  voluntarie  renunciare,   et  Papatui  suo 
cedere,  ne   respublica  et  tota  Ecclesia  propter  unum  hominem  peccatorem  sine 
virtutibus  et  exemplis  bonis  debeat  perire.  —  Cap.  17,  p.  107  :  Tunc  —  universalis 
Ecclesia  —  reformabitur.     Sed  tunc  caveat  universaUs   Ecclesia  super  omnia,  ut 
nunquam  sub  quovis  colore  concedat  Papa;  potestatem  dispcnsandi  contra  statuta 
generalis  Concilii,  aut  ea  interpretandi,  seu   immutandi   propter  varietates  tempo- 
rum,  et  novos  supervenientes  casus;  sod   quod  solum   ilia  debeant  immutari  per 
aliud  Concilium  generale,  fiendum  de  tempore  in  tempus  propter  reformationem 

VOL.   III.  22 


170  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Council  of  Constance,-  that  John  could  not  but  see  the  danger  that 
threatened  him.  He  opened  the  council  with  the  usual  papal  pomp 
(Nov.  5,  1414),  but  soon  found  himself  deprived  of  the  advantage 
of  the  majority  secured  by  the  number  of  Italian  votes,  which  the 
popes  had  enjoyed  at  all  former  synods,  by  the  decision  to  vote  by 
nations.^     The  strong  wish,  shared  by  all,   to   put  an  end  to  the 

Ecclesife.  Luce  enim  claiius  constat,  quod  pro  majori  parte  facta  et  ordinata  in 
quatuor  generalibiis  Conciliis  principalibus,  et  aliis  Conciliis  per  temporuin  succes- 
siones  statuta,  cresccnte  avaritia  Pontificuin,  Cardinalium,  et  Praelatorum,  tarn  per 
Papae  reservationes,  quain  per  iniquas  Camera;  Apostolicte  constitutiones  et  Can- 
cellariffi  regulas,  et  forimilas  audientiii^  causaruin  Rotas,  et  ambitiosas  dispensalio- 
nes,  absolutiones,  indiilgeiilias,  confessionalia,  officium  poenitentiariae  sint  fere 
immutata,  annihilala,  et  quasi  in  derisum  et  obllvionein  posita.  —  Cap.  24  :  Subse- 
quenter  auteni  venio  ad  illas  novellas  constitutiones  Alexandri  et  Johannis  prasdic- 
torum,  quibus  cavefur,  quod  promotus  ad  aliquam  Ecclesiam  cathedi'alem,  vel 
aliquod  INIonasterlum,  etc.  et  quod  impetrans  beneficium  reservatum  a  Papa,  etc. 
(see  §  129,  note  12.)  Hiiic  qua^stioni.  Pater  reverende,  cum  non  sint  de  jure,  sed 
de  facto  ha;  pestiferae  constitutiones,  satisfacere  nequeo  ad  pr^sens,  cum  sint  super 
violentia  manifesta,  Sinionia  publica,  rapacitate  lupina,  et  ovium  Christi  dispei-sione 
fabiicatae,  quteque  ad  aliud  non  sunt,  nisi  ut  eorum  conditores  furentur,  mactent  et 
perdant,  ipsi  videlicet  Papae  et  Cardinales.  Quocirca  ut  futurus  Rex  vel  Impera- 
tor  Romanus,  Domino  concedente,  adhaereat  dictis  Angelo  (Gregorio  XII.),  et 
Petro  (Benedicto  XIII.),  et  tali  lupo  rapaci,  et  tali  raptori  tyranno  (Joanni 
XXIII.),  qui  non  regnat  in  Ecclesia,  nee  principatur  jiropter  bonum  commune, 
sed  solum  propter  bonum  privatum,  et  ejus  principatus  est  manifesta  tyrannis,  quod 
sana  conscientia  compcllat,  seu  compelli  faciat,  aut  audeat  compellcre,  non  video. 

—  Sic  ergo  concludo,  quod  superioi-ibus  sit  obediendum  in  Ileitis  et  honestis  :  non 
autem  compelli  debemus  ad  eorum  obedientias,  ubi  opera  eorum  sunt  notorie 
prava,  et  totam  Ecclesiam  scandalizantia ;  ubi  est  patrimonii  Christi  manifesta 
dissipatio  et  injuriosa  dispensatio ;  ubi  pastores  sunt  tonsores ;  ubi  non  sunt  agni, 
sed  lupi ;  ubi  non  sunt  dispensatores  niysteriorum  Christi,  sed  dissipatores ;  ubi 
non  sunt  sobrii,  sed  ebrii ;  ubi  non  sunt  Prailati,  ponentes  animas  suas  pro  ovibus 
suis,  sed  Pilati,  satisfacientes  aliorum  cupiditatibus  et  desideriis,  et  ubi  non  mittunt 
retia  sua  in  capturam  animarum,  sed  pecuniarum.  Omnis  enim  eorum  cura  circa 
acquisitionem  pecuniarum  est.  Et  breviter,  ubi  non  Christi,  sed  mores  gerunt 
Anfichristi.  Et  ideo  Christus  dixit,  talibus  non  obediendum.  In  novissimis  enim 
temporibiis  nnilti  venient  in  nomine  tneo,  dicentes :  ecce  hie  Christus,  ecce  illic 
Christus  (Matth.  xxiv.  23)  :  sicut  niodo  dicitur :  ecce  hie  est  veriis  Papa,  ecce 
iste  alius  est  ^'el■us  Papa.  JS'^olite  credere  eis,  ait  Christus.  Imo,  si  nos  debemus 
subtrahere  ab  oiiini  fratre  andiulante  inordinate,  quanlo  magis  a  superiori  perverso 
et  iniquo,  ex  cujus  cxcn)plo  tola  corrumpitur  respublica,  et  sancta  mater  Ecclesia 
deturpatur. 

^  See  the  catalogue  of  Gebhard  Dacher,  taken  by  the  order  of  the  Elector  of 
Saxony,  who  presided,  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  T.  V.  P.  II.  p.  10  seq.,  and  another  in 
J  u  stingers  Berner  Chi-onik,  S.  320  ff.  Comp.  Lenfant,  T.  II.  p.  365  seq. 
Dacher's  catalogue  closes :  Mulieres  communes,  quas  reperi  in  domibus,  et  ultra 
et  non  minus,  exceptis  aliis,  DCC. 

^  See  V.  d.  Hardt,  T.  II.  p.  224  seq.     The  papal  party  wished  quod  in  Concilio 

—  soli  Praelati  majores,  Episcopi  ef  Abbates  habeant  vocem  in  definiiiva  sententia 
agendorum.  This  was  opposed  by  the  Card.  Cameracensis  (Petrus  de  Alliaco)  in 
a  Schedula,  in  which  he  i-eminds  the  council,  quod   a  tempore  nascentis  Ecclesia; 

—  varii  fucrunt  modi  observati  —  in  modo  congregationis  et  deliberationis  Concilio- 
rum  gencialium.  Nam,  sicut  patet  in  Aetibus  Apostolorum,  ciuandoque  in  Conci- 
liis congregabatur  tota  communifas  Christianorum,  quandoque  Ei)iscopi,  Presbyteri, 
Diaconi,  quandoque  soli  Episcopi  sine  Abbatibus,  quandoque  cum  Episcopis  Ab- 
bates, quandoque  Impeiator  convocabat  et  congregabat  Concilium.  —  Item  scien- 
dum est,  quod  epiando  in  Conciliis  generalibus  soli  Episcopi  habcbant  vocem  defin- 
itivam,  lioc  fuit,  quia  habebant  administrationem  populi,  et  erant  viri  sancti  et 
docti  et  electi  prae  ca;tcri3  in  Ecclesia  christiiina.     Postea  fuerunt  additi  Abbates 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   130.     Cuuucil  of  Constance.  171 

schism,  soon  led  to  the  resolution  to  annul  the  decrees  of  the  Council 
of  Pisa,  on  which  the  claims  of  John  XXllI.  were  founded,  and  to 
induce  all  three  popes  to  resign.'^     Fearing  the  result  of  an  investiga- 

eadem  de  causa,  et  quia  habebant  adniinistrationein  subjectorum.  Et  eadem 
ratione  addi  deberent  Priores  aut  majores  qiiarumcunque  congregationuin  plus 
quam  Episcopi,  vel  Abbates  inutiles,  solum  titulares.  —  Item  eadem  ratione,  qua 
supra,  non  sunt  excludcndi  a  voce  detinitiva  Sacra;  Theologite  Doctores,  ac  juris 
canonici  et  civilis.  Quibus,  et  maxime  Theologis,  datur  auctoritas  pra;dicandi  aut 
docendi  ubique  terrarum,  qua;  non  est  parva  auctoritas  in  populo  Christiano,  sed 
multo  major  quam  unius  Episcopi  vel  Abbatis  ignorantis,  et  solum  titularis.  Et 
quia  antiquitus  linec  Doctorum  auctoritas  non  erat  introducta  per  modum  Studiorura 
generalium,  qux  hodie  auctoritate  Ecclesia;  observatur,  de  eis  non  fit  mentio  in 
antiquis  juiibus  communibus,  sed  in  Concilio  Pisano  et  Romano  (of  1412)  eorura 
auctoritas  allegatur,  et  in  detinitiva  sententia  se  subscribunt.  Quare  eos  in  simili 
excludere  praesens  Concilium,  quod  est  dicti  Pisini  continuativum,  non  solum 
esset  absurdum,  sed  dicti  Pisani  Concilii  quodammodo  reprobativum.  —  Item 
quantum  ad  mateiiam  terminandi  prssens  schisma  et  dandi  pacem  Ecclesis,  velle 
excludei-e  Rages,  Principes  aut  Ambasiatores  eorum  —  a  voce  seu  determinatione 
etiam  conclusiva,  non  viiietur  justum,  sequum,  aut  rationi  consonum  ;  cum  hujus- 
modi  pacis  conclusio  ad  eos  et  populos  eis  subjectos  valde  pertineat,  et  sine  eorum 
consilio,  auxilio  et  favore  non  possint  ea,  qua;  in  hoc  Concilio  concludentur,  exe- 
cutioni  mandari.  To  the  same  etTect  the  Schedula  of  Cardinalis  S.  Marci  (Guil. 
Philasterius,  Fillastre),  p.  226  :  Tu,  quisquis  es,  qui  prstendis  primo,  solos  majo- 
res Pi-a;latos,  ut  his  verbis  utar,  Episcopos  et  Abbates,  habere  vocem  in  gencrali 
Concilio  :  et  ita  excludis  Doctores,  Archidiaconos,  Rectores  parochialium  Eccle- 
siarum,  caeterosque  dignitates  habentes,  quibus  cura  imniinet  animarum,  Ordines 
prajterea  ecclesiasticos,  Sacerdotes  et  Diacanos,  die,  ubi  illos  non  admittendos 
legisti  .■"  Et  si  legeris  Conciliorum  antiquorum  actiones,  reperisti  Sacerdotes  et 
Diaconos  admissos.  —  Si  Canonista  es,  vide  textum  Canonis  dicentem,  quod  Docto- 
rum Ordo  quasi  pr^cipuus  est  in  fvcclesia  Dei.  Ilium  ergo  Ordinem,  et  quasi 
prascipuum  Ordinem  repellis,  et  admitlis  indistincte  Episcopos  et  Abbates,  quorum 
pars  major  indocta.  Et  attende,  quod  Rex,  vel  Praelatus  indoctus  est  asinus 
coronatus.  Cum  illis  ergo  Doctores  admitte,  ut  illorum  scientine  defectum,  qui 
tamen  auctoritatem  habent,  istorum  scientia  et  doctrina  suppleant.  Further : 
inter  Episcopos  et  Presbyteros,  quantum  ad  ordinationeni  et  meritum,  Apostolus 
nuUam  diflerentiam  facit.  Then  arose  the  question,  p.  230  :  Quomodo  decideren- 
tur  agenda  in  Concilio,  et  fieret  scrutinium  votorum  ?  utrum  per  nationes  in  genere, 
quarum  quatuor  erant,  nimirum  Italiae,  Gallia^,  Germanic  et  Anglis,  vel  per 
capita  singula  .'  Et  licet  clarum  de  jure  videatur,  quod  perscrutanda  sint  vota  per 
capita  singula  :  quia  tamen  plures  sunt  Prcelati  Italia;  pauperes,  quam  fei-e  de 
onmibus  nationibus,  pra;terea  Dominus  noster  fecit  in  numero  excessivo  Prelates 
Cubicularios  ultra  quinquaginta  ;  dicitur  pra;terea,  quod  niultos  voluit  sibi  obligare 
juramentis  et  muneribus,  alios  minis  terruisse,  ut  ita  scrutando  per  capita  nihil 
fieret,  nisi  quod  vcllet  Dominus  noster ;  in  istis  quEestionibus  Concilium  diu  per- 
pendit.  —  Interim  Nationes  ulterioris  Galliae,  Germania;  et  Anglias,  et  ita  postea 
ItaliEB,  per  se  ipsas  se  congregaverunt  et  deciderunt  de  facto  quKstionem.  Cer- 
retanus  says  in  Actis  Cone.  Const  (v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  II.  p.  40)  :  Die  Jovis,  septima 
Februarii,  post  nonnullas  disceptationes  decretum  est,  ut  in  Concilio  per  Nationes, 
et  non  per  vota  procederetur. 

*  In  the  Congregation  of  December  7,  1414,  it  was  proposed  to  the  Italians  who 
were  devoted  to  the  cause  of  John  XXIII.  (see  Schedula  in  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  I. 
p.  24),  quod  declararetur.  Concilium  Pisanum,  omniaque  et  singula  acta  etgestain 
eo,  indequc  secuta,  fuisse  et  esse  rationabilia  et  canonica,  et  ab  omnibus  et  per 
omnia  admittendum  fore,  et  sub  poenis  canonicis  admitti  debere,  et  executioni  sub- 
jacere  condemnata  in  co.  Et  pro  eorum  executione  quod  Papa  teneatur  et  debeat 
expellcre  Petrum  de  Luna,  et  persequi  Ei'roriuni  (Gregorium  XII.)  dejectos, 
eoriimque  fautores  et  defensores.  On  the  other  hand,  Fetrus  de  .Blliaeo,  Card. 
Camerac  nsis,  sought  to  prevent  the  confirmation  of  the  council  of  Pisa  (Schedula 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  194)  :  In  prassenti  Concilio  non  est  revocandum  in  dubium, 
sed  pro  fundamento  supponendum,  quod  Concilium   Pisanum  fuit  legitinium,  et 


172  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


canonice  celebratum,  et  ideo  stabile  et  firmum.  —  Confirmatio  Pisani  Concilii, 
simpliciter  et  sine  nova  causa  facta,  non  habet  propi'ie  auctoritateni  mentes  soli- 
dandi,  sed  magis  irritandi,  nee  omnem  scrupulo?itatem  in  causa  dicti  Pisani  Conci- 
lii amovendi,  seu  errores  circa  ipsum  extirpandi,  sed  magis  novos  eri'ores  inducendi, 
et  schismatis  obstinationem  conlirmandi,  nisi  prius  convenientia  reniedia  adhibean- 
tur.  In  a  second  ScheJula  he  proposed  (1.  c.  p.  196)  :  Quia  ejeclio  duorum  con- 
tendentium  de  Papatu  non  est  facilis  vel  verosiiiiilis  obtineri  via  belli,  tentandum 
erit,  et  diligenter  tractandura,  quod  tiat  pax  per  ipsorum  reductioncm  vel  volunta- 
riam  cessioneni.  Still  more  distinctly  in  certain  Conclusiones  (1.  c.  p.  200)  : 
Licet  Concilium  Pisanum  probabiliter  credatur  reprtesentasse  universalem  Ecclesi- 
am,  et  vices  ejus  gessisse,  qua;  Spiritu  Sancto  regitur,  et  errare  non  poterit : 
tamen  propter  hoc  non  est  necessario  concludendum,  quod  a  quocunque  fideli 
sit  firmiter  credendum,  quod  illud  Concilium  errare  non  potuit,  cum  plura  priora 
Concilia  fuerint  generalia  reputata,  quae  errasse  leguntur.  Nam  secundum  quos- 
dam  magnos  Doctores  generale  Concilium  potest  errare  non  solum  in  facto,  sed 
etiam  injure,  et  quod  magis  est,  in  tide.  Quia  sola  universalis  Ecclesia  hoc  habet 
privilcgium,  quod  in  fide  errare  non  potest.  In  January,  1415,  ambassadors 
arrived  from  Gregory  XII.  and  Benedict  XIII.  (y.  d.  Hardt  IV.  II.  p.  33  seq.), 
and  the  former  gave  notice  in  the  name  of  their  master  (v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  204)  : 
Viam  cessionis  Papatus  —  ex  nunc  pura  et  sincera  intentione  offbrimus — juxta 
detcrminationem  Concilii  per  Regiam  Majestatem  de  omnibus  obedientiis  et  natio- 
nibus  in  hoc  schismate  in  civitate  Constantiensi  congi-egati,  diclo  Balthasare,  qui  a 
nonnullis  Johannes  XXIII.  nuncupatur,  non  praesidente,  nee  interessente,  cum 
effectu  perficicndam,  prasfatis  Petio  de  Luna  et  Balthasar  Cossa  idem  facientibus. 
Then  in  February  the  Cardinalis  S.  Marci  (Gulielmus  Philasterius,  formerly 
Decan  in  Rheims)  came  forward  with  the  proposal  {v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  210)  cessio- 
nis riendas  ab  omnibus,  and  in  answer  to  the  question,  utrum  ad  illam  teneatur 
Dominus  Johannes  .'  replied  :  in  casu,  in  quo  est  manifeste  Summus  Pontifex, 
quanto  verior  pastor  Ecclesiae,  tanto  libentius,  ferventius  et  citius  debet  pro  pace 
et  unione  Ecclesiee  aggredi  viam  cessionis  et  offerre.  Patet  conclusio  ex  dictis 
summi  pastoris  dicentis  :  bonus  pastor  aniinam  suain  ponit  pro  ovibiis  suis  (Jo. 
X.  12).  — Si  autern  animam  tenetur  ponere,  multo  magis  accidentia  vitse,  hono- 
rem,  potestateui,  doininatum.  —  Quia  ex  pra;missis  tenetur  ad  hoc,  igitur  compelli 
potest,  si  recusat.  —  Nee  dubitandum,  quin  generale  Concilium  sit  judex  compe- 
tens  in  hac  parte.  On  the  other  hand,  various  Schedulo!  were  handed  in  by  the 
papal  party  (1.  c.  p.  214  seq),  in  which  it  was  shown,  p.  216:  Via  cessionis,  quae 
Domino  nostro  proponitur,  —  qouad  Concilium  Pisanum,  est  ii-rationabilis  et  injusta, 
quia  est  reprobativa  et  annullativa  ipsius  Concilii  Pisani.  To  this  it  was  answered 
by  the  Card.  Cameracensis  (p.  220):  Licet  Concilium  (Pisanum)  fuerit  legitime 
et  canonice  convocatum,  rite  et  canonice  celebratum,  et  duo  olim  contendentes 
de  Papatu  juste  et  canonice  condemnati,  et  electio  Domini  Alexandri  V.  fuerit 
canonice  et  lite  facta,  —  prout  hcec  omnia  tenet  Obedientia  Domini  nostri  Papae 
Johannis  XXIII.:  tamen  duffi  Obedientiae  duorum  contendentium  probabiliter 
tenent  contrai'ium.  In  qua  opinionum  diversa  et  adversa  varietate  non  sunt 
minoi-cs  difficultates  juris  et  facti,  quam  ante  Concilium  Pisanum  erant  de  justitia 
duorum  contendentium.  Ex  quo  scquitur  sccunda  conclusio,  quod,  sicut  ante 
Concilium  Pisanum  ad  evitandum  difficultates  juris  et  facti,  ot  piolixitatem,  et 
dilationem  pacis  Ecclesiae,  tunc  acceptata  fuit  ab  omnibus  Christifidelibus  et  lau- 
data  via  cessionis  amborum  contendentium,  sic  et  nunc  trium  contendentium  de 
Papatu,  similiter  etiam  majori  ratione  acceptanda  est  et  laudanda.  —  Sexta  conclu- 
sio :  Licet  regulariter  Papa  verus  et  canonicus,  de  ha?resi  aut  nullo  notorio  cri- 
mine  Ecclesiam  scandalizante  non  infamatus,  nee  suspectus,  nequeat  ab  aliquo 
particulari  collegio,  seu  persona  singulari  contra  ea  quae  sunt  sui  juris  compelli  vel 
arctari  :  tamen  ab  universali  Ecclesia,  seu  Concilio  generali  ipsam  i-eprasentante, 
attenta  prolixitate  casus  praesentis,  pro  pace  Ecclesia;  celerius  pi-ocui'anda,  juste 
posset  ad  cessionem  compelli.  Septima  conclusio:  Si  in  casu  priEdicto  Papa 
dictam  viam  pertinaciter  recusaret,  legitime  posset  tanquam  schisnialicus  et  de 
fautoria  schismatics  pravitatis  suspectus  rationabiliter  condemnari.  The  result  of 
these  negotiations  was,  p.  230  :  Et  finalitcr  onmes  declinarunt  ad  viam  cessionis 
.secundum  formam  piima;  schedule  super  hoc  data;  poi-  Cardinalcm  S.  Marci.  — 
Namely  (v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  II.  p.  41)  :  Die  15  mensis  Febiuarii  Germanica,  Gallica 
et  Anglica  nationcs  viam  cessionis  tanquam  salubriorem  ad  nnionem  Ecclesiae 
conficiendam   elegerunt,   utquc   natio  Italica  eandem  approbaret,  impelrarunt. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  130.     Council  of  Constance.         173 

tion  of  his  conduct  which  he  s;i\v  impending,  John  XXITI.  was  glad 
to  give  such  a  promise  on  the  2d  March,  1415.^  Shortly  after  this 
(on  the  21st  of  March)  he  fled  to  Schaf  hausen  ;  ^  but  the  council, 
strengthened   by  the  firmness  of  the  emperor,  who  was  present,  and 


»  Theodoricus  de  JViem  de  vita  Jo.  XXIII.  lib.  II.  cap.  3  {v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p. 
391):  Quibussic  stantibus  (towards  the  middle  of  February,  1415)  quidam,ut  prae- 
sumitur,  Italicus,  multos  articulos  valde  famosos,  et  omnia  peccata  niortalia,  necnon 
intinita    quodammodo    abominabilia    continentes    contra   eundem    Balthasarem    in 
eodem  Concilio  exhibuit  in  scriptis,  tamen  secrete,  quod  super  illis  contra  eundem 
Balthasarem  tieret  inquisitio,  et  provideretur  instanter  per  Concilium  memoratum. 
Quibus  quidem  articulis  per  aliquot  majores  nationum  Germanic,  Anglia;  et  Po- 
lonis  perlectis,  ipsi  nullatenus  consentire  volebant,  quod  dicti  articuli  publicaren- 
tur,  aut  contra  ipsum  Balthasarem  inquisitio  fieiet  hujusmodi  super  illos.     Et  hoc 
propter  honestatem.     Et  si  contrarium  fieret,  ut  asserebant,  per  hoc  niacularetur 
sedes  Apostolica,  et    confunderentur   enormiter    etiam   omnes  de  obedientia  dicti 
Balthasaris,  et  ponerentur  in  dubio  promotiones  et  provisiones  per  ipsum  facta;,  et 
multa   scandala  exinde  subsequi  possent.      Plerisque    etiam    aliis   nobilibus  viris 
assentientibus  et  consulentibus,  quod  ilia  via  inquisitionis  tieret,  qua;   conipendiosa 
foret,  et  ipsi  articuli,  et  contenta  in  eis,  saltern  pro  majori  parte  essent  notoiia  seu 
mani'festa,  et  propterea   modica  vel  nulla   probatione   indi^erent.     Quibus    etiam 
interim  clanculo  et  proditorie   ad   notitiam   dicti  Balthararis  deductis  illico  mente 
cousternatus  est,  et  coepit  valde  tremere  et  timere,  ac  etiam   quosdam  sibi  secretes 
Cardinales  —  consulere,  —  asserens,  quod  qusdam  in  ipsis  articulis  descripta  tan- 
quam  homo  peccando  commisisset,  et  aliqua  non.     Et  proposuit  tunc  in  mente  sua, 
prout  et  ore  propalavit,  quod  ipsemet  dictum   Concilium  vellet   personaliter  acce- 
dere,  et  qute  de  contentis  in  eisdem  articulis   perpetrasset,   coram   ipso  Concilio  in 
publico  fateri,  ywmiarts  se  in  hoc,  quod  Papa  propter  quodcutique  delictum,  ut 
dicebat,  nini  i^opter  hcuresin,  deponi  non  posset.  —  Cap.  4  :  Concilium  autem, 
seu  majores  deputati  in  eodem,  ignorantes,  quod  ipse  Balthasar  pra;dictos  articulos 
sciret,  —  accesserunt  ad  eum,  rogantes  unaniniiter,   ut  viam  cessionis  sui  Papatus 
eligeret,  ad  hoc,  quod  alii  contendentes  de  Papatu  illam  similiter  acceptarent,  quia 
alias  non  viderent  modum  aptum,  quod  prsefata   unio  fieret  in  universali  Ecclesia 
pro  hac  vice.     Ad   hoc  ipse   la;to  animo,  observata  tamen,   ex  industria,  quadam 
o-ravitate,  respondit,  se  facturum  quod  peterent,  dum  tamen  ipsi   alii  duo  conten- 
dentes idem  facere  vellent.     Maluit  enira  illam  viam  per  se,  ut  existimo,  amplecti, 
quam  pra;dicti  articuli  ad  ejus  dejectionem  a   Papatu   admissi   et  probati   fuissent. 
The   first  form  of  the   promise  given  by  John  {v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  232),  displeased 
the  council,  because  he  would  not  promise  nisi  aliis  cedentibus,  and  propter  verba 
irritativa,  quia  alii  vocantur  condemnati  de  ha;resi.  At  length,  on  the  1st  of  March, 
he  adopted  the  following,  and   took   the   oath   on  the   2d  of  March,  in  the  Sessio 
generalis  II.  (1.  c.  p.  240)  :   Ego  Johannes   Papa   XXIII.   propter  quietum  populi 
Christiani  profiteer,  spondeo  et  promitto,  juro  et  voveo   Deo  et  Ecclesia?,  ac  huic 
sacro  Concilio,  sponte  et  libere  dare  pacem  Christi  Ecclesiae  per  viam  meai  simpli- 
cis  cessionis,  et  eam  facere  et  adimplere  cum  effectu  juxta  deliberationem  prresen- 
tis  Concilii,  si  et  quando   Petrus  de   Luna,  Benedictus   XIII.,  Angelus   Corario, 
Gregorius  XII.  in  suis  obedientiis  nuncupati,  Papatui,   quem   pra;tendunt,  per  se 
vel  procuratores  suos,  legitime  cedant :  et  etiam  in  quocunque  casu  cessionis  vel 
decessus,  aut  alio,  in  quo  per  meam  cessionem  poteiit  dari  unio  Ecclesise  Dei  per 
exstirpationem  prEesentis  schismatis.     Wlien  called  upon  to  confirm  this  by  the 
literas  tesUmoniales,  he  at  first  refused  (Theod.  de  J\lein,].  c.) ;  on  the  7th  of 
March,  however,  he  issued  a   Bull,   in  which   the  promise   was  word  for  word 
repeated  (see  in  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  II.  p.  53). 

s  Theod.  de  jXiem  II.  7.  The  letters  to  the  king  of  France,  the  duke  of  Or- 
leans, and  the  university  of  Pai-is,  in  which  the  Pope  attempts  to  excuse  his  flight 
on  the  ground  that  he  was  not  safe  in  Constance,  nor  free  to  act,  the  council  being 
under  the  control  of  the  emperor,  &c.  see  in  v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  253  seq.  Similar 
letters  were  sent  to  the  king  of  Poland,  the  dukes  of  Berry  and  Burgundy,  see 
Bourgeois  du  Chasfenet,  Preuves,  p.  318 ;  to  the  duke  of  Orleans  in  J.  G. 
Schelhorns  Ergosslichkeiten  aus  der  Kirchenhistorie  u.  Literatur,  Bd.  1,  S. 
27  f.     Letters  of  the  council  in  their  own  justification  in  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  108, 


174  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

the  bold  and  energetic  words  of  Gerson,"  were  not  deterred  by  this 
from  declaring  its  purposes  and  asserting  its  rights  as  regarded  the 
papal  power  in  a  number  of  formal  decrees.*     The  process  was  then 

to  the  king  of  France,  ibid.  p.  129;  fuller  in  Schelhorn,  1.  c.  S.  22.5.  In  the  first, 
p.  Ill  :  Nos  igitui',  cum  omnia  diligentcr  pensanius,  et  maturo  judicio  deliberamus, 
nil,  aliud  eundem  (Papain)  attentasse  conspicimus,  quam  hujusmodi  Concilii  disso- 
lulioncm,  utpote  acl  unionem  Ecclesi^E  intendentis.  And  thus,  too,  according  to 
Theod.  de  j\'iem  II.  8,  the  Pope's  cardinals  in  Constance  strove  to  spread  the 
notion,  quod  Concilium  dissolutum  esset  propter  absentiam  et  recessum  dicti  Bal- 
thasaris. 

'  See  Oratio  publica  de  Concilii  aucfoiitate  on  the  23d  of  Mai-ch  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
II.  p.  265  seq.     Gersonis  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin,  T.  II.  P.  II.  p.  201  seq. 

*  Sess.  generalis  III.  d.  26  Mart.  Decreta  pro  Concilii  integritate  et  auctoritate 
post  fugam  Paps,  per  Cardinalem  Zabarcllam  pra-lecta  (in  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  72)  : 
Ad  honorcm,  laudein  et  gloriam  sanctissimae  Ti'initatis,  Patris  et  Filii   et  Spiritus 
Sancti,  pacemque  in  terris  hominibus  bonK  voluntatis  divinitus   promissam  in  Dei 
Ecclesia  consequendum,  h»c  sancta  Synodus,  sacrum   generale   Concilium  Con- 
stantiense  nuncupata,  pro  unione   et  reformatione  dictaj   Ecclesias  in  capite  et  in 
inembris  tienda,  in  Spiiitu  Sanclo  hie  debite  congregata,  decernit,  declarat,  diffinit, 
et  ordinat,  ut  sequitur  :   Et  prime,  quod  ipsa  Synodus  f'uit  et  est  recte  et  rite  con- 
vocata  ad  hunc  locum  civitatis  Constantiensis,  et  similiter  recte  et  lite  initiata  et 
celebrata.    Item  quod  per  recessum  Domini  nostri  Pap:e  de  hoc  loco  Constantiensi, 
vel  etiam  per  recessum  aliorum  Prajlatorum,  seu  aliorum  quorumcunque,  non  est 
dissolutum  hoc  sacrum  Concilium,  sed  remanet  in  sua  integritate  et  auctoritate, 
etiamsi  quaj  ordinaliones  factas  essent  in  contrarium,  vel  tiei-ent  in  futurum.     Item 
quod  istud  sacrum  concilium  non  debet  dissolvi,  nee  dissolvatur  usque  ad  perfec- 
tam  exstii-pationem  pra;sentis  schismatis,  et  quousque  Ecclesia  sit  reformala  in  lide 
et  in  moiibus,  in  capite  et  in  mombris.     Item  quod  ipsuni  sacrum   Concilium  non 
transferatur  ad  alium  locum,  nisi  ex  causa  rationabili,  et  de   consilio  hujus  sacri 
Concilii  deliberanda  et  concludenda.     Item  quod  Pradati  et  alii,  qui  debent  inter- 
esse  huic  Concilio,  non  recedant  ab  hoc  loco  ante  finitum  Concilium,  nisi  ex  causa 
rationabili,  examinandi  per  dcputatos  sou  deputandos  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio.     Qua 
causa  examinata  et  approbata  possint  rcccdei'e  cum  licentia  ejus  vel  illorum,  qui 
habebit  vel  habebunt  auctoritatem.     Et  tunc  recedens  teneatur  dimittere  potesta- 
tem  suam  aliis  remanentibus  sub  po^nis  juris  et  aliis  per  hoc  sacrum  Concilium 
indicendis  et  contra  eos  exequendis.     Still  moie  important  resolutions  were  passed 
immediately    after.     The  cai-dinals    demanded  that  various    omissions    should  be 
made,  and  though  the  council  did  not  yield  {v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  81  seq.),  the  propo- 
sed omissions  were  formally  announced  by  the  Cardinalis  Florentinus  (Zabarella)  in 
the  Sess.  gen.  IV.  on  the  30th  of  March,  see  1.  c.  p.  89.     This  excited   a  general 
feeling  of  displeasure  (1.  c.  p.  92)  against  the  cardinals  ;  see  the  furious  invectives 
of  Benedictus  Gentianus,  the  ambassador  of  the  university  of  Paris,  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
II.  p.  279.   By  a  unanimous  resolution,  the  former  decrees  were  contirmed  without 
any  change,  Sess.  gen.   V.  on  the  6th  of  April,  see  v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  98  (what 
Zabarella  wished  to  leave  out  is  marked  by  Italics)  :  In  nomine  sancta;  et  indivi- 
duae  Trinitatis,   Patris  et  Filii   et  Spiritus   Sancti,  Amen.     Haec  sancta  Synodus 
Constantiensis,  generale  Concilium  faciens,  pro  exstirpatione  prassentis  schismatis, 
et  unione  ac  reformatione  Ecclesia;  Dei  in  capite  et  in  membris  fienda,  ad  laudem 
omnipotentis  Dei  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata,  ad  consequendum   facilius, 
securius,   uberius,  et  liberius  unionem   ac   reformationem  Ecclesise  Dei,  ordinat, 
diffinit,  statuit,  decernit  et  declarat,  ut  sequitur.     Et  prime  declarat,  quod  ipsa  in 
Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata,  generale  Concilium  faciens,  et  Ecclesiam   Ca- 
tholicam  nulitantem  reprffisentans,  potestatem  a  Christo  immediate  habet,  cui  qui- 
libet,  cujuscunque  status,  vel  dignitatis,  etiamsi  papalis,  existat,  obedire  tenetur  in 
his,  qu*  pertinent  ad  tidem  et  exstirpationem  dicti  schismatis,  ac  generaletn  refor- 
mationem Ecdesicp  Dei  in  capite  et  in  membris.     Item  declarat,  quod  qiiicun- 
que,  cujuscunque  conditionis,  status,  vel  dignitatis,  etiamsi  papalis,  existat, 
qui  mandatis,  statiitis  seu  ordinalionibus,  out  praceptis  hujus  sancta  Synodi 
et  cujuscunque  alterius   Concilii  generalis  legitime  congregati,  super  prcemis- 
sis  seu  ad  ea  pertinentibus,  factis  vel  faciendis  obedire  contumaciter  contem- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     <^  130.     Council  of  Constance.  175 

introduced  against  John  XXITI.,  which  ended  in  a  sentence  of 
deposition  on  the  29th  of  May,  1415.9   Gregory  XII.  resigned  volunta- 

serit,  nisi  resipuerit,  condigncB  pcenitenticB  subjiciatur,  et  Jebite  puniatur, 
etia:^  ad  alia  juris  subsidia,  si  opus  fuerit,  recurrendo.  Item  diffinit  et  ordi- 
nat  sancta  Syiiodus,  quod  Dominus  Johannes  XXIIl.  Ronianam  Ciuiaiii  et  OtBcia 
publica,  illius  seu  illorum  Officiarios  de  hac  civitate  Constantiensi  ad  alimn  locum 
non  mutet  aut  transferat,  seu  personas  dictorum  officiarioruni  ad  sequendum  eum 
directe  vel  indirecte  cogat,  sine  deliberatione  et  consensu  ipsius  s.  Synodi.  —  Item 
ordinal  et  ditfmit,  quod  onines  et  singula:  translationes  Pralatoruni,  necnon  phva- 
tiones  eorundem  aut  alioruni  beneficiatoruni,  officialium,  administratorum,  quarum- 
cunque  coinmendarum  ac  donationum  revocationes,  monitiones,  censurae  ecclesias- 
ticaj,  processus,  sentential,  et  quaecunque  acta  gesta,  geienda,  agenda  aut  fienda 
per  praifatum  Dominum  Johannem  Papam,  aut  suos  officiarios  vel  commissaries  in 
la;sionem  dicti  Concilii  seu  adha?rentium  eidem,  a  tempoi'e  inchoationis  ejusdem 
Concilii  —  facta  seu  facienda,  —  auctoiitate  hujus  sacri  Concilii  ipso  facto  sint 
nulla,  cassa,  irrita  et  inania.  —  Item  declarat,  quod  idem  Johannes  Papa 
XXIIL  et  omnes  Prcelati,  ac  alii  ad  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  vocati,  et  alii  in 
eodem  Concilio  existentes,  in  plenaria  libertate  fuerunt  et  existunt,  ut  visum 
est  dicto  sacra  Concilio,  nee  ad  notitinm  dictorum  vocatorum  seu  dicti  Concilii 
contrarium  deduct um  est.  Et  hoc  testijicatur  dictum  sacrum  Concilium  coram 
Deo  et  hominibus.  Of  these  resolutions  the  lirst  Sess.  V.  has  always  been  par- 
ticularly displeasing  to  the  Italians,  who  have  thus  been  led  to  dispute  its  authority, 
e.  g.  Card.  Cajetonus  de  auctoritate  Papse  et  Concilii,  Bellar^ninus  de  Conciliis 
et  Ecclesia,  lib.  II.  c.  19,  Jlndreas  Vallius  de  suprema  potest.  Papa;  P.  IV.  Qu.  7. 
The  French,  on  the  other  hand,  have  defended  it,  see  Richerii  hist.  Conciliorum, 
lib.  II.  c.  3,  §  7.  The  French  clergy  having  declared  in  the  celebrated  proposi- 
tions of  A.  D.  1682,  nee  probari  a  gallicana  Ecclesia,  qui  eorum  decretorum, 
quasi  dubife  sint  auctoritatis  ac  minus  approbata,  robur  infringant  aut  ad  solum 
schismatis  tempus  Concilii  dicta  detorqueant ;  there  appeared  the  work  Emanuel  a 
Schelstraten  Actu  Constantiensis  Concilii  ad  expositionem  decretorum  ejus  sessio- 
num  quartse  et  quintaj  facientia,  nunc  primum  ex  Codd.  Mss.  in  lucem  eruta  ac 
dissertatione  illustrata.  Antverp.  1683.  4to.,  in  which  not  only  the  former  eva- 
sions are  repeated,  but  it  is  further  maintained  that  the  iirst  resolution  of  the  4th 
Session  was  interpolated  by  the  Council  of  Basil,  by  order  of  which  the  Acts 
of  the  Council  of  Constance  were  tirst  collected  ;  and  that  it  should  be  only  :  in  his 
quae  pertinent  ad  exstirpationem  dicti  schismatis :  whilst  the  decrees  of  the 
5th  Session  were  passed  without  due  consideration,  and  had  not  the  consent  of  all. 
In  answer  to  this  Louis  Maimbourg  traite  hist,  de  rctaMissement  et  des  preroga- 
tives de  I'eglise  de  Rome  et  de  ses  eveques.  Paris.  168.5.  12mo.  c.  23-25.  Du 
Pin  de  antiqua  eccl.  disciplina.  cap.  VI.  §  6.  JS/atalis  Alexander  hist.  eccl.  Sa;c. 
XV.  et  XVI.  Diss.  4.  Since  the  more  accurate  accounts  of  the  consultations  of 
the  council  by  v.  d.  Hardt,  the  assertions  of  Schelstraten  are  contradicted  by  the 
Acts  themselves. 

9  Sess.  VI.  on  the  17th  of  April,  1415,  the  synod  ordered  a  draft  to  be  made  of  a 
Procuratorii  super  renunciatione  Papatus  for  John  XXIII.  (v.  d.  Hardt  IV. 
p.  114),  according  to  which  the  Procuratores  whom  he  should  appoint  under 
certain  conditions  to  which  he  was  to  swear,  should  be  empowered  to  renounce  in 
his  name  with  the  stipulation;  Et  si  quovismodo  contingeret,  hujusmodi  procura- 
torium  seu  procuratores  nos  revocare,  —  impugnare,  etc.  ex  nunc  prout  ex  tunc 

ipsi  Papatui  cedimus  et  renunciamus  ipso  facto,  et  deinceps  pro  non  Papa  haberi 

volumus.  The  Pope  refusing  to  assent  to  this,  he  was  cited  before  the  council 
Sess.  gen.  VII.  on  the  2d  of  May  (1.  c.  p.  143),  at  the  Sess.  gen.  X.  I4th  of  May, 
suspended  (1.  c.  p.  183),  and  after  70  Articuli  had  been  proved  against  him  (1.  c' 
p.  196),  several  of  which  were  not  read  for  fear  of  offence  (p.  237,  247,  253), 
deposed  in  the  Sess.  gen.  XII.  29  May  (1.  c.  p.  280),  the  synod  declaring  in  its 
sentence,  recessum  per  —  Johannem  Papam  XXIII.  ab  hac  civitate  Constantiensi 
—  clandestine  —  factum  fuisse  et  esse  illicifum,  EcclesiK  Dei  et  dicto  Concilio 
notorie  scandalosum,  pacis  et  unionis  ipsius  Ecclesia;  turbativum  et  impeditivum, 
schismatis  inveterati  nutritivum,  a  voto,  promissione  et  juramento  per  ipsum  Domi- 
num Johannem  Papa  Deo,  et  Ecclesia^,  ac  huic  sacro  Concilio  pra;stitis  deviativum  ; 
ipsumque    Dominum   Johannem   Papam    Simoniacum  notorium,  bonorumque   et 


176  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

rily  on  the  4th  of  July.i"  Benedict  XIII.  alone  remained  unmoved. 
Notwithstanding  the  desertion  of  Spain  on  the  6th  of  Jan.  1416,  all 
attempts  to  induce  him  to  abdicate  peaceably  proved  unavailing;  nor 
did  he  regard  the  sentence  of  deposition  passed  on  the  26th  of  July, 
1417  ;  11  but  as  his  jurisdiction  was  limited  to  the  small  city  of  Pe- 
niscola  in  Valencia,  this  seemed  of  little  importance. i~ 

Warned  by  the  experience  of  the  Council  of  Pisa,  the  emperor 
Sigismund  with  the  Germans,  at  first  supported  by  the  English,  de- 
manded next  that  the  intended  reformation  ^'^  should  be  carried  into 


jurium,  ncdum  Romans  sed  aliarum  Ecclesiarum  —  dilapidatorem  notorium,  ma- 
liimque  gpiritualium  ct  temporaliuin  Eccie^ias  adininistratoreni  et  dispensatorem 
fuisse  et  esse,  suis  detestabilibus  inhonestisque  vita  et  moribus  Ecclesiain  Dei  et 
populum  Christianum  notorie  scandalizantein  ;  —  postque  monitiones  debitas  et 
charitativas,  iteratls  et  crebris  vicibus  cidem  lactas,  in  praeinissis  malis  pertinaciter 
persevci'asse,scque  ex  hoc  notorie  incorrifijibilem  reddidisse  :  ipsumque  —  tanquain 
indio;nuni,  inutileiii,  ct  danmosum  a  Papatu — amovendum,  privandiim  et  depo- 
nenduni  fore.  Et  euin  dicta  sancta  Synodus  amovet,  privat  et  deponit,  universos 
et  siiigulos  Christicolas,  cujuscunque  status,  dignitatis,  vel  conditionis  existant,  ab 
ejus  obedientia,  fidelitate  et  juramento  absolutos  declarando.  —  Eunique  ad  standum 
et  morandum  in  aliquo  loco  bono  et  honesto  sub  custodia  tuta  Serenissimi  Principis 
Domini  Sigismundi,  Romanorum  et  Hungariffi  Regis,  nomine  dicti  sacri  Concilii 
generalis,  quamdiu  dicto  sacro  general!  Concilio  pro  bono  unionis  Ecclesiae  Dei 
videbitur,  condemnandum  fore,  et  eadem  sententia  condemnat.  Alias  vero  posnas, 
quiE  pro  dictis  ci-imintbus  et  excessibus  inferri  deberent  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones, 
dictum  Concilium  arbitrio  suo  reservat  declarandas  et  infligendas  secundum  quod 
rigor  justitias  vel  niisericordiEe  ratio  suadebit. 

^°  Sess.  gen.  XIV.  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  346  seq.  The  council  appointed  him 
cardinal  legate  of  the  mark  of  Ancona  (1.  c.  p.  474).  cf  Theodorici  de  jXiem 
liber  III.  de  fatis  Constantiensibus  reliquoium  duorum  Pontificum  Gregorii  XII. 
et  Petri  de  Luna,  aliisque  negotiis  in  Concilio,  remoto  Balthasare,  incidentibus  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  409  seq. 

"  Theod.  de  J\''iem,  1.  c.  The  negotiations  of  emperor  Sigismund  with  Bene- 
dict, in  a  visit  to  Spain,  which  he  undertook  for  the  purpose  in  Sept.  1415,  see  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  484  seq.  The  acts  of  the  council  on  the  subject  are  scattered 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  IV.  The  sentence  of  deposition,  Sess.  XXXVII.  the  26  Jul.  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  1373,  calls  him  perjurum,  universalis  Ecclesiae  scandalizatoi'em, 
fautorem  et  nutritorem  inveterati  schismatis,  —  et  ha-reticum  a  fide  devium,  et 
articuli  fidei  Unam  sanctam  caiholicam  Ecclesiain  violatorem  pertinaceni,  cum 
scandalo  Ecclesiae  Dei  incorrigibilem,  notorium  et  manifestum.  According  to 
Jo.  JKlderus  (a  Dominican  in  Basel  and  Wien  "f  1438)  de  visionibus  ac  revelatio- 
nibus  (or formicarius)  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt  Helmstadii,  1692.  8vo.  lib.  III.  c.  1,  it  had 
been  prophesied  to  Benedict  by  a  certain  abbot,  quod  plura  passurus  esset  ab  ad- 
versariis,  quod  obsideri  debei'et,  —  sed  tandem  Romam  iturus  esset,  et  in  unione 
Ecclesis  ibidem,  adepta  pacifica  possessione  et  sedato  scliismate,  quieturus.  —  In 
praedictam  prophetiam  fatue  confidens  remotus  a  Papatu  obedire  renuit,  in  muniti- 
unculam  fugit,  et  tandem  in  exilio,  pertinax  in  sua  opinione,  vitam  nee  Romae,  nee 
in  pace,  sed  in  miseria  finivit. 

1^  Benedict  XIII.  'f  1424.  He  left  behind  four  cardinals,  three  of  whom  chose 
a  Clement  VIII.  as  his  successor,  and  the  fourth  a  Benedict  XIV.  The  former 
was  obliged  to  abdicate  at  the  Council  of  Tortosa. 

*^  Of  the  necessity  of  which,  see  Petri  de  Alliaco  canones  reformandi  Eccle- 
siam  in  Cone.  Constantiensi,  presented  to  the  council  I  Nov.  1416  (in  v.  d.  Hardt 
I.  VIII.  p.  409),  in  Pra^fat.  Qua;  Ecclesia;  reformatio  quam  necessaria  olim  fuerit, 
et  amplius  modo  sit,  evidonter  oslendit  detlenda  ipsius  defbrmatio.  De  qua  lamen- 
tabiliter  conquerebatur  h.  Bernhardun  st-rm.  XXXIII.  super  Cant,  (compare  §  65, 
note  10).  —  Si  ha;c  a.  b.  Bernliardo  dicta  sunt,  nunc  multo  magis  dici  possunt. 
Quia  ex  eo  Ecclesia  de  malis  ad  pejora  processit,  et  in  omni  tarn  spiritual!  quam 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   130.     Council  of  Constance.         177 

effect  before  the  choice  of  a  Pope,  This,  however,  was  so  earnestly 
opposed  by  the  cardinals  and  the  oilier  nations, !■*  that  nothing  more 
was  done  than  to  pass  certain  resolutions  of  reform,!''  and  recommend 


sfBculari  statu  abjecto  decore  virtutum  in  variam  cecidit  luipitudinem  vitiorurn. — 
Hoc  aiitcrn  Deus  misericordissiimis,  qui  solus  ex  irialis  bona  novit  clicere,  ideo 
perniittere  credendus  est,  ut  eomm  occasione  Ecclesia  sua  in  melius  refonnetur. 
l^uod  nisi  celeriter  fiat,  audeo  dicere,  quod,  licet  magna  sint  quce  vidonus,  tnmen 
brevi  incomparabiliter  majora  videbimus,  et  post  ista  tonitrua  tarn  horrenda, 
alia  horribiliora  in  proximo  audiemus.  Eapropter  sumniopcre  vigilandiun  est 
circa  refonnafionem  Ecclesia?.  In  order  to  provide  for  such  a  reforniation,  Scss. 
XIII.  on  the  loth  of  June,  1415  (v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  335),  a  Reformatoriuui  con- 
sisting of  4  cai'dinals  and  deputies  from  each  nation  was  appointed,  the  protocols  of 
which  have  been  published  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  X.  p.  583  seq. 

"  V.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  1394  seq. 

"  At  the  Sessio  gen.  XXX-IX.  on  the  9th  of  Oct.  1417,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p. 
1435:  I.  De  Conciliis  generalibus  :  Frequens  generalium  con  iliorum  celcbratio 
agri  Dominici  prajcipua  cultura  est,  quas  vepres,  spinas  et  tribulos  ha3resiuin,  erro- 
rum  et  schismatum  exstirpat,  excessus  corrigit,  deformata  reformat,  et  viam  Domini 
ad  frugcm  uberriniJE  fertilitatis  adducit :  iliorum  vero  neglectus  praemissa  disseini- 
nat  atque  fovet.  —  Propter  hoc  edicto  perpetuo  sancimus,  —  ut  amodo  concilia 
genei'alia  celebrentur,  ita  quod  primum  a  tine  hujus  Concilii  in  quinquennium 
immediate  sequens,  secundum  vero  a  tine  illius  immediate  sequentis  Concilii  in 
septennium,  et  deinceps  de  decennio  in  decennium  perpetuo  celebrentur  in  locis, 
quEe  summus  Pontifcx  per  mensem  ante  finem  cujuslibet  Concilii,  approhante  et 
consentiente  Concilio,  vel  in  ejus  defectu  ipsum  Concilium  deputare  et  assignare 
teneatur;  ut  sic  per  quandam  continuationem  semper  aut  Concilium  vigeat,  aut 
per  termini  pendentiam  exspectetur.  —  II.  Provisio  adversus  futura  schismata 
prcecavenda  :  Si  vero,  quod  absit,  in  futuruin  schisma  oriri  contingeret,  —  ipso  jure 
terminus  Concilii  tunc  forte  ultra  annum  pendens  ad  annum  proximum  breviatus. 
—  Et  quilibet  ipsorum  se  pro  Romano  Pontifice  gerentium  infra  mensem,  a  die  qua 
scientiam  habere  potuit,  alium  vel  alios  assumsisse  Papatus  in«ignia,  —  teneatur 
sub  intimatione  maledictionis  a?ternfe  et  amissione  juris,  si  quod  forte  sibi  qua>situm 
esset  in  Papatu,  —  Concilium  ipsum  ad  terminum  anni  pra;dictum  in  loco  prius 
deputato  celebranduin  indicere  et  publicare,  et  per  suas  literas  competitoribus  — 
et  ceteris  Prajlatis  ac  Principibus  —  intimare,  necnon  tennino  pra-fixo  —  ,ad  locum 
Concilii  personaliter  se  transferre,  nee  inde  discedere,  donee  per  Concilium  causa 
schismatis  plenarie  sit  tinita.  Hoc  adjuncto  quod  nullus  ipsorum  contendcntium 
de  Papatu  in  ipso  Concilio  ut  Papa  prfesideat:  quinimo  —  sint  ipsi  omnes  de  Papatu 
contendentes,  postquam  dictum  Concilium  inceptum  fuerit,  auctoritate  hujus  sacrae 
synodi  ipso  jure  ab  omni  administratione  suspensi.  —  Quod  si  forte  electionem  Romani 
Pontificis  per  metum,  qui  caderet  in  constantem,  seu  impressionem  de  cetero  fieri 
contingat,  ipsam  nullius  decernimus  eificaciae  vel  momenti,  nee  posse  per  sequen- 
tem  consensum,  etiam  metu  pra^dicto  cessante,  ratiticari  vel  approbari.  Non  tamen 
liceat  Cardinalibus  ad  aliam  electionem  procedere,  nisi  ille,  qui  fuit  electus,  forte 
renunciet,  vel  decedat,  donee  per  generate  Concilium  de  electione  ilia  fuerit  judi- 
catum.  Et  si  procedant,  nulla  sit  electio.  —  Sed  —  teneantur  electores  omnes  — 
quam  cito  sine  periculo  personarum  poterunt  —  se  transferre  ad  locum  tutum,  et 
metum  pra;dictum  allegare  coram  Notariis  publicis,  et  notabilibus  personis  ac  mul- 
titudine  populi  in  loco  insigni.  —  Teneantur  insuper  —  provocare  sic  electum  ad 
Concilium.  —  III.  De  prof essionefacienda  per  Papam.  IV.  JVe  prcelati  trans- 
ferantur  inviti.  V.  De  spoliis  et  procurationibiis.  Cum  per  Papam  facta  reser- 
vatio  et  exactio  et  perceptio  procurationum  Ordinariis  et  aliis  inferioribus  Praelatis 
debitarum  rationc  visitationis,  necnon  et  spolioruin  decedentium  Prslatorum,  alio- 
rumque  clericorum,  gravia  Ecclesiis,  Monasteriis,  ct  aliis  bencficiis  ecclesiasticisque 
personis  atferant  detrimenta  :  praesenti  declai-amas  edicto,  i-ationi  fore  consentaneum, 
ac  reipublicaj  accommodum,  tales  per  Papam  reservationes  ac  —  exactiones  seu 
perceptiones  de  cetero  nullo  modo  fieri  seu  attentari.  Quinimo  procurationes  hu- 
jusmodi,  et  quorumcunquc  Prcelatorum — in  Curia  Romana  vel  extra  —  deceden- 
tium spolia,  seu  bona  eoi-um  mortis  tempore  reperta,  plane  et  libera  pertineant  illis, 

VOL.  III.  23 


178  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409—1517. 

the  subject  generally  to  the  future  Pope ;  ^^  after  which  Otta  de 
Colonna  was  chosen  on  the  11th  of  Nov.  1417,  under  the  name  of  Mar- 
tin V.  The  resuk  justified  the  fears  of  the  Germans.  The  glory  of 
the  council  paled  before  that  of  the  new  Pope,  the  first  for  a  long 
time,  who  had  been  universally  acknowledged,  and  the  papal  power 
overstepped  at  once  the  barriers  which  the  aristocracy  of  tlie  church 
supposed  itself  to  have  erected.  The  Regulae  Cancellarige,  which 
Martin  V.  issued  shortly  after  his  coronation,  differed  but  little  from 
those  of  former  popes,  against  which  there  had  been  such  murmurs. ^^ 
The  propositions  of  reform  which  they  contained  were  altogether 
unsatisfactory.'^  But  the  power  of  the  council  was  already  so  far 
broken    that   the    Pope   was   enabled   to   evade    the    most  important 


—  quibus  alias,  prefatis  reservationibus,  mandatis  et  exactionibus  cessantibus  com- 
peterent  ac  pcrlinere  deberent.  Prslatis  etiain  inferioribus  et  aliis  hujusmodi 
spolioruin  exactiones  praeter  et  contra  juris  communis  formam  fieri  interdicimus. 

'«  Sessio  gen.  XL.  on  the  30th  of  Oct.  1417  {v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  1452)  :  Sacro- 
sancta  synodus  Constantiensis  statuit  et  decernit,  quod  futurus  summus  Pontifex 
per  Dei  gratiam  de  proximo  assumendus,  cum  hoc  sacro  Concilio  vel  deputandis 
per  singulas  nationes  debeat  reformare  Ecclesiam  in  capite  et  Curia  Romana  secun- 
dum eequitatem  et  bonum  regimen  Ecclesiae,  antequam  hoc  sacrum  ConciHum 
dissolvatur,  super  materiis  articulorum,  abas  per  nationes  in  Reformatoriis  oblato- 
rum,  qui  sequuntur.  1.  Primo  de  numero,  qualitale  et  natione  Doniinorum 
CardinaUum.  2.  Item  de  reservationibus  sedis  Apostolicae.  3.  Item  de  annatis, 
communibus  servitiis,  et  minutis.  4.  Item  de  collalionibus  beneficiorum,  et 
gratiis  expectativis.  5.  Item  de  causis  in  Romana  Curia  tractandis,  vel  non.  6. 
Item  de  appellationibus  ad  Romanam  Curiam.  7.  Item  de  officiis  Cancellariae  et 
Poenitentiaria'.  8.  Item  de  exemptionibus  et  incorporalionibus  tempore  schismatis 
factis.  9.  Item  de  commendis.  10.  Item  de  confirmationibus  electionum.  11. 
Item  de  fructibus  medii  temporis.  12.  Item  de  non  alienandis  bonis  Romanse 
Ecclesiae  et  aliarum  Ecclesiarum.  13.  Item  propter  quae,  et  quomodo  Papa  possit 
corrigi  vel  deponi.  14.  Item  de  exstirpatione  Simonia;.  15.  Item  de  dispensa- 
tionibus.  16.  Item  de  provisione  Papas  et  CardinaUum.  17.  Item  de  indulgentiis. 
18.  Item  de  decimis.  Hoc  adjecto,  quod  facta  per  nationes  deputatione  proedicta 
liceat  aliis  de  Papae  licentia  libere  ad  propria  remeare. 

'■^  Martini  P.  V.  Regulae  Cancellarife,  die  12  Nov.  1417,  a  Johanne  Ostiensi 
Cardinale  conscriptae  et  d.  26  Febr.  1418,  publicatte  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  XXI.  p. 
965  seq. 

'^  In  the  beginning  of  A.  D.  1418,  the  German  nation  presented  certain  Avisa- 
menta  Nationis  Germanicas  super  articulis  juxta  decrelum  Concilii  reformandis, 
exhibenda  Domino  nostro  sanctissimo  {v.  d.  Hardt  I.  XXII.  p.  999  seq.) :  which 
were  followed  towards  the  end  of  January  by  the  Responsio  Horn.  P.  Martini 
super  reformatione  capitulorum,  in  Concilio  per  decretum  statutorum,  per  modum 
Avisamenti  data  Nationibus  (1.  c.  p.  1021  seq.),  the  provisions  of  which  fell  far 
short  of  the  demands.  With  reference  to  Art.  XIII.  the  proposal  of  the  Germans 
was  (1.  c.  1008)  :  Super  decimo  tertio  articulo  videtur,  quod  summus  Pontifex  non 
solum  de  hsresi,  sed  etiam  de  simonia  notoi-ia  tam  circa  sacramenta,  quam  circa 
benelicia  ecclesiastica,  et  quolibet  alio  notorio  ci-imine  gravi,  Ecclesiam  universalem 
notorie  scandalizante,  de  quo  canonice  monitus  incorrigibilis  extiterit,  per  generale 
Concilium  puniri  valeat,  ac  deponi  etiam  de  Papatu.  Item  videtur,  quod  sanctis- 
simus  Dominus  noster  sacro  approbante  Concilio  specialem  constitutionem  super 
hoc,  quod  pra;niittitur,  ileclaratoriam  debeat  promulgare,  et  insuper  declai-are,  quod 
nedum  circa  sacramenta,  sed  etiam  circa  beneticia  ecclesiastica  conventionem  seu 
pactionem  pecuniariain  per  se  vel  alium  faciendo  crimen  pravitatis  Simoniacae  non 
evadat  (cf.  §  100,  note  29).  The  papal  Responsio  (1.  c.  p.  1032)  :  Artie.  XIII. 
Propter  qua;  et  quoaiodo  Papa  possit  corrigi  et  deponi.  Non  videtur,  prout  nee 
visum  fuit  in  pluribus  nationibus,  circa  hoc  aliquid  novum  statui  vel  decerni. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  130.     Martin   V.  179 

points  by  means    of   Concordats  with  the  separate  nations ;  ^^    and 

'^  Germanicae  Nalionis  et  Martini  V.  Papas  concordata  published  the  2  May, 
1418  {v.  d.  Hardt  I.  p.  1055.  E.  M  il  nch's  voUstandige  Sammlung  aller  altern 
und  neuern  Koiikordale,  Th.  1.  S.  20  ff.)  Cap.  1.  De  numero  et  qualitate  Car- 
dinalium,  et  eorum  creatione.  Slatuimus,  ut  deinceps  numerus  Cardinalium  S. 
Roiiianfe  Ecclesia-  adco  sit  nioderatus,  quod  noii  sit  gravis  Ecclesiw.  Qui  de  omni- 
bus partibus  Christianilatis  proportioualiter,  quantum  fieri  poterit,  assumantur,  ut 
notitia  causarum  et  negotiorum  in  Ecclesia  emergentium  facilius  haberi  possit,  et 
ajqualitas  regionum  in  honoribus  ecclesiasticis  observetur  ;  sic  tamen,  quod  nume- 
rum  XXIV.  non  excedant,  nisi  pro  honore  nationum,  qufe  Cardinalem  non  habent, 
unus  vel  duo  pro  semel  de  consilio  et  assensu  Cardinalium  assumendi  viderentur. 
Sint  autem  viri  in  scientia,  moribus  el  rerum  experienlia  excellentes,  Doctores  in 
theologia,  aut  in  jure  canonico  vel  civili,  prseter  admodum  paucos,  qui  de  stirpe 
regia  vel  ducali,  aut  magni  Principis  oriundi  existant,  in  quibus  competens  litera- 
tui-a  sufficiat:  non  fratres,  aut  nepotes  ex  I'ratre  vel  sorore,  alicujus  Cardinalis 
viventis:  nee  de  uno  Ordine  Mendicantium  ultra  ununi :  non  corpore  vitiati,  nee 
alicujus  criminis  vel  infamis  nota  respersi.  Nee  fiat  eorum  electio  per  aricularia 
vota  solummodo,  sed  etiain  cum  consilio  Cardinalium  collegialiter,  sicut  in  promo- 
tione  Episcoporum  fieri  consuevit.  Qui  modus  etiam  observetur,  quando  aliquis 
ex  Cardinalibus  in  Episcopum  assumetur.  Cap.  2.  De  provisione  Ecdesiarum, 
Monasteriorum,  etc.  Sanctissimus  Dominus  noster  Papa,  Martinus  V.,  super 
provisionibus  Ecdesiarum,  Monasteriorum  et  beneficiorum  quoiumcunque  utetur 
reservationibus  juris  scripti,  et  constitutionis  Execrabilis  et  Ad  i-egimen  (see  §  100, 
notes  10  and  16)  modificatffi.  According  to  this  the  Pope  resei-ves  to  himself  the 
appointment  to  all  benefices  vacant  in  curia,  and  so  to  all  such  as  were  filled  by 
those  belonging  to  the  papal  court,  the  occupants  of  which  had  been  deposed  or 
transfei'red  by  the  Pope,  and  to  which  appointments  had  been  made  but  negatived 
by  him.  So  too,  the  Pope  claimed  the  right  of  providing,  when  an  election  should 
be  too  long  delayed.  The  majores  dignitates  in  the  chapters  wei'e  to  be  filled  by 
the  chapters  themselves,  the  other  places  alternately  by  the  Pope  and  those  to 
whom  the  appointment  otherwise  belonged.  The  sixth  part  of  the  canons  shall 
be  graduates,  and  all  pastors  of  churches  of  more  than  2000  communicants.  Cap. 
3.  jbe  JInnatis.  De  Ecclesiis  et  Monasteiiis  virorum  duntaxat  vacantibus  et 
vacaturis  solventur  pro  fructibus  primi  anni  a  die  vacationis  summs  pecuniarum  in 
libris  Camerae  Apostolic^  taxatas,  quae  conuiiunia  servitia  nuncupantur.  Si  qua; 
vero  excessive  taxats  sunt,  juste  retaxentur. — Taxs  autem  praedictas  pro  njedia 
parte  infra  annum  a  die  hal)itae  possessionis  pacifies  totius  vel  majoris  partis  solven- 
tur, et  pro  media  parte  alia  infra  sequentem  annum.  Et  si  infra  annum  bis  vel 
pluries  vacaverit,  semel  tantum  solvetur.  —  De  ceteris  autem  dignitatibus  —  qui- 
buscunque,  quse  auctoritate  sedis  Apostolic^  conferentur,  —  solvatur  annata  seu 
medii  fructus  juxta  taxam  solitam  tempore  immissionis  infra  annum.  Et  debitum 
hujusmodi  in  successorem  in  beneficio  non  transeat.  De  beneficiis  vero,  quae 
valorem  XXIV.  florenorum  de  camera  non  excedunt,  nihil  solvatur.  Cap.  4. 
De  causis  tractandis  in  Romana  Curia  necne.  —  Nulls  causa"  in  Roraana  Curia 
committantur,  nisi  quae  de  jure  et  natura  causs  in  Romana  Cuiia  tractari  debebunt. 
—  Csterae  committantur  in  partibus.  Nisi  forte  pro  causas  et  personarum  quali- 
tate, in  commissioue  exprimenda,  illas  tractare  in  Curia  expediret  pro  justitia  con- 
sequenda,  vel  de  partium  consensu  in  curia  tractenlur.  Cap.  5.  De  commendis. 
Ordinat  Dominus  noster  Papa,  quod  inposterum  Monasteria  aut  magni  Pi-ioratus 
conventuales  habentes  ultra  decem  religiosos,  et  officia  claustralia,  dignitates  ma- 
jores post  pontificales  in  cathedralibus,  sive  Ecclesis  parochiales,  nulli  Prslato, 
etiam  Cardinali,  dentur  in  commendam.  —  Una  etiam  Ecclesia  metropolitana  uni 
Cardinali  vel  Patriarchre  concedi  poterit,  provisionem  aliam  suflficientiorem  non 
habenti.  Cap.  6.  DeSiinoniainforoconscienticeprovidetur.  Every  ecclesiastic 
must  choose  a  suitable  confessor,  by  whom  he  must  be  absolved  within  three 
months  of  simonia  active  vel  passive  commissa,  and  so  relieved  from  the  conse- 
quences which  otherwise  would  come.  Cap.  7.  De  non  viiandis  excommunicatis, 
antequam  per  judicemfuerint  declarati  et  denunciati.  Cap.  8.  De  dispensatio- 
nibus.  Ordinat  etiam  Dominus  noster,  ad  Ecclesias  cathedrales,  Monasteria,  Prio- 
ratus  conventuales,  et  parochiales  Ecclesias  super  defectum  aetatis  ultra  triennium 
nuUatenus  dispensare  :  nisi  forte  in  Ecclesiis  cathedralibus  ex  ardua  et  evidenti 


180  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

a  few  very  insignificant  general  measures-*^  sufficed  to  secure  from 
it  an  acivnowledgment  of  the  fulfilment  of  his  promise.^i  Dur- 
ing   these    negotiations,    however,    the   Pope    had    not   only  granted 

causa,  de  consilio  Cardinaliura  —  videretur  aliter  dispensandum.  Item  Dominus 
noster  in  arduis  et  gravibus  casibus  sine  consilio  Cardinaliuni  non  inlendit  dispen- 
sare.  Cii|).  9.  De  provislone  Papce  et  Cardinalium.  Koniano  Pontifici  et  s. 
Roiiiana;  Ecclcsia;  Cai-dinalibus  pro  illoi-uni  sustentatione,  rebus  Koniana;  Ecclesias 
stantibus  ut  sunt,  non  videtur  aliter  posse  provideri,  quam  luicusque  factum  est, 
scilicet  per  beneficia  et  coiruiiunia  servitia,  qua;  vacantia  nuncupantur.  The  pro- 
visions of  cap.  5.  ai-e  then  repeated.  Cardinalis  de  proventibus  ccclesiasticis  non 
habeat  ultra  valorem  sex  inilliuiu  Hoi-enoruin.  Cap.  10.  De  indulgentiis.  Cavebit 
Doiiiiiuis  noster  Papa  in  futuruin  iiiiniam  induluentiarum  efiusionem,  ne  vilescant. 
Et  in  pra'teritum  concessas  ab  oliilii  Gi-cgorii  XI.  ad  instar  altcrius  indulgentiae 
revocat  et  annnllat.  Cap.  11.  De  horum  Concordalorum  valore.  Iten»  sanctissi- 
nuis  Dominus  nostei-  Papa  et  inclyta  natio  Germanorum  consenserunt  et  protestati 
sunt,  quod  omnia  et  singula  supradicta  durare  et  tolerari  debeant  usque  ad  quin- 
quennium duntaxat  a  data  prassentium  numerandum — quodque  per  observantiam 
illorum  nullum  jus  novum  Romano  Pontitici,  aut  alicui  alteri  Ecclesia;  vel  persons 
acquiratui-  seu  pra^jndicium  generetur,  sed  lapse  dicto  quinquennio  qua^libet  Eccle- 
sia  et  persona  pisdicta  liberam  facultatein  habeat  utendi  quolibet  jure  suo.  The 
Concordat  with  the  French  (see  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  1566  seq.),  (subject,  however, 
to  the  approval  of  the  king),  was  likewise  published  on  the  2d  of  May,  1418,  and 
for  the  most  pai-t  corresponds  exactly  with  that  of  the  Germans ;  only  that  the 
Pope  i-emitted  in  this  case  one  half  the  Annates  for  the  next  five  years  :  On  the 
other  hand :  Circa  articulum  indulgentiarum  habita  deliberatione  matura  nihil 
intendiinus  circa  cas  immutare  seu  ordinare.  The  Concordat  with  the  English, 
concluded  on  the  12th  of  July,  see  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  p.  1079  seq. 

20  Scss.  gen.  XLIII.  on  the  21st  of  March,  1418,  the  following  decrees  were 
published  {v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  153.5)  :  1.  De  Exemptionihus  (beginning  Atten- 
dentes).  2.  De  tinionibus  et  incorporationibus,  by  which  all  the  exemptions, 
unions,  and  incorporations  made  since  the  death  of  Gregory  XI.  were,  with  a  few 
exceptions,  recalled.  3  De  fructihus  medii  temporis.  Item  fructus  et  proventus 
Ecclesiarum,  Monasteriorum  et  Beneficiorum,  vacationis  tempore  obvenientes, 
juris  et  consuetudinis  vel  privilegii  dispositioni  relinquimus,  illosque  nobis  vel 
Apostolic*  Camei'EB  prohibemus  applicari.  4.  De  Simoniacis  :  —  Ordinati  simo- 
niace  ab  execulione  suorurn  Ordiaum  sint  eo  ipso  suspensi :  —  quaevis  provisiones 
simoniaca^  —  nulla'  sint  ipsojui-e  :  — dantes  et  recipientes  eo  ipso  facto  sententiam 
excommunicalionis  incurrant.  5.  De  disjiensationibus.  Repeal  of  the  dispensa- 
tions which  had  been  granted  to  those  appointed  to  ecclesiastical  olfices  quibus 
certus  Ordo  dcbitus  est.  6.  De  decimis  et  aliis  oneribus.  Prscipimus  et  manda- 
mus, jura,  qua;  prohibent  inferioribiis  a  Papa  decimas  et  alia  onera  Ecclesiis  et 
personis  ccclesiasticis  imponi,  districiius  observari.  Per  nos  autem  nullatenus 
imponentur  generaliter  super  totum  Clenim,  nisi  ex  magna  et  ardua  causa  et 
utilitate  universalem  Ecclesiam  concernente,  et  de  consilio,  et  consensu  et  sub- 
scriptione  fratrum  nostrorum  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium,  et  Pra^latorum,  quorum  con- 
silium commode  haberi  ])0terit:  nee  specialiter  in  aliquo  regno  vel  provincia  incon- 
sultis  Pr*latis  illius  regni  vel  provinciae  et  ipsis  non  conseutientibus,  vel  eorum 
iriajori  parte,  et  eo  casu  ])er  personas  ecclesiaslicas  et  auctoi-itate  aposfolica  dun- 
taxat leventur.  7.  De  vita  et  honestate  Clcricorum,  against  the  transgressions  of 
the  clergy  in  costume. 

2'  The  last  papal  decree  in  this  same  43d  session,  was  (1.  c.  p.  1540) ;  Decerni- 
mus  et  declaramus  sacro  approbante  Concilio,  pei-  dccreta,  statuta  et  ordinata,  tam 
lecta  in  praisenti  sessione,  quam  concordata  cum  singulis  nationibus  ejusdem  Con- 
cilii,  —  huic  sacro  Concilio  super  articulis  contentis  in  decreto  super  fienda  refor- 
matione,  die  sabbati  XXX.  mensis  Oct.  proximo  pr;eteiiti  promulgate  (see  note  16) 
fuissc  et  esse  jam  satisfactum.  To  tliis  the  cardinal,  bishop  of  Oslia,  rejjlied  :  De 
mandate  nationum  respondco,  quod  placent  nationibus  decreta  recitata,  et  cuilibet 
nation!  placet  Concordia  cum  ipsa  per  Dominum  nosti'um  facta.  Et  per  pra  missa 
fatentur  decreto  etiam  jam  esse  satisfactum,  non  intendentes  propterea,  quod  con- 
cordata cum  una  natione  in  aliquo  alleii  nationi  atferant  prafjudicium. 


Chap.  I.     Hapaaj.     §  130.     Martin    V.  181 

to  the  emperor  Sigismund  a  power  of  exacting  tenths,"-  notwith- 
standing the  great  complaint  that  had  been  made  of  this  very  kind  of 
oppression,  but  had  even  ventured,  in  the  face  of  an  express  resolution 
of  the  council,  to  forbid  any  appeal  from  the  Pope  to  a  general  coun- 
cil ;  such  an  appeal  having  been  brought  in  by  the  Poles  in  the  case 
of  John  de  Falckenberg.^^  The  character  of  the  council  being  thus 
changed,  its  breaking  up,  which  took  place  on  the  22d  of  April,  \\\S,^^ 

-^  The  Liters  gratiosse  of  the  Pope  to  the  emperor,  dd.  7.  Cal.  Febr.  1418,  in 
V.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  589  seq.  Duni  prseclara  devotionis  et  fidei  Tuas  Serenitatis 
merita,  quibus  erga  Deuin  et  univei-salem  Ecclesiam  sanctam  suam  gloriosissime, 
prKsertitn  circa  unionem  ejusdem  Ecclesis — per  muha  jam  tempora  curis  vigilibus 
et  continuis  —  miiilice  claruisti,  —  pensamus  ; — inducimur  non  indigne,  ut  in 
revelationem  onerum  et  expensarum,  quae  pro  consecutione  unionis  hujusmodi, 
nonnuUa  regna  partesque  terrarum  orbis  varias  peragrando,  Tua  Serenitas  subiit 
hactenus,  nee  subire  desinit  incessanter,  Tua  Celsitudo  nostram  et  apostolicaj  sedis 
gratiain  sibi  miriticam  sentiat  ac  super  alicujus  subventorio  auxilio  liberalem.  Hinc 
est,  quod  Nos  —  una  cum  ven.  fratribus  nostris  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalibus  super  his 
deUberatioiie  pra?habita,  ac  de  ipsorum  consiho,  nee  non  ven.  fratrum  nostrorum 
Archiepiscoporum,  Episcoporum,  et  dilectorum  fiUorum  Electorum,  Administrato- 
rum,  necnon  Abbatum  et  aliorum  de  natione  Germanica  percepto  beneplacito 
voluntatis,  ac  etiam  prsdecessoi'um  nostrorum,  Romanorum  Pontiticum,  —  circa 
hoc  vestigiis  inhsrentes,  Decimam  integram  unius  anni  omnium  redituum  et  pro- 
ventuum  ecclesiasticorum  in  provinciis  —  nationis  Germanica;,  totius  pi-ovincias 
Treverensis,  necnon  Basileensis  et  Leodiensis  civitatuni  et  dioecesium  sub  Romano 
Imperio  consistentium,  —  Serenitati  Tuae — assignamus.  At  the  same  time  he 
appointed  three  bishops  to  collect  these  tenths  (1.  c.  p.  592  seq.).  This  was  com- 
plained of  by  seven  German  churches,  through  the  Florentine  jurist,  Dominicus 
de  Germiniano,  who  begins  with  proving  it  in  the  Repudium  decimarum  (1.  c.  p. 
608),  quia  haec  impositio  decimae  concessa  est  non  consentientibus  Praalatis  nationis 
Almanis,  vel  saltem  majori  parte  ipsorum,  imo  inconsultis  procuratoribus  Cleri 
dictarum  septem  Ecclesiarum  in  Concilio  Constantiensi  existentibus.  Quod  tamen 
fieri  non  potuit  juxta  constitutionem  Domini  nostri  Papa;  (see  note  20.  6).  —  Item 
ad  ejus  levationem  invocatur  auxilium  brachii  saeculariis.  Et  sic  contra  dictam 
constitutionem,  etc.  He  proposed  nothing  more,  however,  than  a  milder  mode  of 
collection. 

^  Compare  §  115,  note  11.  Jo.  Gersonii  tract,  quomodo  et  an  liceat  in  causis 
fidei  a  summo  Pontifice  appellare  (0pp.  II.  II.  p.  303  seq.)  :  Qu*ritur  utrum  hsc 
assertio  sit  catholica:  —  JVxdlifas  est  a  supremo  judice,  videlicet  ^postoUca  Sede, 
seu  Romano  Pontifice,  Jesu  Christi  Vicario  in  terris,  appellare,  aut  illius 
judicium  in  causis  fidei,  qucB  tanquam  major es  ad  ipsum  et  Sedem  Apostolicam 
deferendcB  sunt,  declinare?  Arguitur,  quod  sic,  auctoiitate  sanctissimi  Domini 
Martini  Papae  V.  in  sua  Constitutione  ad  perpetuam  rei  memoriam  facta,  et  pro- 
mulgata  in  Consislorio  generali  celebrato  Constantiae  6.  Idus  Martii  Pontificatus  sui 
anno  priuio  (10  March,  1418),  ubi  reperitur  ha;c  assertio,  sicut  dicitur.  In  the 
Dialogus  Apologeticus  pro  condemnatione  propositionum  Jo.  Parvi  (1.  c.  p.  390) 
Gerson  designates  this  bull  as  destruens  fundamentale  penitus  robur,  nedum  Pisani, 
sed  Constantiensis  Concilii,  et  eorum  omnium,  quae  in  eis,  praesertim  super  elec- 
tione  Summi  Pontificis,  et  intrusorum  ejectione,  attentata  factave  sunt. 

**  Sess.  XLIV.  the  19th  of  April,  1418,  the  Pope  issued  the  decree  (v.  d.  Hardt 
IV.  p.  1546)  :  Cupientes  et  etiam  volentes  decreto  hujus  sacri  generalis  Concilii 
satisfacere,  inter  alia  disponenti,  quod  omnimode  generalia  Concilia  celebrentur  in 
loco,  quern  suinmus  Pontifex  per  mensem  ante  finem  hujus  Concilii,  approbante 
et  consentiente  Concilio,  deputare  et  assignare  teneatur  (see  note  15) ;  pro  loco 
dicti  proxime  futuri  Concilii,  celebrandi  a  fine  praesenlis  Concilii  supradicti  [in 
quinquennium],  eodem  consentiente  et  approbante  Concilio  civitatem  Papiensem 
tenore  praesentium  deputainus.  The  bull  of  dismission,  which  followed  8ess.  XLV. 
and  omnibus  et  singulis,  qui  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio  et  causa  ipsius  interfuerunt, 
absolutionem  plenariam  omnium  peccatorum,  semel  in  vita  et  in  mortis  articulo, 
see  1.  c.  p.  1559.     The  Pope  had  already  approved  of  the  decrees  of  the  council 


182  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

could  not  be  much  regretted  ;  little  as  it  had  answered  the  expecta- 
tions formed  concprniiig  it.-^ 

The  only  opposition  to  the  power  of  the  new  Pope  seemed  now  to 
be  on  the  part  of  France,  which  nation  had  refused  the  Concordat 
offered  to  it  at  tiie  Council  of  Constance  ;  -^  but  it  was  not  long  (A.  D, 

in  the  bull  condemning;  Wicliffe  and  Huss,  Inter  cunctas  dd.  22  Febr.  1418,  in  the 
questions  which  he  directed  to  be  proposed  to  those  accused  of  heresy  (1.  c.  p. 
1527) :  Item  utrum  credat,  teneat  et  asserat,  quod  quodlibet  Concilium  generale,  et 
etiam  Constanticnsp,  universalem  Ecclesiam  repra,'sentet.  Item  utrum  credet, 
quod  illud,  quod  sacrum  Concilium  Constanliense,  universalem  Ecclesiam  reprae- 
sentans,  approbavit  et  approbat  in  favorem  fidei  et  salutem  animarum,  quod  hoc  est 
ab  universis  Christifidelibus  approbandum  et  tenenthim  :  et  quod  condemnavit  et 
condemnat  esse  lidei  vel  bonis  moribus  contrarium,  hoc  ab  eisdem  esse  tenendum 
pro  condemnato.  And  at  the  last  sitting  he  says  in  his  answer  to  the  Polish 
ambassadors:  quod  omnia  et  singula  determinata  et  concliisa  et  decreta  in  materiis 
fidei  per  prssens  saci-um  Concilium  Constantiense  conciliariter,  tenere  et  inviola- 
biliter  observare  volebat  et  nunquam  contiavenire  quoquomodo. 

^^  See  the  remarkable  passage  concerning  the  Council  of  Constance  with  which 
Gobelinus  Persona,  decanus  in  Bielefeld  (see  before  Div.  IV),  closes  his  Cosmodro- 
mium,  in  Meihomii  Reium  Germ.  T.  I.  p.  345:  Postquam  dominus  Martinus 
Papa  prasdictus  fuit  coronatus,  per  nationes  Concilii  petebatur  fieri  reformatio 
Ecclesiam  tarn  in  capite  quam  in  membris,  prout  in  Rcformatorio  per  ad  hoc  electos 
conceptum  fuerat.  Sed  quia  non  omnes  a;que  ardcnter  instabant,  Cardinalibus 
etiam  in  hoc  torpentibus,  parum  profecerunt.  Unde  natio  Gallicana  Regem  (Sigis- 
mundum)  adiit,  petens  ab  eo,  ut  Papam  ad  Ecclesiam  dignaretur  informare.  Qui 
respondit  eis :  dum  nos,  ut  reformatio  fieret,  piiiisquam  ad  electionem  siwimi 
Pontificis  procederetitr,  instabafitus,  vos  nolentes  acquiescere.  Papain,  prhis- 
quarn  fieret  refoniiatio  Ecclesice,  habere  voluistis.  Et  ecce  Papain  habetis, 
quern  et  nos  habeinus  :  ilium  pro  expeditione  hujusmodi  reformationis  adite, 
quoniam  pro  nunc  nogtri  non  interest,  prout  intererat  sede  Romana  vacante. 
Sunt  tamen  quai'dam  reformata,  quamvis  respectu  conceptorum  panca,  verbis 
quideni  et  scriptis,  quaj  pi-opter  humanam  mentis  mutabilitatem,  divinitatis  ex- 
cusantem  se  sub  umbra,  hie  inserere  non  pra'sumo.  Ego  quidem  jam  annis  niultis 
statum  pei-tractans  Ecclesiaa,  per  quem  modum  ad  universalis  Ecclesiae  reformatio- 
nem  scandalis  sublatis  omnibus  pei-veniri  posset,  curiosa  mente  revolvi.  Quem 
quidem  modum  Dominus  fortasse  ostendet,  cum  in  spiritu  vehement!  conteret 
naves  Tharsis. 

-®  The  French  had  protested  against  the  Annates  in  1417,  at  the  council,  see 
Apostoli  et  responsio  dati  per  ven.  Nationem  Gallicanam,  etc.,  in  the  Preuves  des 
Libcrtez  de  L'eglise  Gallicane  Chap.  XXII.  no.  13  (with  a  different  title  in  v.  d. 
Hardt  I.  XIII.  p.  761).  Although  half  the  Annates  were  remitted  (see  note  19), 
the  king  published  an  order  in  April,  1418  ( Bulcei  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  V.  p.  328. 
Preuves  des  I'cgl.  Gall.  Chap.  XXII.  no.  16),  quod  Ecclesiis  nostrorum  Regni  ac 
Delphinatus  —  secundum  antiqua  jura  Conciliaque  generalia  de  personis  idoneis 
providebitur.  —  Et  insuper  quoad  exactiones  pecuniarum,  quas  ab  aliquibus  retro- 
actis  tempoj-ilius  Curia  Romana  seu  Camera  Apostolica  sub  prfetextu  vacantium 
beneficiorum  Regni  et  Delphinatus  praedictorum,  aut  alias  quovis  modo  seu  colore 
prasinissorum  sibi  applicari  voluit,  penitus  cessabunt.  Intendimus  tamen  tanquam 
Christifideles  surnmo  Pontifici  et  Ecclesias  Romans  seque  plusve  ceteris  in  neces- 
sitatibus,  sive  et  cum  tempus  exegerit,  succurrere  et  rationabiliter  subvenire  ;  and 
in  May  (he  prohibition  (11.  cc),  ne  aliquis  deinceps  absque  nostra  licentia  ausu 
temerario  aurum  vel  argentum,  jocalia  (joyaux.,  jewels),  aut  alia  quaevis  pre- 
tiosa  per  literas,  bulletas  (certificates),  obligationes  aut  alias  quovis  modo,  occasione 
procurationum,  aunatarum,  vacantium,  dispositionis  antedictorum  beneficiorum  — 
extra  Regiuim  transferat.  The  duke  of  Burgundy  prevailed  on  the  king  in  1419, 
to  recall  this  order,  but  the  recall  was  not  accepted  by  the  States  General  ( Bulceua 
V.  p.  335),  and  in  Febr.  1422  (1423)  those  orders  were  confirmed  {Preuves,  Chap. 
XXII.  no.  17). 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  130.     Martin  V.  183 

1425)  before  this  nation  too,  under  the  young  king  Charles  VII,  be- 
gan to  yiehl  to  the  papal  yoke,-^  and  the  Councils  of  Pavia  and 
Siena,  which  were  held  in  1423  and  1424,  according  to  a  resolution 
passed  at  the  Council  of  Constance,  having  proved  wholly  insignifi- 
cant, the  Pope  returned  again  to  the  old  courses,  with  little  or  no 
regard  to  the  occasional  opposition  made  to  his  measures.-**  Martin 
found  it  necessary,  however,  to  restrain  the  cardinals,  in  order  to 
maintain  his  own  freedom,29  and  this  called  forth  again  the  old  cora- 

'"  See  the  royal  edict  of  dd.  10  Febr.  1424  (1425)  (Preuves,  I.  c.  no.  19),  ut 
omnia  quascunque  mandata  in  debita  forma,  et  rescripta  Apostolica  a  die  exhibitio- 
nis  praesentium  fuei-unt  eidem  summo  Pontifici  concessa,  biillsque  et  processus 
inde  secuti  locum  cxecutionis  habeant  in  Regno  ac  Delphinatu  nostris,  ac  eisdem 
debite  per  cos  ad  quos  spectat  pareatur,  —  tam  in  beneliciorum  collatione,  quam 
jurisdictionis  Apostolica;  potestatis  exercitio,  modo  et  iorma,  quibus  felicis  recorda- 
tionis  Clementis  VII.  et  Benedicti  XIII.  temporibus  in  Regno  nostro  eisdem  sum- 
mis  Pontiticibus,  eorumque  bullis,  processibus,  et  Uteris  parebatur  atque  obedie- 
batur,  non  obstantibus  oi-dinationibus  regiis,  arrestis  Parlamenti  nostri — et  aliis 
quibuscunque  mandatis  et  usibus  in  conti-arium  prasdictorum.  —  Rogantes  tamen 
sancti  Patiis  nostri  clementiam,  quod  —  electiones,  —  et  quaevis  alia  dispositiones 
facts  in  vim  ordinationum  et  arrestorum  prasdictorum  usque  in  diem  exhibitionis 
praesentium  locum  habeant,  et  —  confirmcntur,  defectus  si  qui  sunt  privata  largi- 
tate  supplendo.  As  the  king,  when  dauphin,  had  sworn  to  observe  the  former 
laws  (see  preceding  note),  the  Pope  absolved  him  from  that  oath:  see  the  Breve 
dd.  Kal.  Maji  1425,  in  Raynaldus  ad  h.  a.  no.  8. 

'^  Thus  Martin  reproaches  Henricus  Episc.  Wintoniensis  (Raynald,  1426,  no. 
19)  bitterly,  on  account  of  an  execrabile  statutum,  per  quod  ita  Rex  Anglias  de 
Ecclesiarum  provisione  et  administratione  disponit,  quasi  vicarium  suum  Christus 
eum  instituisset ;  legem  condit  super  Ecclesias,  Beneficia,  Clericos  et  ecclesiasti- 
cum  statum  ;  ad  se  suamque  laicalem  curiam  causas  spirituales  et  ecclesiasticas 
jubet  introduci.  —  Quasdam  contra  clericos  adjecit  poenas,  quae  ne  quidem  contra 
Judffios  vel  Saracenos  per  ullum  de  suis  statutis  pronuilgatae  inveniuntur.  Pos- 
sunt  ad  Anglia;  regnum  cujuslibet  generis  homines  libei-e  proficisci :  soli  accep- 
tantes  beneficia  auctoritate  summi  Pontificis,  vicarii  Jesu  Christi,  jubentur  exulare, 
capi,  carcerari ;  omnibusque  bonis  exui ;  executoresque  literarum  Apostolicarum, 
procuratores,  notarii,  et  quicunque  alii  censuram  sen  pi-ocessum  ab  apostolica  sede 
in  regnum  mittentes  aut  deferentes  ultimo  supplicio  deputantur,  projectique  extra 
protectionem  Regis  ab  omnibus  captivandi.  The  bishop  is  reminded  of  the  ex- 
ample illius  gloriosissimi  martyris  b.  Thomae,  qui  adversus  similia  decertans  statuta 
holocaustum  se  Deo  offerens  pro  libertate  ecclesiastica  occubuit,  and  called  upon 
to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  to  effect  the  repeal  of  that  law.  Comp.  the  Pope's 
letter  of  admonition  to  the  parliament  (Raynald,  1427,  no.  15),  and  to  Henry, 
archbishop  of  Canterbury  (1.  c.  no.  16),  which  last  is  called  to  account,  quod  audi- 
vimus  te  dixisse  irreverenter  et  improbe,  propter  pecunias  exhauriendas  abolitio- 
nem  illius  statuti  apostolicam  sedem  ipsam  quajrere.  Similar  royal  orders  were 
issued  in  Poland,  see  Martini  ep.  ad  Wladislaum  Regem  Poloniffi  dd.  Kal.  Apr. 
ann.  VIII.  i.  e.  1425,  or  XIII.  (1429)  (according  to  Raynald,  ann.  1427,  no.  17)  : 
Refertur  nobis  quasi  onmia  in  aliam  dispositionem  mutata  esse ;  in  eodem  regno 
conculcari  jura  Ecclesis,  et  ecclesiasticam  opprimi  libertatem ;  non  multum 
timeri  censuras  nostras,  et  hujus  sedis  auctoritatem  ;  electiones  Ecclesiarum  et 
Monasteriorum,  quorum  tamen  omnimoda  dispositio  ad  nos  spectat  non  esse  libe- 
ras,  sed  fieri  ad  praesciiptum  tuum  ;  bcneficiorum  per  nos  collatorum  provisiones 
contemni,  tum  in  beneficiis  generaliter  reservatis,  atque  in  ea  re  non  pareri  man- 
datis nostris.  In  another  letter  to  the  same  dd.  7  Kal.  Sept.  ann.  XIII.  (Rayn- 
ald, ann.  1429,  no.  13)  the  Pope  complains  of  certain  royal  letters  per  quas  tua 
Serenitas  Praelatis  et  Canonicis  Ecclesise  Gneznensis  mandat  sub  gravi  poena,  ne 
aliquem  extraneum  in  dicta  Ecclesia  recipiant  ad  possessionem  alicujus  beneficii, 
cum  inter  Prslatos  Regui  ita  statutum  sit  et  conclusum. 

'*  Though  we  find  amongst  the  directions  to  the  cai-dinals  (Raynaldus,  ann. 
1424,  no.  4) :  Pro  Ordinum  religionum  quorumcunque  aut  personarum  particula- 


184  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

plaints  of  extortion  and  oppression,  as  well  as  of  corruption ;  3*^  till 
only  the  Romans,  who,  after  a  long  interval,  now  shared  once  more 
the  plunder  of  the  papal  court,  were  with  the  new  order  of  things 
contented. 31  From  councils  it  seemed  vain  to  look  for  farther  help,^^ 
and  the  Pope  had  therefore  no  hesitation  in  summoning  a  new  (Ecu- 
menical council,  which,  according  to  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of 
Siena,33  vvas  to  be  held  in  1431  at  Basil.^^ 


§  131. 

COUNCIL  OF   BASIL    (1431   to   1443),    EUGENE   IV.    (3  March,  1431, 
t  23  Feb.  1447). 

The  Acts  of  the  Council  are  most  complete  in  Mansi  Sacrorum  Conciliorum 
nova  et  amplissima  collectio  T.  XXIX.  p.  1.  — T.  XXXI.  p.  290.* 

Augustini  Patricii,  Canonicus  at  Siena,  Sutn?7ia  Conciliorum  Basileensis,  Flo- 
rentini,  Lateranensis,  Lnusanensis,  etc.  A.  D.  1480,  taken  from  two  Mss.  of 
John  of  Segovia  in  the  library  at  Basil  (in  Harduin.  IX.  p.  1081  seq.,  and  in 
Hartzheim  Condi.  Germ.  V.  p.  774  seq.). 

Whilst  the  long  suppressed  dissatisfaction  of  the   cardinals  at  the 

rium  protectione  nihil  pecuniae  percipiant,  etiam  a  sponte  offerentibus.  NuUas 
supplicationes  ipsi  Sanctissiino  prajsentent,  nisi  pro  pauperibus,  vel  pro  persona 
sua,  seu  servitorum,  consanguineorum,  vel  affinium,  aut  familiarum  suorum.  — 
The  ambassador  of  the  Teutonic  order  writes  to  his  Grand-master  A.  D.  1429 
(see  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  for  1833,  S.  73)  :  "They  (the  cardinals)  do 
not  venture  to  say  any  thing  to  the  Pope  which  they  know  will  displease  him  ; 
and  are  so  oppressed  by  him  that  they  gi-ow  pale  and  red  in  his  presence."  Hence 
their  enmity,  ibid.  p.  173. 

^  Anionini  Summa  hist.  Tit.  XXII.  Cap.  7,  §  3  :  Hie  igitur  Pontifex  Marti- 
nus,  antea  nequaquam  vir  sagax  asstimatus  sed  benignus,  in  pontifieatu  tamen  ita 
opinionem  de  se  prius  habitam  redarguit,  ut  sagacitas  quidem  in  eo  summa,  benig- 
nitas  vero  non  superflua  nee  nimia  reperiretur  (copied  from  Leonardus  Aretinus 
in  Muratorius  XIX.  p.  930).  —  Hoc  in  eo  communis  fama  redarguit,  nimis  cupide 
insistere  cumulationi  pecuni;e,  ut  nequaquam  dicere  valeret  id  primi  Apostolici : 
argenhim  et  aurum  non  est  mild  (Act.  iii.  6).  Comp.  Eberhard  Windeck,  a 
counsellor  of  Sigismund,  in  his  life  of  the  emperor,  c.  55  (in  Mencken  Scriptt. 
Rer.  Germ.  I.  p.  1117). 

^'  The  favorable  opinion  of  Platina  (ed.  1645,  p.  648  seq.)  is  Roman.  Accord- 
ing to  p.  669,  Martin  V.  was  buried  comitante  populo  Romano,  comitante  Clero 
non  aliter  tiente,  quam  si  Ecclesia  Dei,  si  urbs  Roma  unico  atque  optimo  parente 
orbata  fuisset. 

^-  See  GoheUnus  Persona,  note  25. 

3a  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  6. 

a*  See  the  power  which  he  granted  to  Cardinal  Julian,  to  preside  at  the  council 
as  papal  legate,  dd.  Kal.  Febr.  1431,  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  11. 

'  See  a  catalogue  of  the  Acts,  which  are  extant  in  Paris,  in  7  vols.  Mss.  of 
Navarrici,  and  an  enumeration  of  the  Codices  appertaining  to  this  council,  which 
are  preserved  in  the  library  at  Basil,  in  J.  JD.  Schcejnflini  Commentationes  hist,  et 
criticfE.  Basil.  1741.  4to.  p.  541  seq.  A  more  exact  account  of  the  Basil  Codices 
in  Ochs  Geschichte  der  Stadt  u.  Landschaft  Basel,  Bd.  3  (Basel.  1819.  8vo.),  S. 
573  tr.  Though  even  Bellarmmus  de  Eccl.  niilitante,  c.  16,  concedes  that  the 
Council  of  Basil  was  legitimate  and  cecumenical  till  the  twentieth  session  or  till  its 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  131.     Eugenius  IV. 


185 


arbitrary  measures  of  Martin  Y.~  was  venting  itself  in  the  resolutions 
passed  in  the  conclave  held  for  the  appointment  of  his  successor,^  as 
well    as  in   the  course   pursued  by  Eugenius  IV.  against  the  family 

removal  to  Ferrara,  the  Romans  persist  in  objecting  to  many  of  its  decrees,  and  in 
the  Roman  catalogue  of  the  councils,  published  A.  D.  1609,  this  council  is  entu-ely 
left  out  (according  to  Richerii  hist.  Concill.  generall.  lib.  III.  in  fine  by  advice  of 
Bellarmin).  Since  that,  Lucas  Hohtenius  in  a  treatise  included  in  Phil.  Labbei 
Concil.  T.  XIII.  Append,  has  denied  its  legitimacy  ;  and  this  view  is  so  prevalent 
in  Rome  that  Clement  XIV.  counted  it  amongst  the  eriors  of  Ulrich  Mayer,  that 
he  allowed  the  Council  of  Basil  to  have  been  legitimate  till  the  twenty-sixth 
session,  see  Walchs  neueste  Religionsgesch.  Th.  5,  S.  245.  The  moderate 
party  in  the  French  church  allow  the  Council  of  Basil  to  the  twenty-sixth  session, 
c.  s,.  JVataUs  Alex.  hist.  eccl.  ssc.  XV.  et  XVI.  diss.  VIII.;  the  more  strict 
defend  the  whole  council  to  its  dispersion,  e.  g.  Richerius  hist,  concill.  lib.  III. 
cap.  7. 

2  See  §  130,  note  29,  above. 

3  Comp.  the  bull  dd.  12  Mart.  14.31  (in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  5  seq.),  by  which 
Eugenius  confirmed  the  Capitula  which  all  the  cardinals  had  sworn  to  observe  in 
case  of  their  elevation  to  the  papal  chair.  In  the  introduction  is  plainly  contained 
an  indirect  censure  of  the  preceding  administration.  The  Capitula  are  :  quod 
(Papa)  curiam  Romanam  in  capite  et  membris  reformabit,  et  incipiet  quandocun- 
que  et  quotiescunque  requiretur  per  dominos  Cardinales  (Martin  V.  had  been 
willing  to  reform  only  in  membris,  see  §  1.30,  note  29):— nee  dictam  curiam 
educet  de  urbe  Romana,  neque  transferet  de  loco  ad  locum,  de  provincia  ad  pro- 
vinciam,  —  sine  consilio  et  consensu  consimili  (Cardinahum,  as  Martin  V.  had 
done,  see  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  for  18.33,  S.  74,  159).  Item  quod  Con- 
cilium generale  celebrabit —  in  loco  et  tempore,  de  quibus  fuerit  sibi  consultuin 
per  majorem  partem  Domm.  Card.,  et  in  eo  reformabit  —  universalem  Ecclesiam 
circa  fidem,  vitam  et  mores.  —  Item  quod  non  creabit  Cardinales  nisi  juxta  formam 
et  ordinationem  facfam  in  Concilio  Constantiensi,  quam  servare  tenebitur,  nisi  de 
consensu  et  consilio  majoris  partis  Domm.  Cardd.  aliud  fiendum  videretur.  Item 
ut  Romano  Pontifici  a  dominis  Cardinalibus  libera  perveniant  consilia  :  non  apponet 
(pledge)  —  bona  alicujus  ex  eis,  nee  aliquid  in  suo  statu  et  provisione  immu- 
tabit, — nisi  de  expresso  consilio  et  consensu  majoris  partis  Domm.  Cardd.  nee 
damnabit  eum  nisi  convictum  numero  testium  expresso  in  constitutione  Syl- 
vestri  Papas  facta  in  Synodo  generali,  quae  incipit :  Prasul  non  damnetur.  Item 
quod  bona  Domm.  Cardd.,  Prfelatorumque,  nee  aliorum  Cortesanorum  in  Curia 
decedentium  nullo  modo  occupabit,  —  sed  permittet — fieri  executiones  juxta  vol- 
untatem  decedentium.  —  Item  quod  feudatarios  regnorum,  et  alios  vicarios,  capita- 
neos,  —  omnesque  officiarios  urbis  Romans?,  et  aliarum  terrarum  EcclesiiE  Roma- 
n£e  obligabit  sibi,  et  successoribus,  ac  coetui  Domm.  Card.,  —  quod  sede  vacante  ad 
raandatum  Domm.  Card,  civitates,  terras  —  tradant  et  expediant  libere  et  sine 
contradictione  quacunque.  Item  quod  Dominis  Cardinalibus  permittet  libere  reci- 
pere,  et  assignari  faciet  medietatem  omnium  et  singulorum  censuum,  jurium,  —  et 
emolumentorum  quorumlibet  Romana;  Ecclesia?  juxta  concessionem  Nicolai  IV. — 
Nee  dabit  aliquam  ex  terris  Ecclesia;  Romana;  in  vicariatum,  feudum,  vel  emphy- 
teosim  sine  consensu  et  consilio  majoris  partis  Domm.  Cardd. ;  nee  movebit  guerram, 
nee  confoederationes  cum  quocunque  Rege,  vel  Principe  temporali,  aut  Communi- 
tate  faciet  sine  consilio  et  consensu  consimili ;  nee  imponet  gabellas  novas  sive 
exactiones  alias  in  urbe  Romana,  nee  in  aliis  terris  Ecclesiae  Romana; ;  nee  etiani 
concedet  alicui  Regi,  Domino  temporali,  seu  Communitati  prseter  vel  contra  liber- 
tatem  ecclesiasticam  exactionem  super  Clero  vel  Ecclesiis  —  sine  causa  rationabili, 
et  tunc  de  simiU  eorundem  Domm.  Cardd.  consensu.  Item  nihil  de  juribus  —  Ec- 
clesiae Romanes  alienabit,  nee  alienata  de  juribus  quibuscunque  Ecclesiarum  alia- 
rum—  vel  Ordinum  —  confirmabit  —  sine  eorundem  Domm.  Cardd.,  consilio  et 
consensu  consimili.  Item  quod  super  omnibus,  —  in  quibus  consilium  Domm. 
Cardd.  requiritur,  promotionibus  ad  Prajjaturas  dumtaxat  exceptis,  in  litei-is  suis  — 
scribi  faciet  nomina  Cardinalium  consilium  et  consensum  pra;bentium,  —  sicut 
fieri  solebat  ante  Bonifacium  VIII.,  ut  excludatur  abusus,  qui  longo  tempore  ser- 
vatus  est.  —  In  arduis  vero  requiritur  subscriptio  Papae  et  Cardinalium. 

VOL.  III.  24 


186  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517, 

and  the  memory  of  his  predecessor .-^  the  Council  of  Basil  assembled 
so  slowly,  that  at  tirst  it  seemed  likely  to  be  as  insignificant  as  the 
last  one,  at  Siena.  But  the  Hussite  disturbances,  by  which  Germany 
also  was  threatened,  led  the  council  to  take  a  more  independent 
position,  which  was  first  seen  in  the  opening  of  negotiations  with  the 
Hussites.  Alarmed  at  this,  the  Pope  wished'  to  dismiss  the  council 
at  once  ;^  but  this  was  resisted  even  by  the  president,  the  cardinal- 
legate  Julianus  Cesarini,"   and   the  zeal   for  reformation,  which  had 

*  Of  the  war  against  the  two  Colonna,  undertaken  by  Eugenius  to  compel  them 
to  give  up  the  possessions  and  treasures  of  the  church  which  they  had  received 
from  Martin  V.,  in  which  object  he  succeeded  September  1431,  by  the  help 
of  the  Venetians  and  Florentines,  see  the  two  contemporaries,  Andrece  Billii  (an 
Augustine  Monk  in  Milan,  f  1435)  hist.  Mediolanensis,  lib.  IX.  in  Muratorii 
Scriptt.  Rer.  It.  XIX.  p.  143  seq.,  and  the  Vita  Eugenii  IV.  in  Baluzii  Miscell. 
lib.  VII.  p.  506  seq.  cf.  Raynald,  ann.  1431,  no.  10  seq.  How  far  Eugenius 
went  in  his  hatred  to  his  predecessor,  see  in  Andr.  Billius,  p.  145  :  Ipsum  quoque 
Martini  palatium  (tantum  processit  ira)  diruit:  insignia  familia;,  aut  Pontificatus, 
ubicumque  per  urbem  cminebant,  dejecit. 

*  The  letter  of  the  Council  to  the  Bohemians  is  dated  October  15  (Raynald, 
1431,  no.  24).  The  Pope's  letter  to  Cardinal  Julianus,  in  which  he  commands 
him  to  dismiss  the  council  and  appoint  another  in  a  year  and  a  half  at  Bologna,  is 
dated  November  12  (1.  c.  no.  21). 

^  Julian's  letter  is  given  partly  in  Raynald,  1431 ,  no.  22,  in  full  in  the  Fasci- 
culus rer.  expetend.  et  fugiend.  ed.  Lond.  p.  54  seq.  The  Cardinal,  who  had 
shortly  before  led  an  unsuccessful  crusade  against  the  Bohemians,  first  gives  the 
motives  which  determined  him,  contrary  to  his  inclination,  to  accept  the  office  of 
presiding  at  the  council.  First  on  account  of  the  state  of  affairs  in  Bohemia. 
Then  :  Incitavit  etiam  me  hue  venire  deforniitas  et  dis^olutio  Cleri  Alemaniaj,  ex 
qua  laici  supra  modum  irritantur  adversus  statum  ecclesiasticum.  Propter  quod 
valde  timeudum  est,  nisi  se  emendent,  ne  laici  more  Hussitarum  in  totum  clerum 
irruant,  ut  pubjice  dicunt.  Et  quidem  hujusmodi  deformatio  magnam  audaciam 
pra-bet  Bohemis,  multunique  colorat  errores  eorum,  quia  praecipue  invehunt  contra 
turpitudinem  Cleri.  Qua  de  re,  etiamsi  hie  non  fuisset  generale  Concilium  insti- 
futum,  necessarium  fuisset  faceie  unum  provinciale  —  pro  Clero  refbrmando  :  quia 
revera  tlmendum  est,  nisi  iste  Clerus  se  corrigat,  quod  etiam  extincta  haresi  Bohe- 
miae  suscitaretur  alia.  Then  follow  the  grounds  for  refusing  to  dismiss  the  council. 
Quanta  hie  scandala  scquantur,  et  quam  prope  sit  evei-sio  lidei  auscultet  patienter 
S.  V.  Pi-imo  vocati  sunt  Bohemi  ad  istud  Concilium  :  literas  vocationis  alias  misi 
S.  V.  Hoc  factum  quilibet  probat,  tanquam  salubre  et  necessarium,  ut  postquam 
armistotiens  frustra  cei-tatum  est,  alia  via  tentetur.  —  Si  Concilium  dissolvitur,  quid 
dicent  hasrctici .'  Nonne  insultabunt  in  nostros,  et  fient  pi'oterviores  .'  Nonne 
Ecclesia  fatcbitur  se  esse  victam,  cum  non  ansa  fuerit  expectare  illos,  quos  voca- 
verat .'  —  Ecce  exercitus  armatorum  to'icns  fugit  a  facie  eorum,  et  nunc  similiter 
Ecclesia  universalis  fugit.  Ecce  nee  armis,  nee  liteiis  vinci  possunt.  Videbitur 
miraculum  Dei  evidenfer,  denionstrans,  illos  vera  sentire,  et  not  falsa.  —  Quarto, 
quid  dicet  universus  orbis,  cum  hoc  sentiet  ?  Nonne  judicabit,  clerum  esse  incor- 
rigibilem,  et  velle  semper  in  suis  deformitatibus  sordescere  ?  Celebrata  tot  sunt 
diebus  nostris  Concilia,  ex  quibus  nulla  scquuta  est  reformatio.  Expectabant 
gentes,  ut  ex  hoc  sequeretur  aliquis  fi'uctus.  Sed  si  sic  dissolvatur,  dicetur,  quod 
nos  irridemus  Deum  et  homines.  Et  ciuu  jam  nulla  spes  supererit  de  nostra  cor- 
rectione,  irruent  merito  laici  in  nos  more  Hussitarum  :  et  certe  fama  publica  de 
hoc  est.  Animi  hominum  prasgnantes  sunt,  jam  incipiunt  evomere  venenum,  quo 
nos  perimant:  putabunt  se  sacrificium  prsstare  Deo,  qui  Clericos  aut  trucidabunt, 
aut  spoliabunt :  quoniam  reputabuntur  jam  in  profundum  malorum  venisse,  fient 
odiosi  Deo  et  mundo  :  et  cum  modica  nunc  ad  eos  sit  devotio,  tunc  omnis  peribit. 
Erat  istud  Concilium  quoddain  retinaculum  sa'cularium  ;  sed  cum  viderint  spem 
omnem  deficere,  laxabunt  habenas  publico  prosequendo  nos.  Ah  (juis  honor  erit 
Romanae  Curia;,  qua?  Concilium  congregatum  pro  reformatione  turbavit .'  Certe 
totum  odium,  tota  culpa,  et  ignominia  transferetur  in  illani,  tanquam   causam, 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  131.     Eugenius  IV.  187 

been  so  disappointed  at  Constance,  was  now  kindled   at  Basil  with 

auctricemque  tot  malonim.  —  Septimo,  his  diebus  civitas  metropolitana  Magdebur- 
gensis  expulit  Archiepiscopuni  et  Clerum,  et  jam  illi  cives  incedunt  more  Bohe- 
morum  cum  curribus,  et  dicitiir  quod  miserunt  pro  uno  capitaneo  Hussitarum.  Et 
quod  valde  timendum  est,  habet  civitas  ista  ligam  cum  multis  civitatibus  et  com- 
munitatibus  illarum  partium.  Item  civitas  Pataviensis,  qua;  est  de  dominio  domini 
Episcopi,  expulit  Episcopum,  et  erexit  machinas  contra  quoddam  castrum  Episcopi. 
Utraque  istarum  civitatum  est  finitima  Bohemis,  et  si  conjungant  se  cum  illis 
(prout  valde  timendum  est),  multarum  civitatum  habebunt  sequelani,  Sciiptum 
est  uti'ique  rogando,  ut  supersedeant  a  guerra  :  et  si  qua  controversia  inter  ipsos 
sit,  offert  se  Concilium  velle  illam  terudnare.  —  Item  quia  magna  discordia  est 
inter  civitatem  Bambergensem,  et  Episcopum  et  Capitulum,  qu«  est  supra  modum 
periculosa  propter  vicinitatem  ha;reticorum  :  Concilium  dat  operam  ad  interponen- 
dum  se  pro  Concordia.  —  Si  modo  dissolvatur  Concilium,  nonne  populi  Germanis 
videntes,  se  non  solum  destitutos  ab  Eccle?ia,  sed  deceptos,  concordabunt  cum 
hEEreticis,  et  fient  nobis  inimiciores  quam  illi  ?  Heu,  heu,  quanta  ista  erit  confu- 
sio  !  finis  pro  certo  est.  Jam,  ut  video,  securis  ad  radicem  posita  est :  inclinata  est 
arbor,  ut  cadat,  nee  potest  diutius  persistere.  Et  certe  cum  per  se  stare  posset, 
nos  ipsam  ad  terram  prascipitamus.  —  Et  quanquani  dicatur,  quod  talis  prorogatio 
et  loci  ti-anslatio  sit  ad  bonum  finem,  ut  ibi  prssente  Sanctitate  Vestra  majora  bona 
sequi  possint,  nemo  hoc  credit,  quia  dicunt :  fuimns  deliisi  in  Concilio  Senensi, 
iteruni  in  isto.  —  Item,  bcatissime  Pater,  per  hujusmodi  prorogationum  non  tol- 
luntur  scandala  qua;  narrata  sunt.  Essent  intei'rogandi  ha?retici,  si  volunt  expec- 
tare  usque  ad  annum  cum  dimidio,  ut  non  disseminent  virus  suum.  Essent  et 
interrogandi,  qui  scandalizantur  de  detormitate  Cleri,  an  interim  velint  supersedere. 
Ecce  quotidie  puUulat  ista  ha-resis:  illi  quotidie  seducunt  Catliolicos,  aut  vi  oppri- 
niunt,  non  perdunt  minimum  temporis  momentum.  Quotidie  nova  scandala  ex 
detormitate  Clericorum  insurgunt,  et  nihilominus  provisiones  ex  remedio  procrasti- 
nantur  .''  Fiat  quod  fieri  potest  nunc  :  reliquum  servetur  ad  annum  cum  dimidio. 
Ego  timeo,  quod  usque  ad  annum  cum  dimidio,  nisi  aliter  provideatur,  magna  pars 
Cleri  Alemania;  erit  desolata.  Si  per  Germaniam  ditTunderetur  hsee  vox,  quod 
Concilium  esset  dissolutum,  pro  certo  Clerus  omnis  daretur  in  prsdam.  —  Sed 
audio,  quod  nonnulli  trepidant,  quod  in  hoc  Concilio  debeat  auferri  temporalitas  ab 
Ecclesia.  Mira  res  !  Si  hoc  Concilium  non  fieret  per  viros  ecclesiasticos,  forsitan 
dubitandum  foret :  sed  quis  erit  iste  Ecclesiasticus,  qui  huic  determinationi  con- 
sentiat.'  Non  solum  quia  esset  contra  fidem,  sed  quia  redundaret  in  detrimentum 
eorum.  —  Nee  etiam  umquam  i'uit  aliquod  legitime  congregatum  Concilium,  in 
quo  Spiritus  Sanctus  permiserit  aliquid  contra  fidem  determinari.  Cur  timendum 
est  contrarium  in  hoc .'  Hoc  est  ditfidere  de  Spiritu  Sancto.  Sed  vereor  ne  con- 
tingat  nobis,  sicut  contigit  Juda;is,  qui  dixernnt :  si  dimittimus  hunc,  venient 
Romani,  et  tollent  locum  nostrum  et  gentem  (Jo.  xi.  48).  Ita  et  nos  dicimus : 
si  admittimiis  fieri  Concilium,  venient  Lnici,  et  tollent  temporalitatem  nostrum. 
Sed  sicut  justo  Dei  judicio  factum  fuit,  quod  Judasi  perdiderunt  locum  suum,  quia 
noluerunt  dimittere  Christum  :  ita  et  justo  Dei  judicio  fiet,  quod  quia  nolumus 
admittere  Concilium  fieri,  perdemus  temporalitatem  nostram,  et  utinam  non  corpora 
et  animas  !  Quando  Deus  vult  alicui  populo  aliquod  infortunium  immittere,  primo 
disponit,  ut  pericula  non  intelligantur,  neque  cousiderentur.  Ita  videtur  nunc 
contingere  viris  ecclesiasticis,  quos  sspe  redarguo  esse  cascos,  qui  vident  ignem,  et 
nihilominus  currunt  versus  ilium.  —  Nunquam  fuisset  celebratum  aliquod  Concili- 
um, si  hujusmodi  timor  invasisset  corda  patrum  nostrorum,  sicut  invadit  nostra. 
Sed  et  si  hunc  rimorem  habemus,  cur  non  opponimus  remedium  .'  Cur  ad  evi- 
tandum  unum  malum,  volumus  incurrere  majus?  Ecce  remedium  ad  hoc  :  Mittat 
hue  Sanctitas  Vestra  aliquos  de  reverendissimis  Domm.  Cardinalibus,  et  aliquos 
notabiliores  Prslatos,  qui  reperiri  possunt,  et  bene  affectos  sedi  Apostolicae,  et  qui 
sint  bene  inclinati  ad  bonum  universale  ;  det  Sanctitas  Vestra  omnem  favorem 
possibilem  huic  Concilio,  promoveat  ipsum  quantum  potest ;  scribat  ei  literas  be- 
nignas,  exhortando  ipsos,  ad  sancta  opera,  qua;  proponunt,  offerendo  se,  etc.  — 
Quando  isti  talia  videbunt  et  audient,  in  veritate  puto,  quod,  etiamsi  haberent 
malum  animum,  mutarent  ilium  :  et  non  solum  studebunt  conservare  auctoritatem 
sedis  ApostolicK,  sed  augere.  —  Sed  si  videant  contrarium,  verbi  gratia  de  dissolu- 
tione  Concilii,  tunc  scandalizantur :  et  sequitur  hoc,  quod,  nbi  prius  erant  tepidi. 


188  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

new  ardor.  Without  regarding  the  interference  of  the  Pope,"  the 
council  was  solemnly  opened  (Sess.  I.  on  the  14th  of  Dec.  1431),8 
the  decrees  passed  at  Constance  concerning  the  dignity  of  General 
Councils  renewedj'^^thePope  and  the  cardinals  summoned  to  appear,!" 

hujusniodi  vox  reddet  ipsos  magis  acutos  et  ferventes.  Then  as  to  the  pretext 
urged  by  the  Pope  for  the  immediate  dissolution  of  the  council.  —  Ad  minus,  bea- 
tissimc  Pater,  differat  S.  V.  usque  ad  mensem  Julii,  quia  tunc  cessabunt  ilia 
inconvenientia  et  scandala,  qua  modo  obstant,  videlicet  de  hsereticis  vocatis  ad 
Concilium,  et  militaribus ;  quia  infi'a  illud  tempus  oiimia  ista  erunt  completa. 
Poterunt  etiam  fieri  aliqua?  ordinationcs  super  I'oformatione  Cleri  Alemaniae  et 
mitti  per  Germaniam,  et  sic  videbitur  aliquid  factum,  nee  tunc  poterit  aliquid 
imputari  S.  V.  Et  hoc  quidem  nunc  fieret  cum  scaudalo  et  sine  effcctu  ;  tunc 
honestius  fieri  poterit.  —  Aviso  Sanctitatem  Vestram,  quod  me  hinc  recedente,  vel 
dimittente  pra;sidentiam,  isti  statim  facient  sibi  unum  pra;sidentem  auctoritate 
Concilii. 

^  On  the  ISth  of  December,  1431,  the  Pope  issued  the  bull  for  the  dismission  of 
the  council  (see  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  564  seq.).  A  chief  ground  for  the  measure  is 
that  Bologna  is  best  suited  for  the  purpose  on  account  of  the  conference  to  be  held 
with  the  Greeks.  Et  quia  post  transmissionem  pra'fatarum  nostrarum  literarum 
ad  notitiam  nostram  pervenit,  ultra  ea  qua;  superius  continentur,  pr;tfatos  Bohemos 
ha^reticos  in  Constantiensi  Concilio  tam  mature  atque  solemniter  condemnatos  — 
fuisse  invitatos  Basileam  ad  disputandum  et  contendendum  super  articulis  —  con- 
demnatis,  —  et  alia  diversa  scandala  et  pericula  imminere  ;  —  exnunc  —  Concili- 
um, si  quod  —  BasilesE  coiigregatum  videatur,  —  dissolvimus,  —  aliudque  Conci- 
lium in  anno  cum  dimidio  —  in  praefata  civitate  Bononiensi  —  indicimus.  Et  nihi- 
lominus  in  decennio  aliud  simile  Concilium,  juxta  statuta  Constantiensis  synodi, — 
in  civitate  Avinionensi  similiter  extunc  indicimus. 

•*  The  order  of  business  was  regulated  somewhat  peculiarly  in  the  Articuli  de 
modo  procedendi  in  S.  Concilio  conclusi  in  gen.  Congregatione  d.  26  Sept.  1430 
(probably  1431),  see  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  377:  Primo  sint  quatuor  deputationes, 
sicuti  sunt,  inter  quas  omnes  dc  Concilio  distribuantur  fequaliter,  quantum  com- 
mode fieri  poterit.  Et  sint  in  qualibet  deputatione  de  quolibet  statu  scil.  Domi- 
norum  Cardinalium,  Patriarcharum,  Archiepiscoporum,  Abbatum,  Doctorum,  Re- 
ligiosorum,  exemptorum  et  non  exemptorum,  et  aliorum.  —  Nihil  autem  ardui 
proponat  Praesidens  in  congregatione  generali  ad  deliberandum  seu  concluden- 
dum,  nisi  prius  fuerit  propositum  in  singulis  deputationibus  et  agitatum  ;  nisi 
casus  asset  repentinus  et  talis,  cujus  mora  esset  nociva.  —  The  names  of  the  four 
deputations  were  :  Pro  Conimunibus,  Reformatorii,  Fidei,  Pads. 

»  Sess.  II.  on  the  15th  of  February,  1432  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  21)  the  two  first 
resolutions  of  the  Sess.  V.  Cone.  Const,  (see  §  130,  note  8)  were  renewed,  accord- 
ing to  which  the  council  was  set  above  the  Pope,  and  he  bound  to  obey  its 
decrees.  Further :  Synodus  Basiliensis  decernit  et  declarat,  quod  ipsa  pro  hajre- 
sum  extiipatione,  ac  niorum  generali  reformatione  Ecclesia;  in  capite  et  in  mera- 
bris,  necnon  pace  inter  Christianos  procuranda  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congre- 
gata  per  nullum,  quavis  auctoritate,  etiamsi  papali  dignitate  prasfulgeat,  dissolvi, 
aut  ad  alium  locum  transferri,  seu  ad  aliud  tempus  prorogari  debuit  aut  potuit, 
debet  aut  potest,  debebit  aut  poterit  in  futurum,  absque  ejusdem  Synodi  Basi- 
leensis  deliberatione  et  consensu.  Then:  Item  dilfinit,  —  quod  nulla  persona  — 
in  eadem  Synodo  actu  existens  aut  fiitura  —  ad  reccdendum  ab  eadem  a  quo- 
quam,  quavis  auctoritate  etiamsi  papali  dignitate  prsfulgeat, — sine — consensu 
ipsius  sanctas  Synodi  requiri, —  evocari  ad  alium  locum  —  valeat,  seu  ne  ad  ean- 
dem  saiictam  Synodum  veniat,  possit  aut  debeat  quomodolibet  impediri.  Si  autem 
a  quoquam,  quavis  auctoritate,  etiamsi  papali  dignitate  pra>fulgeat,  in  contrarium 
attentatum  fuerit,  seu  attentaretur  in  futurum,  aut  processus  pa-nales  vel  mandata, 
etiam  censuras  ecclesiastical  —  fuiminati  fuerint  —  aut  fulminarentur  in  futurum; 
totum  sit  irriturn  et  inane.  Finally,  quod  Praelati  et  alii,  qui  trnentur  huic  sacro 
Concilio  interesse,  ab  hoc  loco  ante  finitum  Concilium,  nisi  ex  causa  rationabili, 
per  deputatos  seu  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio  deputandos  examinandi,  non  recedant. — 
Et  tunc  taliter  recedens  teneatur  dimittere  aliis  in  loco  remanentibus  suam  pote- 
statem. 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.    %  131.     Eugenitis  IV.  189 

and  in  every  respect  the  position  taken  of  the  highest  ecclesiastical 
authority  i^  The  defenders  of  the  council,  however,  amongst  whom 
the  most  conspicuous  was  Nicolaus  Cusanus,  asserted  principles,  that 
threatened  the  very  foundation  of  the  papal   power.i-     Encouraged 

10  Sess  III.  on  the  29th  of  April,  1432  (1.  c.  p.  25) :  Haec  sancta  Synodus  in 
Spiritu  Sancto  le-itime  congregata  prsdictum  beatissimum  doniumui  PaP^ni  Eu- 
Sum  cum  omSi  reverentia  It  instantia  supplicat,  et  per  v.scera  mi.erieordia. 
JesTchS  exorat,  requirit,  et  obtestatur,  ac.nonet,  quatenus  p.-a.tensa.a  disso- 
luTonem  sicut  de  facto'  proces.it,  de  foc.o  -voeet :  -  necnon  in  ra  tnum  m^^^^^^ 
sium  spatium,  quod  ad  hoc  pro  ternnno  peremptorio  prsfigit  et  as.ignat,  s  coipo 
raUs  inC"di  positio  patiatur  personaliter  veniat :  sin  autem,  personam  vel  perso- 
na Ketvfce  sui  destine!  et  transmittat  cum  plenaria  potestate  ad  onmia  et 
Sno-ula  in  h^Concilio  peragcnda.  -  Alioquin  si  h^c  Sanctitas  Sua  facere  ne- 
SexerU  quod  de  ChristiVicario  non  est  aliquahter  sperandum),  sane  a  Synodus, 
fZt  uSiuevit  et  Spiritus  Sanctus  dictaverit,  necessitatibus  Ecclesi^  provi- 
Sere^cirlit  e  pro  edet  secundum  quod  juris  fuerit  divini  panter  et  hua.ani. 
Similite  -dominos  Cardinales  -  requirit,  -  quatenus  infra  spatium  trium  men- 
Sum  ab  intinSie  pra^sentium- ad  dictum  sacrum  Conciliun.  generale  vemant, 
etc. 

n  Sess    IV.  on  the  12tli  of  July,  1432,  it  was  resolved  (1.  c.  p.  32)    quod  in 
eventum  vacationis  Sedis  Apostolical  hoc  sacro  general!  durante  Concho  eect.o 
summ    Pontiticis  in  loco  istius  sacri  Concilii  tiat.  - /iem- s tatuit  et  ordinat  ip.a 
Svnodus    quod  de  cetero  in  Uteris  suis  authenticis  utatur  bulla  plumbea  pendente 
cum    chordula  cannabis    aut   serici,    prout   varietates    causarumet  rerum    super 
nuLs  littera.  ea^dem  conficientur,  postulabit,  in  uno  missioms  Spintus  ^ancti  m 
?pec  e  columba.,  in  alio  vero  lateribus  horum    verborum   Sacrosancta  gene^ahs 
Liodus  Basileensis  sculpturas  continente,  decernens  eisdem    plenam    et   omm- 
„o  am  tidem  adhibendam  fore,     /^em- statuit,- quod  durante  hoc  sacro  Con- 
dUo  Romanus  Pontifex,  a  loco  istius  sacri  Concilii  absens  personaliter,  non  debeat 
necpos    taliquem-ins.  Romana.  Ecclesi^e  Cardinalem  assumere.  -  E    s.  secu 
attentatum   fuerit,  ex  nunc  in  antea  irritum  sit  et  mane,  nullmsque   robons  vel 
moment.      The  synod  then  commissioned  the  Cardinalis  s.  Eustachn  with  the  gov- 
ernment of  Avignon   and   Benaissin,   cum   ad  ipsius  sacra.   Synodi  noitiam-sit 
rductun°    quod'  civitas  Avinionensis  -  certis  urgentibus  rationibus  et  causis  ne- 
cessaris  Vicarium    per    summum   Pontificem    ad   ipsius    regin.en   destinatum   se 
admi  tere  non  debere  pra^tendat,  atque  ad  eundem  summum  Pontificem  an.baxi- 
a?as  dest'naverit  pro  utili  et  salubri  gubernatione  civitatis  ejusdera  ac  conntatus 
Vena>^ini  eidem  adjacentis,  suppliciter  postulans,  ut  de  alio  utili  eis  providere- 
tur  Vicario,  quod  hucusque  obtinere  nequivit,  nee  sperat  posse  obtinere  :    quni- 
mmo  is  qu    m-o  Vicario  destinatus  est,  intendit  et  nititur  suscipere  gubernation.s 
officium  invita  civitate,  congregare  satagens  multitudinem  gentium  armatarun.. 

12  Nicolaus  Chryfftz  (or  Crab),  a  native  of  Eues  on  the  Mosel,  bo™  1^01' 
^  1464  (Berichtioungen  u.  Zusfige  zu  s.  Lebensbeschreibungen  in  d  Tubinger 
S^eol  Quartalschrift.  Jahrs.  1831.  Heft  2,  S.  .386),  who  was  present  a  the  coun- 
dl  S  ■  Decanus  of  St.  Florfnus  in  Coblentz,  wrote  now  his  libb.  Ill  de  cathohea 
concorLtiaCinejusd.Opp.  Paris.  1514.  fol.  T.  Ill  -d 'n  ^.n  ^^^-^'^Syn- 
tao-ma  tractatuum  de  imperiali  urisdictione.  Argent.  1609.  lol.  p  285).  Comp. 
e  £  the  following  principles,  lib.  II.  c.  34:  Universale  Concilium  cathohea. 
Ecciesia.  supremam  habet  potestatem  in  omnibus  super  ipsum  Romanum  Pontifi- 
cem -Licet  secundum  plura  Sanctorum  scripta  potestas  Romani  Pontihcis  a  Deo 
sit  et  secundum  alia  ab  homine  et  Conciliis  umversalibus  (comp.  vol.  I.  §  92, 
notes  15  -^9  and  64)  :  tamen  videtur  in  veritate  medium  concprdantu-e  per  scnptu- 
ras  investf-abile  ad  hoc  demum  tendere,  quod  ipsius  Pontificis  Roniam  potestas, 
quoad  considerationem  prseminentia.  prioratus  et  principalus  sit  a  D^o  per  me- 
dium hominis  et  Conciliorum,  scilicet  mediante  consessu  electivo.  -  Unde  etsi 
Romanus  Pontifex,  avit  ex  loco  et  sede  Petri,  aut  principatu  civitatis  inter  csteros 
mundi  Episcopos  in  primatu  ut  pra^cipuus  -  veneraretur  :  tamen  nisi  subjective  ex 
Tnsensu  concurreret  electio  per  eos,  qui  aliorum  ommum  vices  gerunt,  non  cre- 
derem,  ipsum  praesidem  aliorum  omnium  et  principem  sive  judicem  esse.     Quare 


190  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

by  the  universal  approbation  its  measures  met  with,^>^  the  council 
next  proceeded  from  admonitions  to  tlireats,  and  then  to  a  formal 
trial  of  the  Pope.^^  He,  on  his  part,  seemed  bent  on  obstinate  opposi- 
tion, but  pressed  by  the  Duke  of  Milan  and  the  rebellious  Romans,  who 
made  the  defence  of  the  council  a  ready  pretext  for  their  designs, ^^ 
and  deserted  by  a  great  part  of  his  cardinals, ^"^  he  was  nevertheless 

si  per  possibile  Treverensis  Archiepiscopus  per  Ecclesiam  congregatam  pro  prse- 
side  et  capite  eligeretiir,  ille  proprie  plus  successor  s.  Petri  in  principatu  foret, 
quam  Romanus  Pontifex.  Lib.  III.  c.  2:  Sunt  meo  judicio  ilia  de  Constantino 
(the  Donatio  Constantini)  apocrypha,  sicut  fortassis  etiam  qua;dam  alia  longa  et 
magna  scripta,  Sanctis  Cleinenti  et  Anacleto  Paps  attributa,  in  quibus  volentes 
Romanam  sedem  omni  laude  dignam  plus,  quani  Ecclesice  sanctae  expedit  et  decet, 
exaltare,  se  penitus  aut  quasi  fundant. 

'3  Thus  the  university  of  Paris  wrote  to  the  Council  9  Febr.  1432  (Bulcei  hist. 
Univ.  Paris.  V.  p.  412),  that  it  had  heard,  plerosque  tilios  iniquitatis  ad  ipsum  totis 
adspirare  conatibus,  ut  sanctum  ac  salutare  Concilium  —  prorogetur,  aut  transfera- 
tur,  et  verius,  penitus  irritetur  atque  dissipetur.  —  Non  itaque,  Venerandi  Patres, 
torpescant  corda  vestra,  non  frangantur  aniuii!  —  Si  autem  Romanus  Pontifex  illud 
propria  auctoritate  vellet  dissolvere  atque  dissipare  ante  plenariam  digestionem 
articulorum  inccptorum,  non  eidem  putamus  in  ea  re,  salva  scdis  auctoritate,  esse 
obtemperandum,  sed  potius  in  facie,  si  opus  esset,  resistendum,  sicut  Paulus,  qui 
signum  tenet  Doctoruni,  Petro  in  facie  restitit,  figuram  gei-enti  Pontificum.  Etsi 
enim  summus  Pontifex  in  Concilio  praeemineat  atque  prasideat,  non  sueb  tamen 
facultatis  est  ad  arbitrium  concludere,  sed  ad  ampliorem  numerum  concordium 
sententiarum. 

>^  The  Pope  was  defended  on  the  22d  of  Aug.  1432,  before  a  Congregatio  gen. 
by  the  archbishops  of  Colocz  and  Tarento,  who  had  come  to  Basil  at  the  head  of  a 
papal  embassy.  Tbcir  speeches  are  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  468  seq.  To  these  the 
council  returned  a  Responsio  synodalis  de  auctoritate  cujuslibet  Concihi  generalis 
supra  Papam  et  quoslibet  fideles,  quodque  sine  ejus  consensu  non  potuit  dissolvere 
Concilium  Basileense  Dominus  Eugenius  Papa  IV.  (in  Rlansi  XXIX.  p.  239  seq). 
In  the  Sess.  VI.  on  the  6th  of  Sept.  (1.  c.  p.  39)  the  Promotores  Concilii  proposed 
to  declare  the  Pope  and  the  absent  cai-dinals  contumaces :  the  council  was  not  yet 
ready,  however,  for  such  a  step,  and  once  more  called  on  the  Pope,  Sess.  VIII.  on 
the  18th  oi  Dec,  to  submit  within  60  days.  Sess.  X.  on  the  19th  of  Febr.  1433, 
it  was  resolved  on  tlie  motion  of  the  Pi-omotores :  haec  s.  Synodus  judices  hujus 
sacri  Concilii  deputat  et  ordinat  ad  videndum  et  ad  examinandum  processum  factum 
contra  eundeiii  dominum  Eugenium,  et  referant  in  Congregatione  generali.  Sess. 
XII.  July  14.  1433  (1.  c.  p.  59)  Synodus  —  amodo  in  dictum  Dominum  Eugenium 
acrioribus  remediis,  quandoquidem  leniora  non  prosunt,  proccdere  decrevit.  Et 
quamquam  in  tam  notorie  et  incorrigibiliter  scandalizantem  Ecclesiam  stalim  posset 
tinaleni  ferre  sententiam,  nesciens  tamen  materuK  pietatis  oblivisci,  intuitu  etiam 
pra;fati  Serenissimi  Imperatoris,  qui  per  suas  litteras  super  hoc  nos  exacte  rogavit, 
adhuc  ipsum  Dominum  Eugenium  tertio  monere,  ac  etiam  tertiam  ei  indulgere 
dilationem  proponit,  ut  in  sua  potestate  sit,  si  velit,  posnam  evitare.  He  is  allowed 
therefore  a  further  term  of  60  days,  and  thi-eatened  after  that  with  suspension,  pro- 
cessura  tandem  ad  ulteriora,  usque  ad  sententiam  tinalem  inclusive,  si  opus  fuerit, 
ipso  Domino  Eugenio  amplius  non  citato,  prout  Spiritus  Sanctus  dictaverit :  omnem 
autem  ipsius  Papatus  administrationem  in  his  omnibus,  quae  in  spiiitualibus  et 
temporalibus  ad  solum  Papam,  vel  ad  solam  sedem  Apostolicam  de  jure  pertinere 
noscuntur,  eadem  sancta  Synodus  post  dictum  terminum  ad  seipsam  decernit  et 
declarat  ipso  facto  esse  devolutam.  Sess.  XIII.  Sept.  11,  1433,  a  new  term  of  30 
days  was  allowed  him,  and  Sess.  XIV.  Nov.  7,  1433,  another  of  90  days. 

>5  Raynald.  ann.  1433,  no.  26;  1434,  no.  6. 

**  Aiitonini  summa  hist.  P.  III.  Tit.  22.  Cap.  10.  §  2:  Et  cu!n  nee  satis  fama 
prospera  Eugenii  foret,  praesertim  quia  Pontiticatum  tianquillissimum  a  Martino 
susceptum  ipse  confestim  magnis  perturbationihus  involvisset :  Cardinales  plures 
ab  eo  recesserunt,  aliqui  clam  insalutato  hospite,  alii  patenter  occasione  inventa 
alicujus  bonae  rei  fiendae,  et  Basileam  pergentes  —  simul  cum  multis  aliis  Episcopis 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  131.     Eugenius  IV.  191 

forced  to  yield.i"     On  this  (Sess.  XVII.  April  26,  1434)  the  papal 

legates  were  at  length  admitted,   but  not  till  they   had  assented   to 

the  effective   measures  taken  by  the   council  to  secure  its  indepen- 
dence.i^ 


et  Prffilatis  convenerunt.  Some  details  are  communicated  by  the  ambassador  of 
the  Teutonic  Order  to  his  Grand-master,  see  Raumer's  Taschcnbuch  for  1833,  §  75. 
According  to  his  account  only  four  cardinals  remained  with  the  Pope. 

'7  The  emperor  Sii^ismund  exerted  himself  particularly  to  induce  the  Pope  to 
yield    but  at  first  without  effect,  see  Eugenii  epist.  ad  Franc.  Foscarem  ducem 
Venetiarum  in  Rnynald.  ann.  1433,  no.  19.  Primum  — cum  (Imperator)  institisset 
nobiscum  Uteris  et  nunciis,  ut  Concilio  illi  h»reremus  omnino,  hoc  recusavimus : 
potius   enim  banc  Apostolicam   dignitatem   et  vitam  insuper  posuissemus,  quam 
voluissemus   esse  causa  et  initium,    ut    pontificalis    dignitas  et  sedis  Apostohcae 
auctoritas  submitteretur  Concilio  contra  onines  canonicas  sanctiones,  quod  nunquam 
antea  neque  aliquis  nostrorum  pri'decessorum  fecit,  neque  ab  ullo  extitit  requisi- 
tum.     Sfill  he  issued  on  the  1st  of  Aug.  1433,  the  bull  Dudum  (Mansi  XXIX.  p. 
574)  declaring:  volumus  et  contentamur,  prasfatum  generale  Basileense  Concilium 
a  tempore  inchoationis  sua;  continuatum  fuisse  et  esse,  prosecutionemque  semper 
habuisse  et  continuari,  proseculionemque  ad  prffidicta  habere  debere,  permde  ac  si 
nulla  commutatio,  translatio  seu  dissolutio  facta  fuisset:  quinunmo  pra^fatam  com- 
mutationem,  translationem,  seu  dissolutionem  revocantes  ipsum  Concilium  Basi- 
leense  pure,  simpliciter,  cum  effectu  ac  omni  caritate  amplect wwr  : —  ita.  tamen 
quod  prajsidentes  nostri  ad  praefati  Concilii  prxsidcntiam  admittantur  cum  effectu, 
ac  oinnia   singula  contra    personam,  auctoritatein  ac  libertatem  nostram  et  sedis 
ApostolicEE  ac  venn.  fratrum  nostrorum  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium,  et  aliorum  quorum- 
cunque  nobis  adha?rentium  in  dicto  Concilio  facta  et  gesta  per  dictum  Concilium 
prius  omnino  tollantur.     The   council  was  not  satisfied,  however,  with  this  bull, 
and  on  the  Sess.  XIV.  Nov.  7,  1433  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  72)  proposed  to  the  Pope 
various  forms  for  the  declaration  they  desired,  from  which  to  choose  ;  and  on  the 
16th  of  Dec   the  Pope  issued  a  new  edition  of  the  bull  Dudum,  altered  according 
to  those  suggestions  (Mansi,  1.  c.  p.  78).     This  reads  :  decernimus  et  declaramus, 
prffifatum    generale    Concilium    Basileense    a  tempore   prsdictas  inchoatioms  suae 
lesitime  continuatum  fuisse  et  esse,  piosecutionemque  semper  habuisse,  continuari 
ac  prosecufionem  habere  debere  ad   prtedicta  et  pertinentia  ad  ea,  perinde  ac  si 
nulla  dis-olutio  facta  fuisset:  quinimmo  prajfatam  dissolutionem  irritam  et  inanem 
—  dedarantes,  ipsum  sacrum  generale  Concilium  Basileense  pure,  simpliciter  et 
cum  effectu  ac  omni  devotione'et  favore  prosequimur.  —  Pvxterea  —  <lua»  nostras 
literas  —  et  aUas  quascunque,  et  quidquid  per  nos  aut  nostro  nomine  in  prsjudicium 
aut  de'rogationem  pra;dicti  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis,  seu  contra  ejus  auctoritatem 
factum  et  attentatum  seu  assertum  est,  cassamus,  revocamus,  irritamus  et  annulla- 
mus.  — Item   revocamus  quoscumque    processus  —  factos  contra   supposita   hujus 
sacri  Concilii  Basileensis  et  adhsrentes  eidem.  — Nos  autem  deinceps  a  novitatibus 
et  gravaminibus  seu  prsjudiciis  inferendis  ipsi  sacro  Concilio,  vel  suppositis  ejus 
et  adhaerentibus  eidem  realiter  et  cum  effectu  desistemus.     The  bulls  which  are 
thus  repealed  are  inserted  at  length. 

18  In  the  first  place  the  legates  had  first  to  swear  in  a  general  Congregation  on 
the  8th  of  April  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  409),  fideliter  laborare  pro  statu  et  honore 
ConciUi  Basileen^s,  et  ejus  decreta  defendere  et  manutenere,  et  specialiter  decre- 
tum  Concilii  Constantiensis,  cujus  tenor  sequitur  et  est  talis  :  Primo  quod  genera- 
lis  Synodu$  Constaiitiensis  necnon  qucECunque  aha  Synodus  in  Spiritu  Sancto 
Ie<^iti>ne  congregata  —potestatem  a  Christo  immediate  habet,  etc.  —  Item  de- 
clarat,  quodquicumque,  cujuscumque  status  et  dignitatis,  etc.  (see  §  130.  note  8). 
Item  dare  sanum  et  salubre  consilium  secundum  Deum  et  conscientias  suas,  et  nop 
revelare  vota  singulorum,  inquantum  ex  hujusmodi  revelatione  vensimihter  possit 
oriri  aliquod  odium  vel  scandalum,  et  non  recedere  a  loco  hujus  Concilu  sine 
licentia  obtenta  a  deputatis  ejusdem.  They  were  then  admitted  to  the  council  in 
the  following  manner,  Sess.  XVII.  26th  of  Apr.  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  90):  Sacro- 
sancta  gene  rails  Synodus  Basileensis,  in  Spiritu  Sancto  legitime  congregata  um- 
versalem  Ecclesiam  reprssentans,  dilectos  Ecclesiae  filios  Nicolaum  tit.  s.  Crucis 


192  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

And  now  the  council,  by  this  time  grown  very  numerous,  proceeded 
to  take  up  in  earnest  the  measures  of  reform,  so  much  agitated,  but 
so  imperfectly  carried  through  at  the  Council  of  Constance.^''  As 
early  as  Sess.  XII.  July  13,  1433,  most  of  the  papal  reservations 
were  abolished  ;  -"  Sess.  XV.  Nov.  26,  1433,  regular  diocesan  and 

in  Jerusalem  presbyterum,  Julianum  s.  Angeli  diaconum,  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiae 
Cardinales,  et  venerabiles  Joannein  Archiepiscopum  Tarentinuni  et  PeU-uin  Epis- 
copuni  Padiianum,  ac  dilectuiu  Ecclesia;  tilium  Ludovicum  Abbatem  s.  Justina; 
Paduanas  tantum  adinittit  in  Prssidentes  in  hoc  sacio  Concilio,  nomine,  vice  et 
loco  sanctissinii  Domini  Eugenii  P.  IV.  cum  infiascriptis  conditionibus  et  clausulis, 
plenissimum  robur  et  effectuin  per  omnia  habituiis,  videlicet,  sine  omni  jurisdic- 
tionc  coactiva,  salvo  etiam  modo  pioccdcndi  in  hoc  sacio  Concilio  hactenus  obser- 
vato,  pr;tsertiin  qui  continetur  in  ordinationibus  hiijus  s.  Concilii,  qus  incipiunt : 
Prima  sint  nuntuor  dep^Uat tones  (see  above,  note  8).  —  Item  quod  lectis  in  con- 
gregatione  general!  his  qua;  conclusa  sunt  per  dcputationes  primus  inter  Praesi- 
den^es  ibidem  pra;sentes  —  concludat  juxta  ordinationes  sacri  Concilii.  Quod  si 
nolit  ipse  aut  alius  de  Pra;sidentibus  —  foccre,  tunc  proximior  Pra?latus  subsequens 
in  ordine  consideiidi  concludat.  —  Et  si  forte  nullus  de  Proesidentibus  veniat  ad 
congregationem,  vel  ad  sessionem  generalis  Concilii,  tunc  primus  Prslatus  —  pro 
illo  die  faciat  officium  PrKsidentis.  Item  quod  omnia  acta  hujus  sacri  Concilii 
(sicut  hactenus  est  observatum)  fiant  et  expediantur  sub  nomine  et  bulla  ipsius 
Concilii. 

13  Propositions  for  such  reform  were  sent  to  Cardinal  Julian  by  Andreas  de 
Escobar,  Episc.  Megarensis  (his  trUe  name  according  to  Nicol.  Antonii  biblioth. 
Hisp.  and  not  as  v.  d.  Hardt  gives  it,  Episc.  Magorensis),  who  had  been  very 
active  at  the  council  of  Constance,  in  his  Gubernaculum  Conciliorum  (in  v.  d. 
Hardt  Cone.  Const.  T.  VI.  p.  139  seq.)  A.  D.  1434  (not  1435,  see  p.  177  and  1S6). 
Remarkable  the  passage,  p.  182:  Et  timendum  est,  quod  ante  diem  judicii,  et  in 
brevi  (Romana  Ecclesia),  nisi  super  earn  fiat  reformatio  et  reparatio,  desoletur  et 
foras  mittatur  et  ab  hominibus  conculcetur.  Quia  penitus  ab  illis  fundamentis 
Sanctorum  et  Apostolorum,  Martyrum  et  Confessorum,  et  Jesu  Christi  ac  patrum 
nostrorum  et  majorum  doctrinis,  et  regulis  conscientiK  aliena,  et  omnibus  vitiis  et 
turpitudinibus  defoedata.  p.  186  :  Si  (generale  Basileense  Concilium)  absque  refor- 
matione  dissolvatur,  tunc  certe  speratur,  quod  sancta  Romana  Ecclesia  et  Apostolica 
—  spoliabitur  suis  ornanientis  et  possessionibus  temporalibus,  et  Clerus  et  Apostolica 
Ecclesia  privabitur  suis  bonis  et  privilegiis,  ac  libertatibus,  et  erit  sub  servitute 
peccati  ac  tribute  census  et  nummi,  et  turbabitur  ac  nimium  fluctuabit  Petri  navi- 
cula,  quae  in  se  Judam  et  Simonem  recepit,  qui  generalibus  Conciliis  contradicunt, 
et  ea  dissolvere  satagunt,  et  ne  fiant  iniposterum,  impediunt. 

20  The  Decretum  do  electionibus  et  confirmationibus  Episcoporum  et  Praelato- 
rum  (in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  61)  abolishes  the  papal  Reservations,  reservationibus  in 
corpore  juris  clausis,  et  his  qua;  in  teriis  Romanas  Ecclesiaj  ratione  directi  seu  utilis 
dominii  mediate  vel  immediate  subjectis  fieri  contigerit,  semper  exceptis,  and 
provides,  quod  per  electiones  et  confirmationes  canonicas,  secundum  juris  com- 
munis disposilionem,  prnedictis  Metropolitanis,  Cathedralibus,  Monasteriis,  et  colle- 
giatis  Ecclesiis  ac  dignitatibus  electivis  vacantibus  debite  provideatur.  —  Decer- 
nitque  htec  s.  Synodus  rationi  fore  consentaneum  et  reipublicas  accommodum,  ut 
contra  hoc  salutare  decretum  Romanus  Pontifex  nihil  attcntet,  nisi  ex  magna, 
rationabili  ac  evidenti  causa,  litteris  Apostolicas  nominatim  exprimenda.  Et  ut  eo 
firmius  hoc  salubre  decretum  custodiatur,  vult  eadem  s.  Synodus,  ut  inter  alia, 
quae  Romanus  Pontifex  in  sua  assumptione  pi-ofitebitur,  juret  decretum  hoc  invio- 
labiliter  observare.  Then  follow  provisions  concerning  the  choice  of  prelates. 
Nothing  whatever  is  to  be  paid  for  their  confirmation.  Sumraum  vero  Pontificem 
hJEC  s.  Synodus  exhortatur,  ut,  cum  speculum  et  norma  omnis  sanctitatis  et  mun- 
ditiae  esse  debeat,  pro  confirmatione  earum  electionum,  quas  ad  eum  deferri  conti- 
gerit, nihil  penitus  exigat  aut  recipiat :  alioquin,  si  secus  faciendo  notorie  et 
incorrigibiliter  ex  hoc  Ecclesiam  scandalizet,  futuio  Concilio  deferatur.  Pro  one- 
ribus  autem,  quae  ipsuni  pro  regimine  universalis  Ecclesia;  subire  oportet,  proque 
sustentatione  S.  R.  E.  Cardinalium  ct  aliorumnecessariorum  officialium  hoc  sacrum 
Concilium  ante  sui  dissolutionem  omnino  debite  ct  congruenter  provideat. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §   131.   Council  of  Basil.   Eugenius  IV.     193 

provincial  synods  were  prescribed;-'  Sess.  XX.  Jan.  22,  1435, 
resolutions  were  passed  against  tlie  concubinage  of  the  clergy ,^^ 
against  the  precipitate  promulgation  of  interdicts,-^  and  against  un- 
grounded appeals  to  the  Pope.-'  Sess.  XXI.  June  9,  Annates  were 
abolished,'-^'^  and  certain  abuses  which  had  crept  into  the  mode  of 
celebrating  public   worship,  forbidden.-*^     Sess.  XXIII.    March  25, 

^'  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  74: — s.  Synodus  —  praecipit,  Synoduni  Episcopalem  in 
qualibet  dicecesi  post  octavas  dominicaj  Resurrectionis,  vel  alia  die  secundum 
consuetudinem  dioecesum,  ad  minus  scniel  in  anno,  ubi  non  est  consuetudo  bis 
annuatini,  cclebraii  per  dicecesanuni  piopria  in  persona.  They  must  continue  at 
least  two  or  three  days,  and  employ  themselves  with  enforcing  tiie  decrees  of  the 
chiirch,  examining  the  moi-als  of  the  priests,  correcting  abuses,  extirpating  here- 
sies, &c.  For  these  purposes  testes  synodales  were  to  be  called  on  oath.  —  Pro- 
vincial synods  were  to  be  held  at  least  every  three  years. — The  monastic  orders 
also  were  to  hold  their  Capitula  regularly. 

^2  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  101.  Sess.  XX.  Deer.  1.  Every  priest,  who  should  con- 
tinue two  months  after  the  publication  of  this  oi-der  to  live  in  open  concubinage, 
was  to  be  ipso  facto  suspended  a  perceptione  fructuum  omnium  suorum  benelicio- 
rum  for  three  months,  and  if  on  being  warned  he  should  not  immediately  put  away 
his  concubine,  to  be  deposed.  Quia  vero  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nonnulli  juris- 
dictionem  ecclesiasticam  habentes,  pecuniarios  quEestus  a  concubinariis  percipere 
non  erubescunt,  patiendo  eos  in  tali  foeditate  sordescere  (see  §  107,  note  9)  :  sub 
poena  maledictionis  asternae  prajcipit,  ne  deinceps  sub  pacto,  compositione,  aut  spe 
alicujus  quasstus,  talia  quovis  modo  tolerent  aut  dissimulent :  alioquin  ultra  prse- 
missam  negligentiiE  pocnam  duplum  ejus,  quod  propterea  acceperint,  restituere  ad 
pios  usus  omnino  teneantur  et  compellantur.  Ipsas  autem  concubinas  —  Praslati 
modis  omnibus  curent  a  suis  subditis,  etiam  per  brachii  sajcularis  auxilium,  si  opus 
fuerit,  penitus  arcere  :  qui  etiam  ex  tali  concubinatu  procreatos  filios  apud  patres 
sues  cohabitare  non  permittant. 

^  Deer.  3 :  Quoniam  ex  indiscreta  interdictorum  promulgatione  multa  consue- 
verunt  scandala  evenire,  statuit  haec  sancta  Synodus,  quod  nulla  civitas,  oppidum, 

—  aut  locus  ecclesiastico  supponi  possint  interdicto,  nisi  ex  causa  seu  culpa  ipsorura 
locorum,  aut  domini  seu  rectorum  vel  officialium  :  propter  culpam  autem  —  alterius 
cujuscunque  private  persona;  hujusmodi  loca  interdici  nequaquam  possint,  —  nisi 

—  domini  seu  rectores  —  ipsorum  locorum,  auctoritate  judicis  requisiti,  hujusmodi 
personam  excommunicatam  infra  biduum  inde  —  non  ejecerint,  aut  ad  satisfacien- 
dum compulerint. 

^^  Deer.  4 :  Ut  lites  citius  terminentur,  super  eodem  gravamine,  aut  super 
eadem  interlocutoria  vim  diffinitivK  non  habentc  nullatcnus  liceat  secundo  appel- 
lare.  Quodque  ante  difJinitivam  frivole  vel  injuste  appellans,  ultra  condemnatio- 
nem  expensarum,  damnorum,  et  interesse,  in  quindecira  florenis  auri  de  camera 
parti  appellate  per  appellationis  judicem  condemnetur. 

^  Mansi  XXIX.  p,  104.  Sess.  XXI.  Deer.  1.  de  annatis  :  In  nomine  Spiritus 
Sancti  paracleti  statuit  hsec  sancta  Synodus,  quod  tam  in  curia  Romana  quam  alibi 
pro  seu  in  confirmatione  electionum,  admissione  postulationum,  prEesentationum 
provisione,  coUatione,  dispositione,  electione,  postulatione,  praesentatione,  etiam  a 
laicis  facienda,  institutione,  installatione,  et  investitura,  de  Ecclesiis  etiam  cathe- 
dralibus  et  metropolitanis,  Monasteriis,  —  officiisque  ecclesiasticis  quibuscumque, 
necnon  ordinibus  sacris  et  benedictione  ac  pallio,  de  cajtero  nihil  penitus  ante  vel 
post  exigatur  ratione  literarum,  bullas,  sigilli,  annatarum  communium,  et  minuto- 
rum  servitioruni,  primorum  fructuum,  deportuum,  aut  sub  quocumque  alio  titulo. 

—  Huic  autem  sacro  canoni  si  quis  —  contraire  prssumpserit,  pcenam  incurrat 
adveisus  simoniacos  inflictam.  —  Et  si  (quod  absit)  Romanus  Pontifex,  qui  prae 
cffiteris  universalium  Conciliorum  exequi  et  custodire  canones  debet,  adversus 
hanc  sanctionem  aliquid  faciendo  Ecclesiam  scandalizet,  genei'ali  Concilio  deferatur. 
Caeteri  vero  pro  modo  culpa  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  per  suos  superiores  digna 
ultione  puniantur. 

^  Namely,  in  suspending  the  horae  canonicae  and  the  masses.     Deer.  9  forbids 
the  abuse,  quo  nonnulli  Ecclesiarum  Canonici  contrahentes  debita,  sic  se  creditori- 
voL.  III.  25 


194  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

1436,  regulations  were  made  concerning  the  choice  of  the  Pope, 
the  oath  to  be  taken  by  him,  and  the  duties  of  his  office,-'''  also  con- 
cerning the  cardinals,-*^  and  an  unconditional  j)rohibition  of  the  papal 
Reservations,    which    had    before    been    abolished.-^     Such   decided 

bu3  obligant,  ut  nisi  statute  tempore  satisfaciant,  a  divinis  cessetur  offieiis.  Deer.  11 
forbids  the  Fools  Festival  (see  §  79)  :  Turpem  etiain  ilium  abusum  in  quibusdam  fre- 
quentatum  Ecclesiis,  quo  certis  anni  cclebritatibus  nonnulli  cum  niitra,  baculo  ac 
vestibus  pontillcalibus  more  Episcoporum  benedieunt,  alii  in  reges  ac  duces  induit, 
quod  testum  fatuorum,  vel  innocentum  sen  puei-orum  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nun- 
cupatur,  alii  larvales  et  theatrales  jocos,  alii  choreas  et  tripudia  marium  ac  mulierum 
facientes  homines  ad  spectacula  et  cachinnaliones  movent,  alii  commessaliones  et 
convivia  ibidem  praparant :  ha;c  s.  Synodus  detestans,  statuit  et  jubet  tam  Ordina- 
riis,  quam  Ecclesiarum  Decanis  et  Kectoribus  sub  p(Bna  suspensionis  omnium 
proventuum  ecclesiasticorum  triuni  niensium  spatio,  ne  ha;c  aut  similia  ludibria, 
neque  etiam  mercantias  seu  negotiationes  nundinarum  in  Ecclesia,  quaj  domus 
orationis  esse  debet,  ac  etiam  ccemeterio  exerceri  amplius  permittant,  transgresso- 
resque  per  censuram  ecclesiasticam,  aliaque  juris  remedia  punire  non  negligant. 

"  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  110.  Sess.  XXIII.  Deer.  1.  de  electione  summi  Pontificis. 
C.  2.  The  Pope  when  elected  must  subscribe  the  proiessio  which  follows  in 
the  next  chapter.  This  is  the  same  prescribed  at  Constance  (§  130,  note  15)  with 
some  additions.  He  promises  first,  to  pi-ovide  for  purity  of  doctrine,  observance  of 
the  usages  of  the  church,  and  the  extirpation  of  heresies,  pro  reformatione  morum 
ac  pace  in  populo  Christiano.  Then  :  juro  etiam  prosequi  celebrationem  Concilio- 
rum  generalium  et  confirmationem  electionum  juxta  decreta  sacri  Basileensis 
Concilii.  At  each  anniversary  of  his  election,  this  professio  was  to  be  i-ead  to  him 
by  one  of  the  cardinals  during  mass,  with  the  following  exhortations :  Curet  igitur 
Sanclitas  Tua,  pro  honore  Dei,  et  salute  anima;  Tua;,  et  utilitate  universalis  Eccle- 
sia? praedicta  omnia  pro  viribus  observare  bona  fide,  sine  dolo  et  fraude.  Recogites 
etiam,  cujus  vicem  geras  in  terris,  etc.  —  Memineris  quid  b.  Petrus  aliique  sibi 
succedentes  Pontifices  fecerunt,  qui  nihil  aliud  cogitabant,  nisi  honorem  Dei,  etc. 
—  Noli  Ti!)i  aut  tuis  thesaurizare  in  terris,  etc.  —  In  distribuendis  dignitatibus  et 
beneficiis  non  carnem,  non  munera,  non  quid  aliud  temporale,  sed  solum  Deum, 
et  virtutes  atque  hominum  merita  Tibi  proponas.  In  corrigendis  excessibus  eccle- 
siasticam exerce  disciplinam.  —  Pauperes  autem  ac  miserabiles  personas  defends, 
juva  et  sustenta.  Ad  omnes  autem  paternam  habe  caritatcm.  Then  follow  full 
directions  from  the  council  for  the  government  of  the  church  and  its  territories. 

^  Deer.  4.  ds  numero  et  qualitate  Cardinalium.  The  provi'^ions  of  the  Council 
of  Constance  are  first  repeated  (§  130,  note  19).  Then  an  oath  is  prescribed  for 
the  newly  elected  cardinals,  and  directions  given  to  the  cardinals,  in  what  manner 
they  were  to  support  the  Pope  in  the  government  of  the  church,  and  how  they 
were  themselves  to  live.  E.  g.  Si  quando  Papani  (quod  absit)  negligentem  aut 
reniissum,  seu  agentem  quaj  statum  illius  non  decent,  ipsi  Cardinales  inspexerint, 
filiali  reverentia  et  caritate  tanquam  patrem  obsecrent,  ut  officio  pastorali  hono- 
rique  ac  debito  suo  satisfaciat.  Et  primo  quidem  aliquis  vel  aliqui  de  iis  per  se, 
deinde  si  se  non  corrigat,  omnes  collegialiter  accersitis  quibusdam  notabilibus 
Pr*latis,  pra^dicentes,  quod  si  non  abstinuerit  proximo  generali  Concilio  deferant : 
nee  pro  salute  ipsius  Sumni  Pontificis  et  bono  publico  ejus  odium  vel  quidquam 
aliud  timeant,  dum  tamen  reverenter  et  caritative  id  agant. 

29  Deer.  6.  de  rcservationibus  (see  note  20,  above).  Et  quia  multiplices  Eccle- 
siarum et  Beneficiorum  hactenus  factEe  per  summos  Pontifices  reservationes  non 
parum  Ecclesiis  onerosas  extiterunt;  ipsas  omnes  tam  generales  quam  speciales 
sive  particulares  de  quibuscumque  Ecclesiis  et  Beneficiis,  quibus  tam  per  electio- 
nem,  quam  collationem,  aut  aliam  dispositionem  provider!  solet,  sive  per  Extrava- 
o-antes  Jld  regimen  et  Execrahilia,  sive  per  regulas  Cancellariae,  aut  alias  Apos- 
tolicas  constitutiones  introductas,  ha;c  s.  Sjaiodus  abolet,  statuens  ut  de  cstero 
nequaquam  fiant :  rcservationibus  in  corpore  juris  expresse  clausis,  et  his,  quas  in 
terris  Komana;  EcclesiEe  ratione  directi  seu  utilis  dominii,  mediate  vel  immediate 
subjectis  fieri  contigerit,  duntaxat  exceptis.  This  was  just  what  the  Germans  had 
asked  at  the  Council  of  Constance  in  their  Avisamentis  (see  §  130,  note  18)  v.  d. 


Chap.  I.   Papacy.  §  131-   Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV.     195 

steps  brought  the  council   once   more  into  collision  with  the  Pope, 
each  party  complaining  of  the  encroachments  of  the   other.-^^     The 

Hardt  I.  XXII.  p.  999),  and  been  refused,  see  the  Concordat  with  the  Germans 
at  Constance,  cap.  2  (§  130,  note  19). 

^°  The  Council  strove  long  in  vain  to  prevail  on  the  Pope  formally  to  acknowl- 
edge its  decrees,  especially  the  decree  de  electionibus  (note  20),  and  to  this  end 
sent  to  him  several  embassies  (the  names  of  the  ambassadors  see  in  Mansi  XXX. 
p.  1064).  The  speeches  of  the  fourth  embassy,  which  consisted  of  Jo.  de  Hun- 
garia  Deer.  Doctor,  and  Mag.  Matthsus  Mesnage,  to  which  the  Pope  gave 
audience  on  the  14thof  July,  1435, ai-e  full  of  reproaches  and  threats  (Mansi  XXX. 
p.  939) :  Si  Sanctitas  Vestra  non  servaret  decretum  de  electionibus  per  sacrum 
Concilium  promulgatum,  timendum  foret,  quod  infra  decem  aut  quindecim  annos  s. 
catholica  Ecclesia  divisa  reperiatur  in  tot  partes  quot  sunt  dioeceses.  Wherefore 
they  pray  quatenus  Sanctitas  Vestra  deinceps  cum  effectu  servare  et  servari 
facere  velit  decreta  edita  et  edenda  per  sacrum  Concilium  Basileense,  et  in  con- 
trarium  attenta  revocare,  alioquin  P.  B.  dicta  sacra  Synodus  multiplicibus  jurgio- 
ruiu  ac  scandalorum  crebris  propulsata  opprobriis,  intendit  dare  operam  etficacem, 
per  quam  decreta  sua  ab  omnibus  inviolabiliter  observentur,  etiam  quacumque 
praifulgeant  dignitate,  prout  ei  possibile  erit.  —  In  omnibus  autem  Sanctitas  Vestra 
velit  sic  agere,  quod  patres  in  sacro  Concilio  concipere  valeant,  Sanctitateni 
Vestram  manutenere  sacrum  Concilium,  et  non  per  indirectum  dissolvere.  At  the 
same  time  the  embassy  presented  the  decree  de  annatis  (see  note  25),  admonished 
the  Pope  to  observe  it,  and  at  the  same  time  announced  :  Sacrum  concilium  omnino 
dispositum  est,  et  jam  laborat,  per  aliquem  alium  modum  honestiorem  Sanctitati 
Vestra  et  Dominis  Cardinalibus  talem  facere  provisionem,  de  qua  Sanctitas  Vestra 
et  Domini  Cardinales  merito  poterunt  contentari :  prssertim  autem  si  sacrum  Con- 
cilium informatum  fuerit,  realiter  et  cum  effectu  Sanctitateni  vestram  decreta  sacri 
Concilii  Basileensis  servare  ab  aliisque  observari  facere,  et  in  contrarium  attentata 
revocare.  The  Pope  then  sent  Oratores  to  Basle,  to  demand  (Mansi  XXX.  p. 
946),  quod  aut  suspendatur  decretum  de  annatis,  aut  debita  sedi  ApostolicK  fiat 
provisio :  the  answer  was  (p.  950),  that  such  provision  would  be  made,  si  Summus 
Pontifex  ipse  ciica  synodalium  decretorum  observanliam  animuni,  ut  decet,  incli- 
naverit.  After  this  on  the  20th  of  Jan.  14.36,  a  new  embassy  to  the  Pope  was 
resolved  on,  which  was  commissioned  to  use  still  more  decided  language,  and  to 
declare  in  conclusion  (see  their  instructions,  1.  c.  p.  1064),  quod  sacrum  Concilium 
non  valens  amplius  ista  tolerare,  niittit  dictos  oratores,  per  quos  sacrum  Concilium 
rogat  ipsum  dominum  nostrum,  —  ac  solemniter  et  peremtorie  requirit  et  monet, 
ut  —  veUt  a  talibus  penitus  abstinere,  ac  efficaciter  servare  decreta  istius  sacri 
Concilii,  et  tenorem  adha?sionis  suEe ;  et  quod  in  testimonium  huj us  infra  XXV. 
dies  a  die  hujuscemodi  monitionis  publice  ac  solemniter  in  Consistorio  publico 
debeat  facere  legi  litteras  more  Curia;  RomauEe  bullatas  infrascripti  tenoris,  mitten- 
das  infra  [alios]  XXV.  dies  ad  sacrum  Concilium,  in  general!  congregatione  sen 
sessione  legendas.  Quod  si  —  prtedicta  non  fecerit  —  ipsum  sacrum  Concilium 
protestatur  coram  Deo  et  hominibus,  quod  sine  alia  dilatione  et  citatione  —  proccdet 
contra  ipsum  juxta  decretum  Concilii  Constantiensis.  The  accompanying  form  of 
the  bull  required  from  the  Pope  was  this  (p.  1065) :  Omnes  appellationes  inter- 
positas  vel  interponendas  ad  nos  a  sententiis  latis  per  sacrum  Concilium,  vel  Com- 
missarios  aut  Judices  ejusdem  ipso  durante,  annullamus  et  irritamus,  mandantes 
sub  poena  excommunicationis  lats  sententia;  omnibus  Judicibus  et  Comraissariis 
auctoritate  nostra  deputatis,  ne  super  illis  procedere  audeant.  Revocamus  etiam 
omnia  gravamina,  et  qnidquid  factum  est  dicta  auctoritate  nostra  contra  tenorem 
nostra;  adhassionis,  ac  contra  decreta  ipsius  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis :  ratificamus 
et  approbamus  omnia  decreta  ipsius  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis,  et  prfesertim  de 
electionibus  et  de  annatis :  pollicemur,  quod  sine  dolo  et  fraude  ilia  manutenere  et 
servare,  etc.  Then  follows  the  Monitorium,  to  be  delivered  to  the  Pope,  in  which 
the  complaints  against  him  are  detailed  in  full.  Amongst  them  are  the  following 
(p.  1067) :  quotidie  nostra*  a  diversis  personis  ac  pio  variis  causis  aures  pulsantur 
propter  importabilia  gravamina  eis  ilia  in  derogationeui  per  nos  nostraque  auctori- 
tate gestorum,  potissime  quod  adversum  sententias  hie  latas,  qua;  in  rem  transive- 
rint  judicatam,  adversum  ipsam  etiam  cansaruin  pendentiam  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio, 


196  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

negotiations  with  the  Greeks  were  once  more  made  a  pretext  by  the 
Pope  for  removing  the  seat  of  the  council  into  Italy,  wliere  his  influ- 
ence could  be  exerted  to  more  effect.     The  fathers  at  Basil,  however, 


rescripta  concesserit  quotidieve  concedat,  appellationes  etiam  a  sententiis  per  banc 
Synodum  seu  ejusdem  Commissarios  latis  in  Curia  et  extra  coiniiiisent  et  com- 
mittat,  lites  propter  hoc  faciendo  immortales,  et  divisiones  quam  plurinias  seminan- 
do,  necnon  varia  supposita  (suppdts)  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio  avocando,  qui  in  agendo 
pro  universali  Ecclesia  plurimum  conferebant.  Here  we  find  already  the  charge, 
p.  1068:  Intellexit  a  tide  dignis  pluriinis  s.  Synodus,  eundeni  Dominum  Eugenium 
ad  diversos  reges  et  principes  suos  nuncios  destinasse,  ut  in  earundein  annataruni 
perseverantia  sibi  adsisterent.  A  letter  of  instructions  given  by  the  Pope,  soon 
after  this,  to  his  nuntios,  sent  to  the  various  princes,  (see  Haynald.  ann.  1436,  no. 
2  seq.,  contains  a  full  defence  against  these  charges,  and  a  complaint  of  the  whole 
proceedings  of  the  Council.  It  is  mentioned  as  an  unheard  of  heresy,  (no.  3), 
Concilia  generalia  non  suscipere  auctoritatem  et  tundamcntum  a  Christi  \  icario, 
so  that  also  Romanus  Pontifex,  ut  Prailatus  quilibet,  obedire  tenetur  decretis  — 
Concilii.  —  Quod  nihil  aliud  est,  quani  pntestatem  Summi  Poiititicis  Christique 
Vicarii  in  terris  totaliter  annihilare,  et  supremam  potestatem  ipsi  a  Christo  datam  in 
jnanibus  multitudinis  pone  re :  quod  est  non  tain  erroneum,  quam  etiam  ab  oinni 
doctrina  ss.  Patrum  totaliter  alienum,  immo  toto  statu  catholicorum  Principum 
valde  perniciosurn,  quoniam  pari  niodo  possent  eorum  populi,  si  congregarentur, 
supra  eos  prsetendei-e  potestatem.  The  Decretum  de  annatis  is  (no.  4)  in  grave 
prEEJudicium  et  depressioncm  Apostolica;  sedis,  cum  a  tanto  tempore,  de  cu- 
jus  contrario  non  est  niemoria,  et  per  multa  retro  sa^cula  (see  §  100,  note  26 ; 
§  102,  note  3)  Summus  Pontifex  —  in  pacifica  fuerit  possessione  de  levandis 
annatis:  —  utpote  quas  nunquam  fuerint  per  aliquod  Concilium  revocata^,  immo 
potius  in  generali  Viennensi  ( !  !  )  et  Constantiensi  Concilio  suscepts.  —  Cardinales 
etiam  S.  K.  E.  et  caeteri  Curiales  RomauEe  Curia;  —  in  prssentia  S.  D.  N.  publico 
sunt  protcstati,  —  affirmantes,  quod  si  decretum  hujusmodi  tarn  prscipitanter  factum 
debebat  observari,  compellebantur  relinquere  sedem  Apostolicani  et  ejus  servitia. 
Furthermore  the  council  had  never  seriously  considered  of  any  other  provision  for 
the  Pope.  There  is  some  justice  in  the  complaint  (no.  6)  that  the  council  had 
interfered  unjustifiably  in  the  administration  of  the  church :  Illud  summe  adver- 
tendum  est,  et  ad  quos  omnis  Pi-incipum  consideratio  se  convertere  debet,  quod  ii, 
qui  Basilea;  sunt,  omnia  administi'ant  et  faciunt  tam  in  spiritualibus  quam  in  tem- 
poralibus  quae  spectant  et  pertinent  ad  exercitium  supremi  in  Ecclesia  Principis, 
quoniam  minores  causas  agunt,  de  causis  contirmationis  cognoscunt,  postulationes, 
quae  soli  gi-ati?p  nituntur,  et  quos  solus  Papa  consuevit  admittere  vel  rejicere,  non 
solum  in  Concilio  lecipiunt,  immo  eas  contra  provisiones  Apostolicas  sedis  admittunt, 
—  de  canonizationibus  Sanctorum  cognoscunt,  beneficia  et  otRcia  —  dant,  pensiones 
super  beneficiisimponunt,confessionalia  concedunt  more  Romanae  CuriaE,ab omnibus 
peccalis  absolvunt,  —  dant  indulgentias, —  faciunt  Doctores  in  omni  facultate  nullo 
vel  modico  examine  prffivio,  cum  illegitimis  dispensant  ad  ordines,  dignitates  et 
haereditates,  plerisque  pallium  conferunt,  Episcopos  consecrari  prfecipiunt,  —  in 
gradibus  a  jure  prohibitis  dispensant  ita  faciliter,  ut  repertum  sit,  dispensatum  esse 
per  unum  Pra;latum  in  secundo  gradu  consanguinitatis  auctoi-itate,  ut  dicebatur, 
Concilii.  —  Quae  omnia  nullum  umquam  generalium  Conciliorum  —  facere  prae- 
sumpsit,  etc.  —  The  legates  are  thereibre  directed  to  call  on  the  princes  to  interfere 
(no.  14),  unless  the  council  should  yield  (sexto),  ipsi  Principes  velintsuos  oratores 
de  Basilea  revocare,  necnon  etiam  Prwlatos  eorum  et  subditos  tam  ecclesiasticos, 
quam  ssculares.  The  close  of  these  instructions  is  characteristic  (no.  15),  where 
the  legates  are  directed  what  arguments  to  address  to  the  emperor,  and  what  to  the 
king  of  France.  Then:  Similiter  unicuique  Regi  et  Priucipi.specialia  quaedam 
dici  poterunt  pro  majori  parte,  prout  erit  expediens,  quae  ipsimet  nuntii  pro  eorum 
prudentia  scient  repei-ire.  Non  esset  etiam  malum,  quod  nuntii  —  liabeant  aliquas 
particularitates  etiam  in  foro  conscientiae,  ut  possent  gratificare  Rcgibus  et  Princi- 
pibus.  Utile  pr*terea  foret,  si  ii  nuntii  Apostolici  secum  portarent  sub  bulla 
aliquam  Curiae  rcformationem,  quam  Regibus  et  Principibus  pr*sentarent.  Hoc 
enim  baculo  adversarii  nostri  semper  nos  invadunt  et  percutiunt,  quia  dicunt  multa 
in  Romana  Curia  fieri,  quae  egent  magna  reparatione,  nee  ilia  tamen  corriguntur. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  ^  131.  Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV.     197 

not  blind  to  the  danger,  obstinately  refused  every  such  proposition  ;  -^^ 
and  thus  it  soon   came   to  an  open  rupture.     On  the  31.st  of  July, 

1437,  Sess.  XXVI.  the  council  summoned  the  Pope  before  its  tri- 
bunal,^"-  whilst  Eugenius,  on  his  part,  transferred  the  council  to 
Ferrara,"^'^  and  actually  opened  there  a  new  synod  on  the  8th  of  Jan. 

1438.  The  council  renewed  the  sentence  of  suspension  against  him, 
on  the  24th  of  Jan.  1438,  Sess.  XXXI.^^     At  this  session,  too,  some 

Per  hanc  reformationem,  etiam  si  usquequaque  plena  non  foret,  modo  essent 
aliqua,  eoruni  ora  obstruerentur,  qui  continue  lacerant  et  carpunt  Ronianaj  Cui-iae 
famam,  —  redderenturque  tunc  Reges  et  Principes  melius  a;diticati,  et  luagis  proni 
ad  condescendendum  petitionibus  Domini  nostri  Papae,  etc. 

^^  After  negotiations  had  already  taken  place  between  the  Pope  and  the  Greeks, 
there  appeared,  1434,  Greek  ambassadors  in  Basil,  who  proposed  to  the  council  the 
following  places  of  assembling  (Sess.  XIX.  b.  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  94),  Calabria, 
Ancona,  vel  alia  terra  maritima,  Bononia,  Mediolanum,  vel  alia  civitas  in  Italia: 
extra  Italiam  Buda  in  Hungaria,  Vienna  in  Austria,  et  ad  ultimum  Sabaudia.  The 
council  resolved  (p.  95)  to  send  ambassadors  to  Constantinople,  to  influence  the 
emperor,  if  possible,  in  favor  of  Basil,  but  otherwise  to  declare  their  I'eadiness  to 
choose  amongst  the  places  proposed.  The  patriarch  of  Constantinople  made  answer 
(Raynald.  1435,  no.  8),  that  it  was  necessary,  ut  statuatur  beatissimum  Dominum 
Papam  in  meditata  cecumenica  Synodo  interesse  personaliter,  et  non  repraesenta- 
tive,  electo  et  statuto  loco  congruente  et  conimodo  pro  quiete  dicti  beatissimi 
Domini  Eugenii  et  nostra.  On  this  Sess.  XXV.  March  7,  1437,  duplo  major  pars 
of  the  synod  voted  in  favor  of  Basil,  Avignon,  or  Savoy,  and  in  the  following 
manner  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  134),  quod  apud  Imperatorem  —  et  alios  GrKcos  dili- 
gens  et  debita  fieret  instantia,  —  ut  ex  diversis  bonis  respectibus  civitatem  Basileen- 
sem  acceptarent  pro  dicto  oecumenico  Concilio  ibidem  celebrando;  quam  si  eos 
omnino  recusare  contingeret,  extunc  civitas  Avinionensis  locus  esset — Concilii. — 
Si  tamen  illud  in  eadem  celebrari  non  posset,  extunc  in  Sabaudia  Concilium  cele- 
braretur  antedictum.  The  minority,  with  the  papal  legates  at  theii-  head,  passed 
another  decree  on  the  same  day,  in  the  name  of  the  synod  (see  Raynald,  1437, 
no.  7),  ut  videlicet  civitas  Florentina  aut  Utinum  in  patria  Forijulii  ponenda  in 
manu  Concilii,  seu  quicunque  alius  locus  tutus  in  decreto  (Sess.  XIX.  see  above) 
comprehensus  Summo  Pontitici  et  Grscis  accommodus  pro  oecumenico  Concilio 
eligatur,  which  was  at  once  confirmed  by  the  Pope  in  a  bull  dated  June  29  (see 
Raynald,  1437,  no.  8).  This  stormy  session  is  described  in  full  by  the  eye-witness, 
iEneas  Sylvius,  in  a  letter  first  published  by  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  220. 

^2  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  1.37  seq.  No  charge  was  here  brought  against  him  but 
disobedience  to  the  decrees  of  the  council :  lUe,  qui  primus  hsc  exequi  debuerat, 
quemque  et  Christi  prajcepta  et  canones  sacrorum  Conciliorum  prse  ceteris  servare 
oportuerat,  immo  et  cajteros  ad  horum  observantiam  efficaciter  inducere,  nulla 
unquam  monitione,  nulla  exhortatione  induci  jam  longo  tempore  potuit,  ut  aliquam 
morum  emendationem  Christo  placentem,  aut  notissimorum  abusuum  correctionem 
in  Ecclesia  sancta  Dei  efficere  satageret.  Quin  potius  conspicit  universus  orbis, 
sub  ejus  regimine  majora  semper  scandala  gravioraque  exoriri.  Heie  follows  a  long 
catalogue  of  offences.  Non  autem  solum  in  rerum  spiritualium  regimine  hanc  ipsam 
ruinara  consideramus,  sed  et  in  gubernatione  temporalium  dominiorum  s.  Romans 
Ecclesiae  notorios  defectus  attendimus.  —  Quantus  enim  terras  ipse  Dominus  Eu- 
genius alienaverit,  quantasque  ejus  incuria  et  insolerti  regimine  deperdita;  et  occu- 
patae  sint,  —  notoria  facta  testari  videntur.  The  Pope  is  therefore  summoned  to 
appear  before  the  council  withni  60  days,  and  the  cardinals,  ut  infra  eundem 
terminum  in  hac  civitate  Basileensi  compareant,  saluti  s.  matris  Ecclesia;  cum 
cffiteris  in  Synodo  congregatis  consulturi  et  opportune  provisuri,  prout  Spiritus 
Sanctus  dictaverit. 

33  See  Harduin  IX.  p.  698. 

3**  Sess.  XXVIII.  on  the  1st  of  Oct.  1437,  he  was  convicted  of  contumacy 
(Mansi  XXIX.  p.  147).  Sess.  XXIX.  on  the  12th  of  Oct.  the  transferring  of  the 
council  to  Ferrara  was  declared  void,  and  all  prelates  commanded  to  appear  at 


198  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

last  attempts  were  made  at  reform  by  restricting  the  liberty  of  appeal 
to  Rome,-'-'  and  regulating  the  mode  of  appointment  to  vacant  bene- 
fices-^"^  From  this  time  forward  the  whole  attention  of  the  Synod 
was  absorbed  in  the  controversy  with  the  Pope.-'^ 

It  now  became  the  interest  of  the  temporal  lords,  to  secure  for  their 
respective  realms  the  advantages  of  the  reform,-'^  and  at  the  same  time 

Basil.  Sess.  XXXI.  followed  the  suspension  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  168) :  s.  Synodus 
prsedictuin  Eugeniunl  P.  IV.  manifestum  contiimacem,  et  in  aperta  rebellione 
persistentem,  ac  notorie  inconigibiliterque  Ecclesiam  Dei  scandalizanteni  —  ab 
omni  administratione  Papatus  in  spiritualibu.^  et  teiiiporalibus  suspendit. — Omnem 
autem  ipsius  Papatus  administrationem  —  eadem  s.  Sj'nodus  ad  seipsani  decernit  ac 
declarat  esse  devolutam. 

35  Sess.  XXXI.  deer.  1.  de  causis  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  159) :  Inoleverunt  hacte- 
nus  intolerabilium  vexationum  abusus  permuUi,  duin  niniiuia  frequenter  a  remo- 
tissimis  etiain  partibus  ad  Romanam  Curiam,  et  interduni  pro  parvis  et  minutis 
rebus  ac  negotiis  quaniphu-iini  citari  et  evocari  consuevei-unt,  atque  ita  expensis  et 
laboribus  fatigari,  ut  nonnunquani  comniodius  arbitrarentur  juri  suo  cedere,  aut 
vexationeni  suani  gravi  damno  redimere,  quam  in  tani  longinqua  regione  litiuni 
subire  dispendia.  Sic  facile  extitit  caluinniosis  opprimere  pauperes,  sic  beneticia 
ecclesiastica  plerumque  minus  juste  per  litium  anfractus  obtenta  sunt,  duni  justis 
possessoribus  eorum,  seu  quibus  ilia  de  jure  couipetebant,  neque  opes  neque 
facultates  ad  illos  suinptus  sufficere  poterant,  quos  longinqua  profectio  ad  Romanam 
Curiam  et  litis  agitatio  in  eadem  deposcebant.  The  Synod  therefore  decrees, 
quod  in  partibus  ulti-a  quatuor  diaetas  a  Romana  Curia  distantibus  omnes  qu£E- 
cumque  causa;,  exceptis  majoiibus  in  jure  expresse  enumeratis,  et  electionum 
Ecclesiarum  cathedralium,  et  Monasteriorum,  quas  immediata  subjectio  ad  sedem 
Apostolicam  devolvit,  apud  illos  judices  in  partilnis,  qui  dejure  aut  consuetudine 
praescripta  vol  privilegio  cognitionem  habent,  terminentui-  et  tiniantnr.  Et  ne  sub 
umbra  appellationum,  qua;  nimium  leviter,  et  nonnumquam  frivole  hactenus  inter- 
poni  visae  sunt,  atque  etiam  in  eadem  instantia  ad  prorogationem  litium  saepe  multi- 
plicari,  materia  fovendis  injustis  vexationibus  relinquatur ;  statuit  eadem  s.  Synodus, 
quod  si  quis  offensus  coram  suo  judice  habere  non  possit  justitia;  complementum, 
ad  immediatum  superiorem  per  appellationeni  recursum  habeat:  nee  ad  quem- 
cunque,  etiam  ad  Papam,  Oinisso  medio,  neque  a  gravamine  in  quacumque  in- 
stantia ante  diffinitivam  sententiam  quomodoJibet  appelletur,  nisi  forsitan  tale 
gravamen  exstiterit,  quod  in  diffinitiva  sententia  reparari  nequiret :  quo  casu,  non 
alias,  ad  immediatum  superiorem  licet  appellare.  Si  vero  quispiam  a  sedis  Aposto- 
licas  immediate  subjecto  ad  ipsam  sedem  duxerit  appellandum,  causa  per  rescriptum 
usque  ad  finem  litis  inclusive  in  partibus  committatur:  nisi  forte  propter  defectum 
justitias,  aut  justum  metum,  etiam  in  partibus  convicinis,  —  apud  ipsam  sedem 
foret  meiito  retinenda. 

36  Deer.  1.  de  collationibus  beneficiorum.  The  Pope  is  forbidden  to  grant  any 
more  gratias  exspectativas,  as  well  as  reservationes  particulares.  Deer.  3.  Quali- 
ficationes  et  ordo  in  conferendis  beneficiis  per  Oi-dinarios.  Each  cathedral  church 
shall  have  a  theologus,  the  third  part  of  all  prebends  be  filled  with  graduates; 
only  such  shall  be  appointed  to  be  priests  in  the  cities,  aut  ad  minus  qui  per  tres 
annos  in  theologia,  vel  in  altero  juriuni,  seu  magistri  in  artibus,  qui  in  aliqua 
Universitate  privilegiata  studentes  fuerint,  et  hujusmodi  gradum  adepti  fuerint. 

37  An  account  of  this  controversy,  partial  to  the  Pope,  is  given  by  Joannes  de 
Polemar,  in  a  work  written  144.3  (see  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  197  seq.) ,  another  equally 
partial  to  the  council,  by  A'icolaus  de  Tudesco,  Archiepisc.  Panormitanus  (known 
as  a  writer  on  the  Canons  under  the  name  of  Abbas  or  Panormitanus)  1.  c.  p. 
205  seq. 

38  Notwithstanding  the  fears  of  Johannes  Nider,  a  Dominican,  who  was  very 
active  at  the  council,  that  little  was  to  be  expected  from  it.  In  his  Formicarius 
(or  De  visionibus  ac  revelationibus  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt  Helmst.  1692.  8vo.  written 
A.  D.  1437.  Lib.  I.  c.  7.  p.  96,  he  makes  Piger  ask  with  reference  to  the  Council 
of  Constance  and  the  praesens  Basileense  Concilium,  quod  pene  in  omnium  bulla- 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §  131.   Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV-     199 

to  prevent  the  threatened  schism.  Charles  VI.  of  France,  though 
not  satisfied  with  the  decrees  of  the  council  against  the  Pope,  hasten- 
ed to  avail  himself  of  them  in  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  passed  at 
Bourges,  July  7,  1438,^'-*  and  rejected  the  Council  of  Ferrara.  In 
Germany,  the  imperial  throne  being  vacant,  the  electors  exerted 
themselves  to  mediate  between  the  two  parties  ;  and  to  further  this 
object,  on  the  day  before  the  choice  of  Albrecht  II.,  March  17,  1438, 
they  declared  the  German  church  neutral/^'^  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, they  took  care  to  secure  all  the  advantages  of  the  reform  at 
Basil,  by  the  Instrumentum  acceptationis,'*!  executed  by  the  emperor 
and  the  realm  on  the  26th  of  March,  1439.  The  Council  of  Basil 
seems  to  have  been  led  by  this  general  approbation  accorded  to  its 
measures,  to  over  estimate  its  moral  strength  :  every  suggestion  of  the 
expediency  of  yielding  in  some  measure  was  steadily  repelled;'^-  the 

rum  suarum  praeferebat  exordio  reformationis  titulum,  utrum  de  totali  refor- 
matione  Ecclesiae  in  membiis  et  capite  aliquam  spera  habere  possimus.  The 
Theologius  answers:  Non  oiiinino  frustra  celebrata  fuerunt  duo  ista  Concilia. — 
De  totaU  autem,  quani  depingis,  reformatione  Ecclesiae  ad  prsesens  et  ad  propinqua 
futura  teinpora  nullam  penitus  spem  habeo.  Tuni  quia  voluntas  bona  in  subditis 
deficit,  turn  quia  illud  Praslatorum  malitia  impedit,  turn  etiam,  quia  illud  electis 
Dei,  qui  persecutionibus  raalorum  probantur,  non  expedit. 

39  Pragmatique  Sanction  or  la  Pragmatique  de  Bourges  ed.  Pinson,  Paris.  1666. 
fol.,  in  the  Ordonnances  des  Rois  de  France  de  la  troisieine  Race,  vol.  XIII.  p.  267. 
and  in  M  U  n  c  h  '  s  Sammlung  alter  altern  und  neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  1.  S.  207  ff. 
of.  Histoire  contenant  I'origine  de  la  Pragmatique  Sanction,  —  comme  elle  a  ete 
observee,  et  les  moyens  dont  les  Papes  se  sont  servis  pour  I'abolir,  in  the  Traitez 
des  Droits  et  Libertez  de  I'Eglise  Gallicane.  T.  I.  1731.  fol. 

^°  See  the  protest  inJoh.Joach.  Mailer's  des  heil.  rom.  Reichs  teutscher 
Nation  Reichstagstheatrura  wie  selbiges  unter  Keyser  Friedrlchs  V.  allerhochsten 
Regierung  gestanden  (Jena  1713.  fol.)  Th.  1.  S.  30. 

^^  This  Instrumentum  acceptationis  which  had  long  lain  in  obscurity,  was 
brought  to  light,  and  published  by  the  Counsellor  of  State,  Horix,  at  Mayence,  in 
the  Concordata  Nat.  Germ.  Integra.  Francof.  et  Lips.  1763.  4to.  with  corrections  in 
the  Cone.  Nat.  Germ.  Integra  variis  additamentis  illustrata  (Francof.  et  Lips.  1771. 
3  Tomi,  8vo.  T.  I.  p.  38  seq.  The  best  edition  trom  the  original  in  the  Archives  in 
Mayence,  with  the  necessary  explanations,  is  the  Sanctio  Pragmatica  Germanorum 
illustrata  ed.  Christoph.  Guil.  Koch.  Argentor.  1789.  4to.  p.  93  seq.  M  u  n  c  h '  s 
Sammlung  alter  altern  u.  neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  1.  S.  42  ff. 

*'^  cf.  MnecB  Sylvii  commentariorum  de  gestis  Cone.  Basileensis  libb.  II.,  written 
1444,  in  favor  of  the  council,  comprehending  the  years  1438-1440:  the  accompany- 
ing Epist.  ad  Joanne m  de  Segovia  de  coronatione  Felicis  is  often  counted  as  lib. 
III.  Both  may  be  found  in  the  Fasciculus  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum 
p.  1  seq.,  and  have  been  published  separately  also,  Basil.  1577.  8vo.  Cattopolii 
1667.  4to.  According  to  .Mneas  Sylvius  the  princes  might  have  hindered  the 
schism  by  working  in  concert,  compare  his  remarkable  letter  to  the  imperial  chan- 
cellor, Caspar  Schlick,  A.  D.  1438,  Ep.  54-:  Vidi  quid  Reges  scribunt  ex  copiis 
literarum,  nee  despero  rem  posse  bene  conduci,  si  aggredi  velimus  negotium. 
Omnibus  enim,  ut  vides,  displicet  schisma,  omnes  abhorrent.  Viam  autem  so- 
piendi  hoc  malum  Carolus  Rex  Franciae  nisi  fallor  et  tutam  et  brevem  ostendit,  ut 
fiat  conventus  Principum  vel  eoruni  oratorum  in  communi  aliquo  loco,  ibique  una 
recipiatur  conclusio  per  omnes.  —  Htec  via  non  posset  impediri :  nee  Papa,  nee 
Concilium  reniti  possent,  tanquam  hoc  absque  ipsis  fieri  nequiret.  Licet  enim 
Principibus  sascularibus  convenire  invito  Clero,  et  tamen  illic  unio  fieri  posset. 
Nam  ille  Papa  indubitatus  esset,  cui  omnes  Principes  obedirent.  Non  video  Cleri- 
cos,  qui  velint  pro  ista  vel  ilia  parte  martyrium  ferre.  Omnes  hanc  fidem  habe- 
mus,  quam  nostri  principes :  qui  si  colerent  idola,  et  nos  etiam  coleremus.     Et  non 


200  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

proceedings  against  Eugenius  were  continued,  and  at  Sess.  XXXIV. 
May  25,  1439,  he  was  formally  deposed,-^^  and  on  the  17th  of  Nov. 
the  commission  appointed  for  the  purpose,  chose  Amadeus  VIII., 
duke  of  Savoy,  to  succeed  him,  under  the  title  of  Felix  V."*^ 

This  rash  measure,''^  by  which  a  new  schism  was  occasioned  in 
the  church  so  shortly  after  the  old  one  had  been,  with  such  pains, 
reconciled,  proved  the  ruin  of  the  council.  Felix  V.  was  scarce  any 
where  recognised.  The  council  lost  daily  more  and  more  of  its  im- 
portance, and  from  the  IGth  of  May,  1443,  when  it  held  its  45th  and 
last  session,  existed  only  in  name.'*'^     Eugenius  would  have  bad  little 

solum  Papain  sed  Christum  etiam  negaremus  SKCulari  potestate  urgente,  quia 
refriguit  caritas,  et  omnis  interiit  fides.  Utcunque  sit,  pacein  desideramus,  quae 
sive  per  aliud  Concilium,  vel  per  conventum  Principuiu  detur,  iiihili  pendo. 

••^  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  179  seq.,  s.  Synodus  pro  tribunali  sedens  per  banc  suam 
sententiain  diffinitivam  —  pronunciat,  decernit  et  declarat,  Gabrielem  prius  nomi- 
natum  Eugenium  P.  IV.  i'uisse  et  esse  notoriuin  et  manifestum  contumacem,  inan- 
datis  sou  praeceptis  Ecclesia;  universalis  inobedienteiu,  et  in  aperta  rebellione 
persistentem,  violatoreni  assiduum  atque  contemplorem  sacrorum  canonum  syno- 
dalium,  pacis  et  unitatis  Ecclesiae  Dei  perturbatorcm  notorium,  universalis  EcclesiEe 
scandalizatoreni  notoiium,  simoniacuni,  perjuruni,  incorrigibilem,  schismaticum,  a 
fide  devium,  pertinacem  hKreticum,  dilapidatorem  jurium  et  bonorum  Ecclesiae. — 
Queni  propterea  eadem  s.  Synodus  a  Papatu  et  Romano  Pontificio  ipso  jure  priva- 
tum esse  declarat,  etc. 

*^  cf.  JEnecB  Sylvii  Commentar.  (see  note  42). 

*^  That  the  proceedings  at  Basil  were  rash,  and  that  the  state  of  things  there 
was  not  exactly  what  it  might  have  been  wished,  is  evident  already  fi-om 
what  is  above  narrated.  Compare  Jo.  de  PoJemar  (see  note  37),  in  Mansi 
XXXI.  p.  202 :  Nullibi  pejus  decreta  Basileensium  quam  Basiles  scrvata 
sunt.  Formula  ilia  morum,  in  cibis,  in  vestibus,  in  familiaribus,  in  falleris  (phale- 
ris)  equorum,  in  modo  vivendi  et  procedendi,  in  deputationibus,  in  congregatione 
generali  fuitne  unquam  servata  ?  Qualiter  supplicationes,  et  alia  per  deputationes 
expedita  sint  temere,  immoderate,  prout  quilibet  plus  poterat  aut  clamores  et 
impressiones,  aut  multitudinem  votoi'um,  non  advertendo  quid  expediat,  sed  omnia 
passim  concedendo,  ea  prajsertim  quae  sedes  Apostolica  repulerat,  —  pudet  referre. 
Mittunt  utique  nuncios  cum  facultatibus,  qua;  nee  legatis  de  latere  per  sedem 
Apostolicam  tradi  consueverunt.  Si  Diabolus  a  Basileensibus  aliquid  peteret  et 
contra  fas  et  jus  ;  dummodo  illis  vellet  assentire,  facillime  impetraret.  Offerunt  et 
ipsi  et  Antipapa  eorum  Regibus,  Principibus,  et  Prselatis  privilegia,  facultates, 
dignitates,  ut  illis  adsistant,  etc. 

■*^  The  position  of  the  different  nations  is  thus  described  by  JEneas  Sylvius 
descript.  Germanise,  c.  10:  Gallia  quidem,  atque  Hispania,  Italia  quoque,  Ungaria 
et  Anglia  Eugenium  sequebantur  :  Sabaudia,  Suicenses,  Basilienses,  Argentinen- 
ses,  ac  ex  Saxonia  Caminenses,  simulque  de  ducibus  Bavariae  Albertus  Monaci 
Felici  obediebant.  Rex  Aragonum  et  Siciliae  Alphonsus,  Polonique  et  Britones 
nee  Eugenio  nee  Felici,  sed  Concilio  Basileensium  auscultabant.  Reliqua  Germa- 
nia  neutralitatem  quandam  induit.  The  state  of  the  council  by  Joannes  de  Pole- 
mar  (see  note  37),  A.  D.  1443  (in  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  206):  Nulli  Primates, 
Archiepiscopi,  et  Episcopi  orbis  Antipapa;  adhaeserunt,  exceptis  paucissimis  illis  de 
Pedemontium  et  Sabaudia;,  quos  non  Veritas  trahit,  sed  metus  et  subjectio  com- 
pellit,  ac  illis  tanti  scelei-is  patratoribus  Basileae  existentibus,  quorum  nomina 
opportunum  est  inserere,  tit  patent,  qui  et  quales  sint,  qui  Ecclesiam  perturbant. 
Arelatensis  Episcopus  (Louis  Allemand,  archbishop  of  Aries  and  cardinal,  pre- 
sident of  the  council),  Gratianopolitanus  Episcopus  (of  Grinoble),  Basiliensis 
Ep.,  Ep.  Aquensis,  Marsiliensis  sine  possessione  Episcopus,  Lacusanensis  sine 
possessione  Ep.  Argentinensis  titulatus,  Ep.  Grossetanus  titulatus.  Fuerunt 
etiam  duo  Episcopi  de  Arragonia,  quos  D.  Rex  tenebat  ibi,  ut  terreret  S.  D. 
N.    ne    esset    sibi    adversarius    in   regno    Neapolitano.     Fuerunt    autem   pauci 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §  131.  Council  of  Basil.   Eugenius  IV.     193 

provincial  synods  were  prescribed;-'  Sess.  XX.  Jan.  22,  1435, 
resolutions  were  passed  against  the  concubinage  of  the  clergy,'^'-^ 
against  the  precipitate  promulgation  of  inierdicts,^^  and  atrainst  un- 
grounded appeals  to  the  Pope.-^  Sess.  XXI.  June  9,  Annates  were 
abolished,--^  and  certain  abuses  which  had  crept  into  the  mode  of 
celebrating  public   worship,  forbidden.^G     Sess.  XXIII.    March   25, 

2'  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  74: — s.  Synodus  —  pracipit,  Synodum  Episcopaleni  in 
qualibet  dioecesi  post  octavas  dominica;  Resurrectionis,  vel  alia  die  secundum 
consuetudinem  diuecesum,  ad  minus  seinel  in  anno,  ubi  non  est  consuetudo  bis 
annuatim,  celebrai-i  per  dioecesanum  propria  in  persona.  They  must  continue  at 
least  two  or  three  days,  and  employ  themselves  with  enforcing  the  decrees  of  the 
church,  examining  the  morals  of  the  priests,  correcting  abuses,  extirpating  here- 
sies, &c.  For  these  purposes  testes  synodales  were  to  be  called  on  oath.  —  Pro- 
vincial synods  were  to  be  held  at  least  every  three  years.  —  The  monastic  orders 
also  were  to  hold  their  Capitula  regularly. 

22  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  101.  Sess.  XX.  Deer.  1.  Every  priest,  who  should  con- 
tinue two  months  after  the  publication  of  this  order  to  live  in  open  concubinage, 
was  to  be  ipso  facto  suspended  a  perceptione  fi-uctuum  omnium  suorum  beneiicio- 
rum  for  three  months,  and  if  on  being  warned  he  should  not  immediately  put  away 
his  concubine,  to  be  deposed.  Quia  vero  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nonnuUi  juris- 
dictionem  ecclesiasticam  habenles,  pecuniarios  qua;stus  a  concubinariis  percipere 
non  crubescunt,  patiendo  eos  in  tali  foeditate  sordescere  (see  §  107,  note  9)  :  sub 
pcena  maledictionis  ajternae  praecipit,  ne  deinceps  sub  pacto,  compositione,  aut  spe 
alicujus  quEEstus,  talia  quovis  modo  tolerent  aut  dissimulent :  alioquin  ultra  prae- 
missam  negligentiie  poenam  duplum  ejus,  quod  propterea  acceperint,  restituere  ad 
pios  usus  omnino  teneantur  et  compellantur.  Ipsas  autem  concubinas  —  Pra'lati 
modis  omnibus  curent  a  suis  subditis,  etiam  per  brachii  saeculaiis  auxilium,  si  opus 
fuerit,  penitus  arcere  :  qui  etiam  ex  tali  concubinatu  procreates  lilios  apud  patres 
suos  cohabitare  non  permittant. 

^  Deer.  3 :  Quoniam  ex  indiscreta  interdictorum  promulgatione  multa  consue- 
verunt  scandala  evenire,  statuit  haec  sancta  Synodus,  quod  nulla  civitas,  oppidum, 

—  aut  locus  ecclesiastico  supponi  possint  interdicto,  nisi  ex  causa  sen  culpa  ipsorum 
locorum,  aut  domini  seu  rectorum  vel  otficialium  :  propter  culpam  autem  —  alterius 
cujuscunque  privata^  personse  hujusmodi  loca  interdici  nequaquam  possint,  —  nisi 

—  domini  seu  rectores  —  ipsorum  locorum,  auctoritate  judicis  requisiti,  hujusmodi 
personam  excommunicatam  infra  biduum  inde  —  non  ejecerint,  aut  ad  satisfacien- 
dum compulerint. 

^^  Deer.  4  :  Ut  lites  citius  terminentur,  super  eodem  gravamine,  aut  super 
eadem  interlocutoria  vim  ditfinitivae  non  habente  nullatenus  liceat  secundo  appel- 
lare.  Quodque  ante  diffinitivam  frivole  vel  injuste  appellans,  ultra  condemnatio- 
nem  expensarum,  damnorum,  et  interesse,  in  quindecim  florenis  auri  de  camera 
parti  appellatae  per  appellationis  judicem  conderanetur. 

2j  Mansi  XXIX.  p,  104.  Sess.  XXI.  Deer.  1.  de  annatis  :  In  nomine  Spiritus 
Sancti  paracleti  statuit  ha;c  sancta  Synodus,  quod  tam  in  curia  Romana  quam  aiibi 
pro  seu  in  contirmatione  electionum,  admissione  postulationum,  prajsentationum 
provisione,  collatione,  dispositione,  electione,  postulatione,  prasentatione,  etiam  a 
laicis  facienda,  institutione,  installatione,  et  investitura,  de  Ecclesiis  etiam  cathe- 
dralibus  et  metropolitanis,  Monasteriis,  —  otficiisque  ecclesiasticis  quibuscumque, 
necnon  ordinibus  sacris  et  benedictione  ac  pallio,  de  csetero  nihil  penitus  ante  vel 
post  exigatur  ratione  literarum,  bullte,  sigilli,  annatarum  communium,  et  minuto- 
rum  servitiorum,  primorum  fructuum,  deportuum,  aut  sub  quocumque  alio  titulo. 

—  Huic  autem  sacro  canoni  si  quis  —  contraire  prajsumpserit,  poenam  incurrat 
adversus  simoniacos  inflictam.  —  ICt  si  (quod  absit)  Romanus  Pontifex,  qui  prae 
CEBteris  universalium  Conciliorum  exequi  et  custodire  canones  debet,  adversus 
hanc  sanctionera  aliquid  faciondo  Ecclesiam  scandalizet,  general!  Concilio  deferatur. 
Casteri  vero  pro  modo  culpae  juxta  canonicas  sanctiones  per  suos  superiores  digna 
ultione  puniantur. 

^  Namely,  in  suspending  the  horag  canonicae  and  the  masses.     Deer.  9  forbids 
the  abuse,  quo  nonnulli  Ecclesiarum  Canonici  contrahentes  debita,  sic  se  creditori- 
VOL.  III.  25 


194  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

1436,  regulations  were  made  concerning  the  choice  of  the  Pope, 
the  oath  to  be  taken  by  him,  and  the  duties  of  his  office,^^  also  con- 
cerning the  cardinals,-^  and  an  unconditional  prohibition  of  the  papal 
Reservations,    which    had    before    been    abolished.--^     Such   decided 

bus  oblif^ant,  ut  nisi  statute  tempore  satisfaciant,  a  divinis  cassetur  officiis.  Deer.  11 
forbids  the  Fools  Festival  (see  §  79)  :  Turpem  etiain  ilium  abusum  in  quibusdain  fre- 
quentatum  Ecclesiis,  quo  ccrtis  anni  celebritatibus  nonnulli  cum  uiitra,  baculo  ac 
vestibus  pontiticalibus  more  Episcoporum  benedicunt,  alii  in  i-egcs  ac  duces  induit, 
quod  festum  f'atuorum,  vel  innocentum  seu  pueroium  in  quibusdam  regionibus  nun- 
cupatur,alii  larvales  et  theatralesjocos,  alii  choreas  et  tripudia  n)arium  ac  mulierum 
facientes  homines  ad  spectacula  et  cachinnationes  movent,  alii  commessationes  et 
convivia  ibidem  praparani  :  haec  s.  Synodus  detestans,  statuit  et  jubet  tam  Ordina- 
riis,  quam  Ecclesiarum  Decanis  et  Kectoribus  sub  poena  suspensionis  omnium 
proventuum  ecclesiasticorurn  trium  mensium  spatio,  ne  hsec  aut  similia  ludibria, 
neque  etiam  mercantias  sen  negotiationes  nundinarum  in  Ecclesia,  qua;  domus 
orationis  esse  debet,  ac  etiam  coemeterio  exerceri  anjplius  permittant,  transgresso- 
resque  per  censuram  ecclesiasticam,  aliaque  juris  remedia  punire  non  negligant. 

2^  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  110.  Sess.  XXIII.  Deer.  1.  de  electione  summi  Pontificis. 
C.  2.  The  Pope  when  elected  must  subscribe  the  professio  which  follows  in 
the  next  chapter.  This  is  the  same  prescribed  at  Constance  (§  130,  note  15)  with 
some  additions.  He  promises  first,  to  provide  for  purity  of  doctrine,  observance  of 
the  usages  of  the  cliui-ch,  and  the  extii-pation  of  heresies,  pro  reformatione  morum 
ac  pace  in  populo  Christiano.  Then  :  juro  etiam  prosequi  celebrationem  Concilio- 
rum  generalium  et  confirmationem  electionum  juxt.i  decrefa  sacri  Basileensis 
Conciiii.  At  each  anniversary  of  his  election,  this  professio  was  to  be  read  to  him 
by  one  of  the  cardinals  during  mass,  with  the  following  exhortations:  Curet  igitur 
Sanctitas  Tua,  pro  honore  Dei,  et  salute  anima;  Tuk,  et  utilitate  universalis  Eccle- 
siae  praedicta  omnia  pro  viribus  observare  bona  fide,  sine  dolo  et  fraude.  Recogites 
etiam,  cujus  vicem  geras  in  terris,  etc.  —  Memineris  quid  b.  Petrus  aliique  sibi 
succedentes  Pontifices  fecerunt,  qui  nihil  aliud  cogitabant,  nisi  honorem  Dei,  etc. 
—  Noli  Tihi  aut  tuis  thesaurizare  in  terris,  etc.  —  In  distribuendis  dignitatibus  et 
beneficiis  non  carnem,  non  munera,  non  quid  aliud  temporale,  sed  solum  Deum, 
et  virtutes  atque  hominum  merita  Tibi  proponas.  In  coriigendis  excessibus  eccle- 
siasticam exerce  disciplinam.  —  Pauperes  autem  ac  miserabiles  pei-sonas  defende, 
juva  et  sustenta.  Ad  omnes  autem  paternam  babe  caritatem.  Then  follow  full 
directions  from  the  council  for  the  government  of  the  church  and  its  territories. 

^  Deer.  4.  de  numero  et  qualitate  Cardinalium.  The  provisions  of  the  Council 
of  Constance  are  first  repeated  (§  1.30,  note  19).  Then  an  oath  is  prescribed  for 
the  newly  elected  cardinals,  and  directions  given  to  the  cardinals,  in  what  manner 
they  were  to  support  the  Pope  in  the  government  of  the  church,  and  how  they 
were  themselves  to  live.  E.  g.  Si  quando  Papam  (quod  absit)  negligentem  aut 
remissum,  seu  agentem  qua;  statum  illius  non  decent,  ip?i  Cardinales  inspexerint, 
filiali  reverentia  et  caritate  tanquam  patrem  obsecrent,  ut  officio  pastorali  hono- 
rique  ac  debito  sue  satisfaciat.  Et  primo  quidem  aliquis  vel  aliqui  de  iis  per  se, 
deinde  si  se  non  corrigat,  omnes  collegialiter  accersitis  quibusdam  notabilibus 
Prslatis,  prfedicentes,  quod  si  non  abstinueiit  proximo  general!  Concilio  deferant : 
nee  pro  salute  ipsius  Sumni  Pontificis  et  bono  publico  ejus  odium  vel  quidquam 
aliud  timeant,  dum  tamen  reverenter  et  caritative  id  agant. 

28  Deer.  6.  de  reservationibus  (see  note  20,  above).  Et  quia  multiplices  Eccle- 
siarum et  Bencficiorum  hactenus  factae  per  summos  Pontiiices  reservationes  non 
parum  Ecclesiis  onerosae  extiterunt;  ipsas  omnes  tam  generales  quam  speciales 
sive  particulares  de  quibuscumque  Ecclesiis  et  Beneficiis,  quibus  tam  per  electio- 
nem,  quam  collationem,  aut  aliam  dispositionem  provideri  solet,  sive  per  Extrava- 
gantes  ^d  regimen  et  Execrabilis,  sive  per  regulas  Cancellaria;,  aut  alias  Apos- 
tolicas  constitutiones  introductas,  ha;c  s.  Synodus  abolet,  statuens  ut  de  ca?tero 
nequaquam  fiant :  reservationibus  in  corpore  juris  expresse  clausis,  et  his,  quas  in 
terris  Romans  Ecclesias  ratione  directi  seu  utilis  dominii,  mediate  vel  immediate 
subjectis  fieri  contigcrit,  duntaxat  exceptis.  This  was  just  what  the  Germans  had 
asked  at  the  Council  of  Constance  in  their  Avisamentis  (see  §  130,  note  18)  v.  d. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §   131.  Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV.     195 

steps  brought  the  council   once   more   into  collision  with  the  Pope, 
each  party  complaining  of  the  encroachments  of  the   other.""^     The 

Hardt  I.  XXII.  p.  999),  and  been  refused,  see  the  Concordat  with  the  Germans 
at  Constance,  cap.  2  (§  130,  note  19). 

^°  The  Council  strove  long  in  vain  to  prevail  on  the  Pope  formally  to  acknowl- 
edge its  decrees,  especially  the  decree  de  electionibus  (note  20),  and  to  this  end 
sent  to  him  several  embassies  (the  names  of  the  ambassadors  see  in  Mansi  XXX. 
p.  1064).  The  speeches  of  the  fourth  embassy,  which  consisted  of  Jo.  de  Hun- 
garia  Deer.  Doctor,  and  Mag.  Mattha;us  Mesnage,  to  which  the  Pope  gave 
audience  on  the  14thof  July,  1435, ai-e  full  of  reproaches  and  threats  (IMansi  XXX. 
p.  939) :  Si  Sanctitas  Vestia  non  servarct  decretum  de  electionibus  per  sacrum 
Concilium  promulgatum,  timendum  foret,  quod  infra  decem  aut  quindecim  annos  s. 
catholica  Ecclesia  divisa  reperiatur  in  tot  partes  quot  sunt  dioeceses.  Wherefore 
they  pray  quatenus  Sanctitas  Vestra  deinceps  cum  effectu  servare  et  servari 
facere  velit  decreta  edita  et  edenda  per  sacrum  Concilium  Basileense,  et  in  con- 
trarium  attenta  revocare,  alioquin  P.  B.  dicta  sacra  Synodus  multiplicibus  jurgio- 
rum  ac  scandalorum  crebris  propulsata  opprobriis,  intendit  dare  operam  etficacem, 
per  quara  decreta  sua  ab  omnibus  inviolabiliter  observentur,  etiam  quacumque 
praefulgeant  dignitate,  prout  ei  possibile  erit. —  in  omnibus  autem  Sanctitas  Vestra 
velit  sic  agere,  quod  patres  in  sacro  Concilio  concipere  valeant,  Sanctitatem 
Vestram  manutenere  sacrum  Concilium,  et  non  per  indirectum  dissolvere.  At  the 
same  time  the  embassy  presented  the  decree  de  annatis  (see  note  25),  admonished 
the  Pope  to  observe  it,  and  at  the  same  time  announced  :  Sacrum  concilium  omnino 
dispositum  est,  et  jam  hiboiat,  per  aliquem  alium  moduni  honestiorem  Sanctitati 
Vestrae  et  Dominis  Cardinalibus  taleiu  facere  provisionem,  de  qua  Sanctitas  Vestra 
et  Domini  Cardinales  merito  poterunt  contentari :  praisertim  autem  si  sacrum  Con- 
cilium informatum  fuerit,  realiter  et  cum  etfectu  Sanctitatem  vestram  decreta  sacri 
Concilii  Basileensis  servaie  ab  aliisque  observari  facere,  et  in  contrarium  attentata 
revocare.  The  Pope  then  sent  Oratores  to  Basle,  to  demand  (.Mansi  XXX.  p. 
946),  quod  aut  suspendatur  decretum  de  annatis,  aut  debita  sedi  Apostolicae  fiat 
provisio:  the  answer  was  (p.  950),  that  such  provision  would  be  made,  si  Summus 
Pontifex  ipse  circa  synodalium  decretorum  observautiam  animum,  ut  decet,  incli- 
naverit.  After  this  on  the  20th  of  Jan.  14.36,  a  new  embassy  to  the  Pope  was 
resolved  on,  which  was  comnussioned  to  use  still  more  decided  language,  and  to 
declare  in  conclusion  (see  their  instructions,  1.  c.  p.  1064),  quod  sacrum  Concilium 
non  valens  amplius  ista  tolerare,  mittit  dictos  oratores,  per  quos  sacrum  C  mcilium 
rogat  ipsum  dominum  nostrum,  —  ac  solemniter  et  peremtorie  requirit  et  monet, 
ut  —  velit  a  talibus  penitus  abstinere,  ac  efficaciter  servare  decreta  istius  sacri 
Concilii,  et  tenorem  adha?sionis  sute  ;  et  quod  in  testimonium  hujus  infra  XXV. 
dies  a  die  hujuscemodi  monitionis  publice  ac  solemniter  in  Consistorio  publico 
debeat  facere  legi  litteras  more  Curia;  Romanae  bullatas  infrascripti  tenoris,  mitten- 
das  infra  [alios]  XXV.  dies  ad  sacrum  Concilium,  in  generaU  congregatione  seu 
sessione  legendas.  Quod  si  —  prtedicta  non  fecerit  —  ipsum  sacrum  Concilium 
protestatur  coram  Deo  et  hominibus,  quod  sine  alia  dilatione  et  citatione  —  procedet 
contra  ipsum  juxta  decretum  Concilii  Constantiensis.  The  accompanying  foi-m  of 
the  bull  required  from  the  Pope  was  this  (p.  1065) :  Omnes  appellationes  inter- 
positas  vel  interponendas  ad  nos  a  sententiis  latis  per  sacrum  Concilium,  vel  Com- 
missarios  aut  Judices  ejusdem  ipso  durante,  annullamus  et  irritamus,  mandantes 
sub  poena  excommunicationis  lata;  sententias  omnibus  Judicibus  et  Commissariis 
auctoritate  nostra  deputatis,  ne  super  illis  procedere  audeant.  Revocamus  etiam 
omnia  gravamina,  et  quidquid  factum  est  dicta  auctoritate  nostra  contra  tenorem 
nostra;  adhcesioni*,  ac  contra  decreta  ipsius  sacri  Concihi  Basileensis :  ratificamus 
et  approbamus  omnia  decreta  ipsius  sacri  Concilii  Basileensis,  et  prsesertim  de 
electionibus  et  de  annatis :  poUicemur,  quod  sine  dolo  et  fraude  ilia  manutenere  et 
servare,  etc.  Then  follows  the  Monitorium,  to  be  delivered  to  the  Pope,  in  which 
the  complaints  against  him  are  detailed  in  full.  Amongst  them  are  the  following 
(p.  1067) :  quotidie  nostra;  a  diversis  personis  ac  pro  variis  causis  aures  pulsantur 
propter  importabilia  gravamina  eis  ilia  in  derogationem  per  nos  nostraque  auctori- 
tate gestorum,  potissime  quod  adversum  sententias  hie  latas,  quas  in  rem  transive- 
rint  judicatam,  adversum  ipsam  etiam  causarum  pendentiam  in  hoc  sacro  Concilio, 


196  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

negotiations  with  the  Greeks  were  once  more  made  a  pretext  by  the 
Pope  for  removing  tlie  seat  of  the  council  into  Italy,  where  his  influ- 
ence could  be  exerted  to  more  effect.     The  fathers  at  Basil,  however, 


rescripta  concesserit  quotidieve  concedat,  appellationes  etiam  a  sententiis  per  hanc 

Synodum  seu  ejusdem  Commissarios  latis  in  Curia  et  extra  commiserit  et  com- 

mittat,  lites  propter  hoc  faciendo  inimortales,  et  divisiones  quam  pluiimas  seminan- 

do,  necnon  varia  supposita  (stippots)  ab  hoc  sacro  Concilio  avocando,  qui  in  agendo 

pro  universah  Ecclesia  plurimum  conferebant.     Here  wc  tind  already  the  charge, 

p.  1068:   Intellexit  a  lide  dignis  pluriniis  s.  Synodus,  eundeni  Dominuni  Eugenium 

ad  diversos  reges  et  principes  suos  nuncios  destinasse,  ut  in  earundem  annatarum 

perseverantia  sibi  adsisterent.     A  letter  of  instructions  given  by  the  Pope,  soon 

after  this,  to  his  nuntios,  sent  to  the  various  princes,  (see  Raynald.  ann.  1436,  no. 

2  seq.,  contains  a  full  defence  against  these  charges,  and  a  complaint  of  the  whole 

proceedings  of  the   Council.     It  is  mentioned  as   an  unheard  of  heresy,   (no.  3), 

Concilia  generalia  non  suscipere  auctoritatem  et  i'undainentuui  a  Christi  Vicario, 

so  that   also  Roiiianus   Pontifex,  ut  Pralatus  quilibet,  obedirc  tenetur  decretis  — 

Concilii.  —  Quod  nihil  aliud  est,    quam   potestatem    Sumnii   Pontihcis  Chrisrtque 

Vicarii  in  tenis  totaliter  annihilai-e,  et  supremam  potestatem  ipsi  a  Christo  datam  in 

manibus  multitudinis  ponere :  quod  est  non  tam  erroneum,  quam  etiam  ab  omni 

doctrina    ss.   Patrum   totaliter  alienum,  inimo  toto  statu  catholicorum  Pi-incipum 

valde  perniciosum,  quoniam  pari  mode  possent  eorum  populi,  si  congregarentur, 

supra  eos  pra^tendere  potestatem.     The  Decretum  de  annatis  is  (no.  4)  in  grave 

pra^judicium    et   depressionem    Apostolica;    sedis,    cum    a  tanto  tempore,  de    cu- 

jus  contrario  non  est  memoria,  et  per  multa  retro  sa;cula  (see   §    100,  note  26; 

§    102,  note  3)  Sununus    Pontifex  —  in  pacifica   fuerit   possessione    de    levandis 

annatis:  —  utpote  qua?  nunquani  fuerint  per  aliquod   Concilium  revocata',  immo 

potiusin  generali  Viennensi  ( !  !  )  et  Constantiensi  Concilio  suscepta;.  — Caidinales 

etiam  S.  K.  E.  et  cseteri  Curiales  Romanae  Curiae  —  in  prasentia  S.  D.  N.  publice 

sunt  protestati,  —  atfirniantes,  quod  si  decretum  hujusmodi  tam  praecipitanter  (actum 

debebat  observari,  compellebantur  relinquere  sedem  Aposlolicam  et  ejus  sei'vitia. 

Furthermore  the  council  had  never  seiiously  considered  of  any  other  provision  for 

the  Pope.     There  is  some   justice  in  the  complaint  (no.  6)   that  the  council  had 

interfered  unjustifiably  in  the  administration  of  the  church :  Illud  summe  adver- 

tenduni  est,  et  ad  quos  oninis  Principum  consideralio  se  convertere  debet,  quod  ii, 

qui  Basilese  sunt,  omnia  administrant  et  faciunt  tam  in  spiritualibus  quam  in  tem- 

poralibus  quae  spectant  et  pertinent  ad  exei-citium  supremi  in  Ecclesia  Principis, 

quoniam  minores  causas  agunt,  de  causis  confirmationis  cognoscunt,  postulationes, 

qucE  soli  gratis  nituntur,  et  quos  solus  Papa  consuevit  admittere  vel  rejicere,  non 

solum  in  Concilio  recipiunt,  immo  eas  contra  pi'ovisiones  Apostolicae  sedis  admittunt, 

—  de  canonizationibus  Sanctorum  cognoscunt,  beneficia  et  otficia  —  dant,  pensiones 

super  beneficiis  iniponunt,  confessionalia  concedunt  more  Romans;  Curise,  abomnibus 

peccatis  absolvunt,  —  dant  indulgentias, —  faciunt  Doctores  in  omni  facultate  nuUo 

vel  modico  examine   prasvio,  cum  illegitimis  dispensant  ad  ordines,  dignitates  et 

ha'reditates,   pleiisque   pallium    conferunt,   Episcopos  consecrari    praecipiunt,  —  in 

gradibus  a  jure  prohibitis  dispensant  ita  faciliter,  ut  repertum  sit,  dispensatum  esse 

per  unum  Pi-adatum  in  secundo  gradu   consanguinitatis  auctoritate,  ut  dicebatur, 

Concilii.  —  Quee   omnia  nullum  umquam  generalium   Conciliorum  —  facere   prae- 

sumpsit,  etc.  —  The  legates  are  thereibre  directed  to  call  on  the  princes  to  interfere 

(no.  14),  unless  the  council  should  yield  (sexto),  ipsi  Princijies  velint  suos  oratores 

de  Basilea  revocare,  necnon  etiam  Pra:latos  eorum  et  subditos  tam  ecclesiasticos, 

quam  sa;culares.     The  close  of  these  instructions  is  characteristic  (no.  15),  where 

the  legates  are  directed  what  arguments  to  address  to  the  empero?,  and  what  to  the 

kino-  of  France.     Then :  Similiter  unicuique  Regi   et   Principi   specialia  qua>dam 

dici  poterunt  pro  majori  parte,  prout  erit  expediens,  quae  ipsimet  nuntii  pro  eorum 

prudentia  scient  reperire.     Non  esset  etiam  malum,  quod  nuntii  —  liabeant  aliquas 

particularitates  etiam  in  foro  conscientia',  ut  possent  gratificare  Regibus  et  Princi- 

pibus.     Utile  praterea  foret,  si  ii  nuntii    Apostolici    secum    portarent  sub  bulla 

aliquam  Curire  reformationem,  quam  Regibus  et  Principibus  prajsentarent.     Hoc 

enim  baculo  adversarii  nostri  semper  nos  invadunt  et  percutiunt,  quia  dicunt  multa 

in  Romana  Curia  fieri,  quae  egent  magna  reparatione,  nee  ilia  tamen  corriguntur. 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §  131.  Council  of  Basil.  Evgenius  IV.     197 

not  blind  to  the  danger,  obstinately  refused  every  such  proposition  ;  ^^ 
and  thus  it  soon   came   to  an  open  rupture.     On  the  31st  of  July, 

1437,  Sess.  XXVI.  the  council  summoned  the  Pope  before  its  tri- 
bunal,^- whilst  Eugenius,  on  his  part,  transferred  the  council  to 
Ferrara,"'-^  and  actually  opened  there  a  new  synod  on  the  8th  of  Jan. 

1438.  The  council  renewed  the  sentence  of  suspension  against  him, 
on  the  24th  of  Jan.  1438,  Sess.  XXXL^"*     At  this  session,  too,  some 

Per  hanc  reformationem,  etiam  si  usquequaque  plena  non  foret,  modo  essent 
aliqua,  eoruin  ora  obstruerentur,  qui  continue  lacerant  et  carpunt  Romans  Curiae 
famam,  —  redderenturqiie  tunc  Reges  et  Principes  melius  ajdificati,  et  niagis  proni 
ad  condescendenduni  petitionibus  Domini  nostri  Paps,  etc. 

^^  After  negotiations  had  already  taken  place  between  the  Pope  and  the  Greeks, 
there  appeared,  1434,  Greek  ambassadors  in  Basil,  who  proposed  to  the  council  the 
following  places  of  assembling  (Sess.  XIX.  b.  JNlansi  XXIX.  p.  94),  Calabria, 
Ancona,  vel  alia  terra  maritiraa,  Bononia,  Mediolanum,  vel  alia  civitas  in  Italia : 
extra  Italiam  Buda  in  Hungaria,  Vienna  in  Austria,  et  ad  ultimum  Sabandia.  The 
council  resolved  (p.  95)  to  send  ambassadors  to  Constantinople,  to  influence  the 
emperor,  if  possible,  in  favor  of  Basil,  but  otherwise  to  declare  their  leadiness  to 
choose  amongst  the  places  proposed.  The  patriarch  of  Constantinople  made  answer 
(Raynald.  1435,  no.  8),  that  it  was  necessary,  ut  statuatur  beatissimuni  Dominum 
Papam  in  meditata  oecumenica  Synodo  interesse  personaliter,  et  non  repraesenta- 
tive,  electo  et  statute  loco  congruente  et  commodo  pro  quiete  dicti  beatissimi 
Domini  Eugenii  et  nostra.  On  this  Sess.  XXV.  March  7,  1437,  duplo  major  pars 
of  the  synod  voted  in  favor  of  Ba^il,  Avignon,  or  Savoy,  and  in  the  following 
manner  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  134),  quod  apud  Imperatorem  —  et  alios  Grfecos  dili- 
gens  et  debita  fieret  instantia,  —  utex  diversis  bonis  respectibus  civitatem  Basileen- 
sem  acceptarent  pro  dicto  oecumenico  Concilio  ibidem  celebrando;  quam  si  eos 
omnino  recusare  contingeret,  extunc  civitas  Avinionensis  locus  esset — Concilii. — 
Si  tamen  illud  in  eadeni  celebrari  non  posset,  extunc  in  Sabaudia  Concilium  cele- 
braretur  antedictum.  The  minority,  with  the  papal  legates  at  their  head,  passed 
another  decree  on  the  same  day,  in  the  name  of  the  synod  (see  Raynald,  1437, 
no.  7),  ut  videUcet  civitas  Florentina  aut  Utinum  in  patria  Forijulii  ponenda  in 
manu  Concilii,  seu  quicunque  alius  locus  tutus  in  decreto  (Sess.  XIX.  see  above) 
comprehensus  Sunmio  Pontilici  et  Grsecis  accommodus  pro  oecumenico  Concilio 
eligatur,  which  was  at  once  confirmed  by  the  Pope  in  a  bull  dated  June  29  (see 
Raynald,  1437,  no.  8).  This  stormy  session  is  described  in  full  by  the  eye-witness, 
.^neas  Sylvius,  in  a  letter  first  published  by  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  220. 

3-  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  137  seq.  No  charge  was  here  brought  against  him  but 
disobedience  to  the  decrees  of  the  council :  Ille,  qui  primus  hcec  exequi  debuerat, 
quemque  et  Christi  prtecepta  et  canones  sacrorum  Conciliorum  pra;  ca'teris  servare 
oportuerat,  immo  et  cateros  ad  horum  observantiam  efficaciter  inducere,  nulla 
unquam  monitione,  nulla  exhortatione  induci  jam  longo  tempore  potuit,  ut  aliquam 
morum  emendationem  Christo  placentem,  aut  notissimoi-um  abusuum  correctionem 
in  Ecclesia  sancta  Dei  efficere  satageret.  Quin  potius  conspicit  universus  orbis, 
sub  ejus  regimine  majora  semper  scandala  gravioraque  exoriri.  Here  follows  a  long 
catalogue  of  offences.  Non  autem  solum  in  rerum  spiritualium  regimine  hanc  ipsam 
ruinam  consideramus,  sed  et  in  gubernatione  temporalium  dominiorum  s.  Romanse 
Ecclesiae  notorios  defectus  attendimus.  —  Quantus  enim  terras  ipse  Dominus  Eu- 
genius alienaverit,  quantsque  ejus  incuria  et  insolerti  regimine  deperditK  et  occu- 
patas  sint, — notoria  facta  testari  videntur.  The  Pope  is  therefore  summoned  to 
appear  before  the  council  within  60  days,  and  the  cardinals,  ut  infra  eundem 
terminum  in  hac  civitate  Basileensi  compareant,  saluti  s.  matris  Ecclesise  cum 
caeteris  in  Synodo  congregatis  consulturi  et  opportune  provisuri,  prout  Spiritus 
Sanctus  dictaverit. 

33  See  Harduin  IX.  p.  698. 

3*  Sess.  XXVIII.  on  the  1st  of  Oct.  1437,  he  was  convicted  of  contumacy 
(Mansi  XXIX.  p.  147).  Sess.  XXIX.  on  the  12th  of  Oct.  the  transferring  of  the 
council  to  Ferrara  was  declared  void,  and  all  prelates  commanded  to  appear  at 


198  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

last  attempts  were  made  at  reform  by  restricting  the  liberty  of  appeal 
to  Rome,'^-'  and  regulating  the  mode  of  appointment  to  vacant  bene- 
fices.-'^s  From  this  time  forward  the  whole  attention  of  the  Synod 
was  absorbed  in  the  controversy  with  the  Pope. 3" 

It  now  became  the  interest  of  the  temporal  lords,  to  secure  for  their 
respective  realms  the  advantages  of  the  reform,^^  and  at  the  same  time 

Basil.  Sess.  XXXI.  followed  the  suspension  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  168):  s.  Synodus 
praedictum  Eugenium  P.  IV.  manifestiim  contumaceni,  et  in  aperta  rebellione 
persistentem,  ac  nolorie  incorrigibiliterque  Ecclesiaui  Dei  scandalizanteni  —  ab 
omni  administratione  Papatus  in  spiritiialibus  et  tcniporalibus  suspendit. — Omneia 
autem  ipsius  Papatus  administiationcm  —  eadein  s.  Synodus  ad  seipsam  decernit  ac 
declarat  esse  devolutam. 

35  Sess.  XXXI.  deer.  1.  de  causis  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  159):  Inoleverunt  hacte- 
nus  intolerabilium  vexationuni  abusus  pernmlti,  dum  niniiuni  frequenter  a  renio- 
tissiniis  etiani  partibus  ad  Romanam  Curiam,  et  interduni  pro  parvis  et  minutis 
rebus  ac  neajotiis  quampluriini  citari  et  evocari  consuevei-unt,  atque  ita  expensis  et 
laboribus  fatigari,  ut  nonnunquani  comniodius  arbitrarentur  juri  suo  cedere,  aut 
vexationem  suaui  gravi  damno  redimere,  quain  in  tain  longinqua  regione  litium 
subire  dispendia.  Sic  facile  extitit  caluinniosis  opprimere  pauperes,  sic  beneficia 
ecclesiastica  plerumque  minus  juste  per  litium  antractus  obtenta  sunt,  duni  justis 
possessoribus  eorum,  seu  quibus  ilia  de  jure  competebant,  neque  opes  neque 
facnltates  ad  illos  sumptus  sufKcere  poterant,  quos  longinqua  profectio  ad  Romanam 
Curiam  et  litis  agitatio  in  eadem  deposcebant.  The  Synod  therefore  decrees, 
quod  in  partibus  ultra  quatuor  dijetas  a  Romana  Curia  distantibus  omnes  qua2- 
cumque  causae,  exceptis  njajoribus  in  jure  expresse  enumeratis,  et  electionum 
Ecclesiarum  cathedraliiim,  et  Monasteriorum,  quas  immediata  subjectio  ad  sedem 
Apostolicam  devolvit,  apud  illos  judices  in  partibus,  qui  de  jure  aut  consuetudine 
praiscripta  vel  privilegio  cognitionem  habent,  termineatur  et  tiniantur.  Et  ne  sub 
umbra  appellationum,  quaj  nimium  leviter,  et  nonnumquam  frivole  hactenus  inter- 
poni  visae  sunt,  atque  etiam  in  eadem  instantia  ad  prorogationem  litium  saepe  niulti- 
plicari,  materia  fovendis  injuslis  vexationibusrelinquatur;  statuit  eadem  s.  Synodus, 
quod  si  quis  ofTensus  coram  suo  judice  babeic  non  possit  justitiae  complementum, 
ad  immediatum  superiorem  per  appellationcm  recursum  habeat:  nee  ad  quem- 
cunque,  etiam  ad  Papain,  omisso  medio,  neque  a  gravaniine  in  quacumque  in- 
stantia ante  diffinitivam  sentenliam  quomodolibet  appelletur,  nisi  tbrsitan  tale 
gravamen  exsliterit,  quod  in  diffinitiva  sententia  reparari  nequiret :  quo  casu,  non 
alias,  ad  immediatum  superiorem  licet  appellare.  Si  vero  quispiam  a  sedis  Aposto- 
licEB  immediate  subjecto  ad  ipsam  sedem  duxerit  appellandum,  causa  per  rescriptum 
usque  ad  finem  litis  inclusive  in  partibus  coinmittatur :  nisi  forte  propter  defectum 
justitiop,  aut  justum  metum,  etiam  in  partibus  convicinis,  —  apud  ipsam  sedem 
foret  merito  retinenda. 

^  Deer.  1.  de  collationibus  beneficiorum.  The  Pope  is  forbidden  to  grant  any 
more  gralias  exspectativas,  as  well  as  reservationes  particulares.  Deer.  3.  Quali- 
ficationes  et  ordo  in  conferendis  beneficiis  per  Ordinarios.  Each  cathedral  church 
shall  have  a  theologus,  the  third  part  of  all  prebends  be  filled  with  graduates; 
only  such  shall  be  appointed  to  be  priests  in  the  cities,  aut  ad  minus  qui  per  tres 
annos  in  theologia,  vel  in  altero  jurium,  seu  magistri  in  artibus,  qui  in  aliqua 
Universitate  privilegiata  studentes  fuerint,  et  hujusmodi  gradum  adepti  fuerint. 

3^  An  account  of  this  controversy,  partial  to  the  Pope,  is  given  by  Joannes  de 
Polemar,  in  a  work  written  1443  (see  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  197  seq.) ,  another  equally 
partial  to  the  council,  by  A'icolaus  de  Tudcsco,  Archiepisc.  Panormitamis  (known 
as  a  writer  on  the  Canons  under  the  name  of  Abbas  or  Panormitanus)  1.  c.  p. 
205  seq. 

38  Notwithstanding  the  fears  of  Johannes  Nider,  a  Dominican,  who  was  very 
active  at  the  council,  that  little  was  to  be  expected  from  it.  In  his  Formicarius 
(or  De  visionibus  ac  revelationibus  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt  Helmst.  1692.  8vo.  written 
A.  D.  1437.  Lib.  I.  c.  7.  p.  96,  he  makes  Piger  ask  with  reference  to  the  Council 
of  Constance  and  the  praesens  Basileense  Concilium,  quod  pene  in  omnium  bulla- 


Chap.  I.  Papacy,  ^^i  131.  Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV-     199 

to  prevent  the  threatened  schism.  Charles  VI.  of  France,  though 
not  satisfied  with  the  decrees  of  the  council  against  the  Pope,  hasten- 
ed to  avail  himself  of  them  in  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  passed  at 
Bourges,  July  7,  1438,3^  and  rejected  the  Council  of  Ferrara.  In 
Germany,  the  imperial  throne  being  vacant,  the  electors  exerted 
themselves  to  mediate  between  the  two  parties  ;  and  to  further  this 
object,  on  the  day  before  the  choice  of  Albrecht  II.,  March  17,  1438, 
they  declared  the  German  church  neutral  '^'^  At  the  same  time,  how- 
ever, they  took  care  to  secure  all  the  advantages  of  the  reform  at 
Basil,  by  the  Instrumentum  acceptationis,"*!  executed  by  the  emperor 
and  the  realm  on  the  26th  of  March,  1439.  The  Council  of  Basil 
seems  to  have  been  led  by  this  general  approbation  accorded  to  its 
measures,  to  over  estimate  its  moral  strength  :  every  suggestion  of  the 
expediency  of  yielding  in  some  measure  was  steadily  repelled  ;  "•"-  the 

rum  suai'iim  praeferebat  exordio  reformationis  titulum,  utrum  de  totali  refor- 
matione  Ecclesise  in  mcmbris  et  capite  aliquam  spem  habere  possimus.  The 
Theolof^us  answers:  Non  oiunino  frustra  celebrata  I'uerunt  duo  ista  Concilia. — 
De  totali  autem,  quani  depingis,  reformatione  Ecclesiaj  ad  prassens  et  ad  piopinqua 
futiira  tempora  nuUain  penitus  spem  habeo.  Tuin  quia  voluntas  bona  in  subdilis 
deficit,  turn  quia  illud  Prffilatorum  malitia  impedit,  turn  etiam,  quia  illud  electis 
Dei,  qui  persecutionibus  malorum  probantur,  non  expedit. 

39  Pragmatique  Sanction  or  la  Pragmatique  de  Bourges  ed.  Pinson,  Paris.  1666. 
fob,  in  the  Ordonnances  des  Rois  de  France  de  la  troisicine  Race,  vol.  XIII.  p.  267. 
and  in  M  il  n  c  h  '  s  Saminlung  aller  ciltern  und  neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  1.  S.  207  AT. 
of.  Histoire  contenant  I'origine  de  la  Pragmatique  Sanction,  —  comme  elle  a  ete 
observee,  et  les  moyens  dont  les  Papes  se  sont  sei-vis  pour  I'abolir,  in  the  Traitez 
des  Droits  et  Libertez  de  TEglise  Gallicane.  T.  I.  1731.  fol. 

*°  See  the  protest  inJoh.Joach.  Mailer's  des  heil.  rcim.  Reichs  teutscher 
Nation  Reichstagstheatrum  wie  selbiges  unter  Keyser  Friedrichs  V.  allerhochsten 
Regierung  gestanden  (Jena  1713.  tol.)  Th.  1.  S.  30. 

^^  This  Instrumentum  acceptationis  which  had  long  lain  in  obscurity,  was 
brought  to  light,  and  published  by  the  Counsellor  of  State,  Hoiix,  at  Mayence,  in 
the  Concordata  Nat.  Germ.  Integra.  Francof.  et  Lips.  1763.  4to.  with  corrections  in 
the  Cone.  Nat.  Germ,  integra  variis  additamentis  illustrata  (Francof.  et  Lips.  1771. 
3  Tomi,  8vo.  T.  I.  p.  38  seq.  The  best  edition  from  the  oiiginal  in  the  Archives  in 
Mayence,  with  the  necessary  explanations,  is  the  Sanctio  Pragmatica  Germanorum 
illustrata  ed.  Christoph.  Guil.  Koch.  Argentor.  1789.  4to.  p.  93  seq.  M  ii  n  c  h  '  s 
Sammlung  aller  altern  u.  neuern  Konkordate.  Th.  1.  S.  42  (T. 

''■^  cf.  ..^necB  Sylvii  comnientariorum  de  gestis  Cone.  Basileensis  libb.  IL,  written 
1444,  in  favor  of  the  council,  comprehending  the  years  1438-1440:  the  accompany- 
ing Epist.  ad  Joannem  de  Segovia  de  coronatione  Felicis  is  often  counted  as  lib. 
III.  Both  may  be  found  in  the  Fasciculus  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum 
p.  1  seq.,  and  have  been  published  separately  also,  Basil.  1577.  8vo.  Cattopolii 
1667.  4to.  According  to  JEneas  Sylvius  the  princes  might  have  hindered  the 
schism  by  working  in  concert,  compare  his  remarkable  letter  to  the  imperial  chan- 
cellor, Caspar  Schlick,  A.  D.  1438,  Ep.  54 :  Vidi  quid  Reges  scribunt  ex  copiis 
literarum,  nee  despero  rem  posse  bene  conduci,  si  aggredi  velimus  negotium. 
Omnibus  enim,  ut  vides,  displicet  schisma,  omnes  abhorrent.  Viam  autem  so- 
piendi  hoc  malum  Carolus  Rex  Francis  nisi  fallor  et  tutam  et  brevem  ostendit,  ut 
liat  conventus  Principum  vel  eorum  oratory  m  in  communi  aliquo  loco,  ibique  una 
recipiatur  conclusio  per  omnes.  —  Hasc  via  non  posset  impediri :  nee  Papa,  nee 
Concilium  reniti  possent,  tanquam  hoc  absque  ipsis  fieri  nequiret.  Licet  enim 
Principibus  saecularibus  convenire  invito  Clero,  et  tamen  illic  unio  fieri  posset. 
Nam  ille  Papa  indubitatus  esset,  cui  omnes  Principes  obedirent.  Non  video  Cleri- 
cos,  qui  velint  pro  ista  vel  ilia  parte  martyrium  ferre.  Omnes  hanc  fidem  habe- 
mus,  quam  nostri  principes  :  qui  si  colerent  idola,  et  nos  etiam  coleremus.     Et  non 


200  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

proceedings  against  Eugenius  were  continued,  and  at  Sess.  XXXIV. 
May  25,  1489,  he  was  fornially  deposed,-^^  and  on  the  17th  of  Nov. 
the  commission  appointed  for  the  purpose,  chose  Amadeus  VIII., 
duke  of  Savoy,  to  succeed  him,  under  the  title  of  Felix  V.''^ 

Tliis  rash  measure,"'^  by  which  a  new  schism  was  occasioned  iti 
the  church  so  shortly  after  the  old  one  had  been,  with  such  pains, 
reconciled,  proved  the  ruin  of  the  council.  Felix  V.  was  scarce  any 
where  recognised.  The  council  lost  daily  more  and  more  of  its  im- 
portance, and  from  the  16th  of  May,  1443,  when  it  held  its  45th  and 
last  session,  existed  only  in  name.'*'^     Eugenius  would  have  had  little 

solum  Papam  sed  Christum  etiam  negaremus  SKCulari  potestate  iirgente,  quia 
refriguit  caritas,  et  omnis  interiit  fides.  Utcunque  sit,  pacem  desideiamus,  quae 
sive  per  aliud  Concilium,  vel  per  conventum  Principum  detur,  nihili  pendo. 

"■^  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  179  seq.,  s.  Syiiodus  pro  tribunali  sedens  per  banc  suam 
sententiain  diffinitivam  —  pronunciat,  decernit  et  declarat,  Gabrielem  prius  nomi- 
natum  Kugenium  P.  IV.  fuisse  et  esse  notorium  et  manifestuin  contumacem,  man- 
datis  seu  praeceptis  Ecclesias  universalis  inobedientem,  et  in  aperta  rebellione 
persistenteni,  violatorein  assiduum  atque  contemptorem  sacroruin  canonum  syno- 
dalium,  pacis  et  unitatis  Ecclesia?  Dei  perturbatorcm  notorium,  universalis  Ecclesiae 
scandalizatorem  notorium,  siinoniacum,  perjurum,  incorrigibilem,  schismaticum,  a 
fide  devium,  pertinaceni  hasreticum,  dilapidatorem  juiium  et  bonorum  Ecclesia?. — 
Quern  propterea  eadem  s.  Synodus  a  Papatu  et  Romano  Pontificio  ipso  jure  priva- 
tum esse  declarat,  etc. 

*^  of.  JEne(B  Sylvii  Commentar.  (see  note  42). 

■•^  That  the  proceedings  at  Basil  were  rash,  and  that  the  state  of  things  there 
was  not  exactly  what  it  might  have  been  wished,  is  evident  already  from 
what  is  above  narrated.  Compare  Jo.  de  Polcmar  (see  note  37),  in  Mansi 
XXXI.  p.  202  :  Nullibi  pejus  decreta  Basileensium  quam  Basileas  servata 
sunt.  Formula  ilia  morum,  in  cibis,  in  vestibus,  in  familiaribus,  in  falleris  (phale- 
ris)  equorum,  in  modo  vivendi  et  procedendi,  in  deputationibus,  in  congregatioae 
generali  fuitne  unquam  servata  1  Qualiter  supplicationes,  et  alia  per  deputationes 
expedita  sint  temere,  immoderate,  prout  quilibet  plus  poterat  aut  clamores  et 
impressiones,  aut  multitudinem  votorum,  non  advertendo  quid  cxpediat,  sed  omnia 
passim  concedendo,  ea  prsesertim  quK  sedes  Apostolica  repulerat,  —  pudet  referre. 
Mittunt  utique  nuncios  cum  facultatibus,  quae  nee  legatis  de  latere  per  sedem 
Aposlolicam  Iradi  consueverunt.  Si  Diabolus  a  Basileensibus  aliquid  peteret  et 
contra  fas  et  jus  ;  dummodo  illis  vellet  assentire,  facillime  impetraret.  Offerunt  et 
ipsi  et  Antipapa  eorum  Regibus,  Principibus,  et  Praclatis  privilegia,  facultates, 
dignitates,  ut  illis  adsistant,  etc. 

*^  The  position  of  the  different  nations  is  thus  described  by  JEneas  Sylvius 
descript.  Germanise,  c.  10:  Gallia  quidem,  atque  Hispania,  Italia  quoque,  Ungaria 
et  Anglia  Eugenium  sequebantur  :  Sabaudia,  Suicenses,  Basilicnses,  Argentinen- 
ses,  ac  ex  Saxonia  Caminenses,  simulque  de  ducibus  Bavariae  Albertus  Monaci 
Felici  obediebant.  Rex  Aragonvmi  et  Sicilia;  Alphonsus,  Polonique  et  Britones 
nee  Eugenio  nee  Felici,  sed  Concilio  Basileensium  auscultabant.  Reliqua  Germa- 
nia  neutralitatem  quandam  induit.  The  state  of  the  council  by  Joannes  de  Pole- 
mar  (see  note  37),  A.  D.  1443  (in  Mansi  XXXI.  p.  206):  NuUi  Primates, 
Archiepiscopi,  et  Episcopi  orbis  Antipaps  adhasserunt,  exceptis  paucissimis  illis  de 
Pedemontium  et  Sabaudia,  quos  non  Veritas  trahit,  sed  metus  et  subjectio  com- 
pellit,  ac  illis  tanti  sceleris  pati'atoribus  Basileae  existentibus,  quorum  nomina 
oppoitunum  est  inserere,  ut  patent,  qui  et  quales  sint,  qui  Ecclesiam  perturbant. 
Arelatensis  Episcopus  (Louis  Allemand,  archbishop  of  Aries  and  cardinal,  pre- 
.sident  of  the  council),  Gratianopolitanus  Episcopus  (of  Grdnoble),  Basiliensis 
Ep.,  Ep.  Aquensis,  Marsiliensis  sine  possessione  Episcopus,  Lacusanensis  sine 
possessione  Ep.  Argentinensis  titulatus,  Ep.  Grossetanus  titulatus.  Fuerunt 
etiam  duo  Episcopi  de  Arragonia,  quos  D.  Rex  tenebat  ibi,  ut  terreret  S.  D. 
N.    ne    esset   sibi    adversarius    in   regno    Neapolitano.      Fuerunt    autem   pauci 


Chap.  I.  Papacy.  §  131.  Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV.     201 

trouble  in  pulling  down  his  rival,  if  he  had  not  at  the  same  time 
persisted  in  making  war  on  the  decrees  of  the  council,  which  had 
been  already  adopted  by  the  two  most  powerful  realms  of  Christendom. 
The  most  decided  supporters  of  these  decrees  being  amongst  the 
spiritual  lords,  it  became  his  aim  to  win  over  if  he  could  the  temporal 
princes.  In  France  he  was  obliged  to  content  himself  with  an  ac- 
knowledgment of  allegiance  from  Charles  VII.,  whilst  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction  was  retained. ^^     In  Germany,   however,  there  was  more  to 


quidam  Abbates  de  dioecesi  Basiliensi,  metii  ibi  inanere  compulsi ;  fuerunt  qui- 
dam  Monachi  apostatcc  et  fugitivi,  et  nonnulli  vel  notarii  vel  copista;,  et  quidam 
alii  vix  in  saciis  constituti  nullius  aestimationis,  qui  quidem  nee  in  dioecesanis 
nee  in  piovincialibus  Coneiliis  de  jure  vel  consuetudine  admitterentur,  qui  Ba- 
sileani  ad  hoc  profecti  fuerant,  et  ad  hoc  morabantur,  ut  effugerent  superio- 
rum  suorum  correctionem,  vel  ut  alios  litibus  vexarent,  vel  ut  scandalum  aliquod 
perpetrarent,  etc.  Ever  since  1437  many  of  the  most  influential  bishops  had 
deserted  the  council,  which  had  given  the  preponderance  to  the  inferior  clergy. 
This  was  protested  against  by  Nicolaus  Panormitanus  (compare  note  37),  A.  D. 
1439,  in  pleading  for  delay  in  the  proceedings  against  the  Pope  (see  JEii.  Syl.  de 
Cone.  Basil,  lib.  I.  C'attop.  16G7.  p.  36) :  Si  Episcopi  et  Abbates  computarentur, 
nemini  dubium  esse,  quin  major  pars  differri  pi-aesentem  rem  vellet.  Cumque 
totius  potestas  Concilii  in  Episcopis  resideret,  baud  ferendum  e?.--e,  ut  eis  spretis, 
quod  majori  parti  inferiorum  placeret,  id  concluderetur.  But  the  Cardinalis  Arela- 
tensis  on  the  other  hand  referred  to  passages  in  Augustine  and  Jerome  (1.  c.  p.  43) : 
si,  prout  Hieronymo  placet,  Episcopi  sunt  sola  consuetudine  pra;lati  Presbyteris, 
utique  fieri  potest,  ut  consuetudinem  contraria  tollat  consuetudo  :  at  si  Presbyteri 
debent  Ecclesiam  Dei  cum  Episcopis  in  commune  regere,  satis  notum  est,  quod  ad 
eos  quoque  decidere  res  spectat  Ecclesiaj  dubias.  —  Si  soli  Episcopi  vocem  habeant, 
id  demum  fiet,  quod  nationi  placebit  Italica;,  qua;  sola  nationes  alias  in  numero 
Episcopoi'um  aut  superat  aut  asquat.  Utcunque  est,  opus  Dei  hac  vice  fuisse 
autumo,  ut  inferiores  ad  decidendum  reciperentur;  revelavil  enim  ea  nunc  Domi- 
nus  parvulis,  quse  sapientibus  abscondit.  En  horum  inferiorum  zelum,  constan- 
tiam,  rectiludinem,  magnanimitatem  videtis.  Ubi  nunc  Concilium,  si  soli  Episcopi, 
solique  Cardinales  vocem  habuissent .'  Ubi  nunc  Conciliorum  auctoritas  ?  Ubi 
fides  catholica  .'  ubi  Decreta  ?  ubi  reformatio  .'  Nempe  omnia  libidini  Eugenii  ac 
temeritati  jam  diu  commissa  i'uissent ;  victorque  neiandissimi  propositi  sui  ille 
fuisset,  nisi  quos  modo  spernitis  infeiiorcs  sibi  resti(issent.  Hi  sunt,  qui  privatio- 
nem  ab  Eugenio  factam  contenqjserunt :  hi  sunt,  qui  minas,  qui  spolia,  qui  perse- 
cutiones  ipsius  flocci  fecerunt,  etc.  At  a  later  period,  A.  D.  1452,  JEneas  Sylvius 
says  in  his  Oi-atio  adv.  Austriales  (in  Maratorii  Anecdotis,  T.  II.  p.  162)  :  Inter 
Episcopos,  cfEterosque  Patres  conscriptos  vidimus  in  Basilea  coquos  et  stabularios 
orbis  negotia  judicantes.  Quis  horum  dicta  vel  facta  judicaverit  legis  habere 
vigorem  .'  The  composition  of  the  council  has  always  been  one  of  the  chief 
grounds  with  the  Italians  for  denying  its  validity. 

*'  Eugenius'  opinion  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  is  expressed  in  a  letter  to  the 
king,  written  on  occasion  of  the  choice  of  a  bishop  in  Angers,  according  to  the 
provisions  of  the  Sanction,  without  regard  to  the  Pope's  claim  to  provide  as  here- 
tofore (Raynnld.  ann.  1439,  no.  37) :  Quod  vero  scribitur,  ordinafiones  Bituris 
confectas  (te)  velle  mauutenere,  a  certo  tenemus  scriptum  esse  te  inscio  et  invito. 
Nam  cum  pro  tua  sapientia  dttdum,  cum  ilia;  ordinationes  fierent,  consuluisses 
viros  nonnullos  timentes  Deum,  et  bonos  viros  ac  doctos,  quid  de  ilUs  sentirent, 
atque  ii  tibi  respondissent,  eas  esse  contra  Deum,  contra  a;quitatcm  injustas,  et 
contra  salutem  animas  tua; ;  mirandum  essct — te  velle  eas  ordinationes  servare, 
qufe  essent  iniqua;  et  in  anima'  ture  praejudicium  factae.  A  new  synod  was  held  in 
Bourges,  and  from  the  council,  A.  D.  1440,  ambassadors  attended  from  Eugene, 
and  the  former  demanded  that  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  should  b.'5  annulled.  They 
received  from  the  king,  after  he  had  consulted  with  his  bishops  and  other  nobility, 
the  following  answer  (Preuves  des  libertez  do  Teglise  Gallicane.  chap.  20,  no. 
23) :  quod  Rex  tenuerat  Concilium  Basileense  pro  Concilio,  ad  ipsum  Ambassia- 

voL.  III.  26 


202  Third  Period.     Diu.    V.     A.   D.   1409  —  1517. 

hope  from  the  weakness  of  the  new  emperor,  Frederick  III.  (from 
1440),  and  the  intestine  divisions  of  the  country.  Wiiat  efforts  he 
made  to  secure  the  powerful  princes  may  he  seen  in  the  privileges 
he  granted  the  duke  of  Cleves  (1444)  to  the  prejudice  of  the  arch- 
bishop of  Cologne  and  the  bishop  of  Miinster,  who  were  opposed  to 
him.^^  Still,  however,  he  overrated  his  influence  in  Germany  when 
he  ventured  (A.  D.  1445)  to  depose  the  archbishops  of  Triers  and 
Cologne  for  their  adherence  to  the  Council  of  Basil  ;  "^^  for  a  conven- 

tores  miserat ;  niulta  bona  pro  fide  et  moiibus  constitueiat,  quae  Rex  approbabat ; 
nee  uncjuani  congregatuin  Ferraiiense  pro  Concilio  habuerat  aut  habebat.  Quoad 
depositioneni  Eugenii,  et  electionem  Felicis,  iiuiiH|uain  eas  adprobaverat,  aut 
approbat ;  iiumo  tenuerat  Dominum  Eugeniurn  pio  Papa,  et  adbuc  tenebat,  et 
volebat,  quod  sibi  in  suo  Regno  obediretur,  nisi  aliud  in  Concilio  generaii,  cele- 
brando  juxta  aniuiiii  in  aliquo  loco  Galliaruni,  f'uisset  ordinatum,  et  quod  requirebat 
Papani,  quatenus  illuc  iiiitterct  dictum  Concilium,  et  convocaret,  et  celebrari  pro- 
curaret,  et  quod  in  eo  personaliter  interesset.  —  Quoad  Pragmaticam  Sanctionem, 
earn  inviolalnliter  volebat  observari  et  custodiri.  Et  si  aliqua  videntur  nimis 
rigida,  in  illo  generaii  Concilio  Basileensi  possent  moderari. 

^**  See  the  remarkable  bull  directed  to  the  bishop  of  Utrecht  dd.  17  Kal.  Febr. 
1444,  in  Leibnitii  Mantissa  Codicis  Juris  Gentium  diplomatici,  P.  II.  p.  168  : 
Pastoralis  officii  desuper  nobis  divina  pi-ovidentia  conniiissi  debitum  postulat  et 
requirit,  ut  conti'a  nostrorum  et  Romaiiae  Ecclesice  rebellium  temeritatem  eorum, 
qui  in  nostra  et  sedis  Apostolicoe  obedienfias  devotione  et  tide  firmi  et  immobiles 
permanserunt,  statui  et  quieti  animarumque  saluli  saliibriter  consulamus.  Exhi- 
bita  siquidem  nobis  pro  parte  dilectoruni  filiorum,  nobilium  virorum,  Adolphi 
Ducis  Clyphensis,  et  Johannis  ejus  primogeniti,  petitio  continebat,  (]uod  cum  tam 
saeculares  quain  ecclesiasticae  personae,  necnon  collegia  —  et  alia  loca  ecclesiastica 
in  suis  dominiis  et  terris  in  Coloniensi  et  Monasteriensi  diocesi  consistentia,  pro 
eo  quod  Archiepiscopus  Coloniensis  nobis  et  Apostolicaj  sedi  inobediens  et  rebellis 
existit,  et  iniquitatis  filiiis  Henricus,  qui  se  gerit  pro  Episcopo  Monasteriensi, 
damnadonis  filio  Amedeo,  olim  Duci  Sabaudias,  qui  se  Felicem  V.  ausu  sacrilege 
nominare  pra'sumit, —  adhaiTere  pra;sumsit,  pluiiina  in  spiritualibus  et  temporali- 
bus  detrimenta  sustineant : — pro  parte  dictorum  Ducis  et  primogeniti  nobis  fuit 
humiliter  supplicatum,  ut  eorum  subditorum  suorum  statui  et  saluti  providere 
misericorditer  dignaremur.  Nos  igitur  —  omnia  et  singula,  personas,  collegia, 
capitula,  nionasteria,  Ecclesias  et  loca  qua^libet  ecclesiastica,  dominia,  terras  et 
loca  supradicta,  donee  aliud  super  hoc  diixerimus  disponcndiim,  ab  omni  juris- 
dictione,  potestate,  et  siiperioritate  spirituali  Coloniensis  Arckiepiscopi  et  Epi- 
scopi  Mo7iasteriensis  eximentes  et  Jibcrantes,  Fraternitati  tucB  unum  Episco- 
puni,  etiam  titularem,  —  qui  in  dictis  dominiis,  —  Clericos  ordinare,  —  omnemque 
spiritualem  jurisdictionem,  qu.-E  Archiepiscopi  Colonienses  et  Episcopi  Monasteri- 
enses  pro  tempore  inibi  habere  et  exercere  consuevcrunt,  —  exercere  valeat, 
necnon  contra  omncs  et  singulas  personas,  —  quae  schismatis  labe  infecta  essent, 
aut  praef'ato  Amedeo  quomodolibet  adhrererent  seu  faverent,  —  inquirere  et  proce- 
dere — possit,  —  depxitandi,  et  ilhmi  amovendi,  aliumque  sui  loco  ponendi, 
quotiens  pro  parte  dictorum  Ducis  et  primogeniti  fueris  requisitus,  auctorilate 
praefata,  tenore  pra-senliuni,  concedinius  facultatem.  Volentes  similiter  et  tibi 
eisdem  auctoritate  et  tenore  concedentes,  ut  omnia  et  singula  dignitates,  persona- 
tus,  —  monasteria,  —  cajteraque  fiene^cm  ecclesiastica  qua;cunque  in  dictis  domi- 
nis  —  nunc  vacantia  et  imposterum  —  vacatura,  —  qua'  in  turno  sivc  mense  Ordi- 
nariorum  vacare  contigerit,  dummodo  non  sint  sedi  Apostolica;  rescrvafa,  ^ersom's 
idoneis  per  ipsos  Ducem  et  primogenitinn  tibi  noininandis  —  conferre  et  de 
illis  providere  —  libere  et  licite  valeas.  Hence  the  proverb:  Dux  Clivia;  est 
Papa  in  suis  terris,  see  Wern.  Teschenmacheri  annates  ClivicB,  Julia,  Montium 
et  Marcm  Westphalicm  ed.  J.  Chr.  Dithmar.     Franc,  et  Lips.  1729.  fol.  p.  294. 

^*  See  the  Breve  to  the  bishop  of  Utrecht  dd.  9  Febr.  1446  (in  Raynald,  ad 
h.  a.  no.  1)  :  Nuper  iniquitatis  tilios  Theodoricum  de  Moersem,  olim  Coloniensem, 
et  Jacobum  Sirik,  olim  Treverensem,  Archiepiscopos,  tamquani  haereticos  et  schis- 
maticos,  nostrosque  et  Romanae  Ecclesiae  rebelles  ex  justis  et  urgentibus  causis 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.  §  131.     Council  of  Basil.     Eugcnius  IV.     203 

tion  of  the  electors  was  held  at  Frankfurt  on  the  Maine  (March  21, 
144G),  at  which  it  was  resolved  to  demand  at  once  from  the  Pope 
what  they  deemed  their  rights.-'^''  The  emperor,  however,  who  viewed 
witli  some  jealousy  such  a  combination  amongst  the  electors,  was  able, 
by  the  arts  of  his  private  secretary,  yEiieas  Sylvius,  to  induce  most 
of  them  to  consent  to  considerable  modihcations  of  their  demands  ;5^ 


omni  dignitatc  archiepiscopali  —  privavimus,  —  ac  privates  fore  declarainus  :  et 
deinde  ad  provisionem  earuindera  Ecclesiaruui  —  paternis  et  solicitis  studiis  inten- 
dentcs,  Coloniensi  Ecclesiae  de  persona  dilecti  tilii  Adolphi  Clivensis  duxiiiius 
providendum,  ad  Ecclesiam  vero  Treverensem  ven.  fratrem  nostrum  Joannem  tunc 
Cameracensem  Episcopum  de  fratruin  consilio  auctoritate  Apostolica  transtuliinus. 

^^  The  document  of  this  union  see  in  Milller's  Reichstagstheatrum,  Th.  1, 
S.  278,  and  from  the  original  in  Gudeni  Codex  diploniaticus  Anecdotorum,  T.  IV. 
p.  290  seq.  .HSnecB  Sylvii  hist.  Friderici  III.  Imp.  (in  JI.  F.  Kullarii  Analecta 
Monuinentorum  omnis  a;vi  Vindoboneusia,  T.  II.  p.  120  seq.)  :  Eugenius  cum 
accepisset,  Theodericuin  Coloniensem,  et  Jacobum  Treverensem  Archiepiscopos 
et  Electores  Imperii  Felicis  fovere  partes,  nutrire  neutralitatem,  adversari  Komanae 
sedi,  ambos  deposuit,  et  archiepiscopali  dignitate  privavit,  quae  res  illi  magno 
impediraento  fuit.  Nam  bene  nati  prssules  et  amicis  fulti,  quamvis  jure,  non 
tamen  facto  Ecclesias  dimittebant,  et  acrius  Eugenii  partes  impugnabant.  Horum 
igitur  opera  conventus  apud  Francfordiam  inter  Principes  habitus  est,  in  quo 
decretura  est,  nisi  Eugenius  depositionem  Archiepiscoporum  annullaret,  decretum 
Constantiensis  Concilii  acceptaret  atque  protiteretur,  Germanicae  nationi  oportune 
secureque  et  stabiliter  provideretur ;  omnis  natio  ab  Eugenio  deliceret,  Felicem- 
que  sequeretur.  Hoc  autem  secrete  inter  se  statuerunt,  silentiumque  jurejurando 
indixerunt,  mittentesque  ad  Cssarem  Legatos,  ea  lege  aperire  jusserunt  mandata 
Cssari,  ut  non  amplius  quam  sibi  et  sex  consiliariis  patefaceient.  Erat  autem 
mens  eorum  Legatos  eosdem  ad  Eugenium  mittere,  qui  hac  peterent,  orabantque 
Cffisarem,  ut  amplecteretur  eoi-um  viam,  atque  cum  his  mitteret. — Legatis  Prin- 
cipum  dixit  CtFsar,  non  placere  sibi  depositionem  Archiepiscoporum,  neque  sur- 
rogatos  eis  Galileos,  bene  facere  Principes,  qui  eorum  indemnitati  et  nationis 
utiiitati  consulerent,  velle  se  ad  hajc  concurrere  et  mittere  ad  Eugenium  cum 
eis  :  illud  autem  indignum  esse,  quod  se  Papae  judices  constitueiint,  cum  dicerent, 
nisi  sperata  fecerit,  ab  eo  se  defecturos,  quasi  non  Papam  et  Papam  esse  in 
eorum  arbitrio  resideret.  The  ambassadors  of  the  Electors,  of  whom  Gregory  of 
Heimburg  was  the  most  important,  set  off  directly  for  Rome,  preceded  by  iEneas 
Sylvius  as  imperial  ambassador.  Ctesar  vocato  iEnea  Senensi  secretario  suo, 
secreta  Principum  ei  aperuit,  jussitque  Papam  accedere,  ac  viam  pacis  ei  suadere, 
pericula  exponere  et  mentem  Principum,  orare,  ut  Electores  suos  restitueret : 
Cajsarem  sibi  in  omni  re  auxilio  futurum.  ^neas,  in  a  private  audience,  informed 
the  Pope,  in  name  of  the  emperor:  Videri  necessarium  Ai-chiepiscopos  restitui, 
non  autem  cassari  privationem.  Tum  nationi  opportune  pi-ovideri.  Deinde 
decretum  Frequens  Constantiensis  Concilii  (see  §  130,  note  15)  recipiendum  esse. 
Ea  si  Eugenius  faceret,  futurum,  ut  tota  natio  et  neutralitatem  deponeret,  et  ad 
Eugenii  rediret  obedientiam.  Sin  autem,  quamvis  Cssar  nunquam  Eugenium 
deserturus  esset,  tamen  Electores  mala  esse  mente  multa  machinaturos  mala 
timendumque  grande  schisma.  The  Pope  adopted  these  suggestions,  and  told 
the  ambassadors  of  the  Electors,  quia  mandatum  non  haberent  tractandi  et  con- 
cludendi  qua;  oporteret,  missurum  Eugenium  ad  conventum  Electorum,  respon- 
surumque  petitionibus  eorum  pro  dignitate  Romans  sedis.  This  took  place  in 
Frankfurt. 

*'  jEneas  Sylvius,  1.  c.  p.  125  :  Omnis  Cassaris  cura  in  cam  diastani  collata 
erat.  Nam  sex  Electores  obligati  simul  adversus  Eugenium  videbantur  Caesarem 
spernere,  itaque  summum  Cffisari  studium  erat,  fcedus  Electorum  solvere,  et 
aliquem  ad  se  trahere,  ut  Eugenio  et  sibi  consuleret.  Contra  enim  onines  Elec- 
tores nihil  audebat  agere,  neque  adversari  Eugenio  volebat.  Itaque  neque  solus 
Eugenium  sequi  audebat,  neque  cum  Electoribus  illi  adversari  volebat.  —  Earn 
ob  causam  legatis  suis  (of  whom  ^neas  was  one)  id  mandati  Cssar  dederat,  ut 
foedus  Electorum  omnino  rumpere  tentarent,  et  aliquos  Electores  ad  se  trahere 


204  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

and  an  embassy  was  despatched  to  Rome  commissioned  to  acknowl- 
edge the  authority  of  Pope  Eiigenius,  on  his  acceding  to  these  con- 
ditions.^- Even  these  demands  were  resisted  by  a  part  of  the  cardi- 
nals,^*^ and   Eugenius,  whilst  he  appeared  to  grant  them  in  the  four 

studerent :  quod  si  duos  ex  eis  habere  possent,  declarationem  pro  Eugenio  facerent, 
sin  autem,  declarationem  omitterent.  At  first  the  legates  of  the  council  seemed  to 
have  the  advantage,  the  ambassadors  of  the  electors  gave  an  unfavorable  account  of 
their  success  at  Rome.  Exinde  legati  Ccesaris  summo  studio  conati  sunt  Maguntinum 
Archiepiscopum  ex  foedere  casterorum  Electorum  abducere,  sic  enim  et  Federi- 
cum,  Marchionem  Bi'andenburgensem,  ab  illis  extraxisse  putabant,  qui  fidem 
Archiepiscopi  secutus  fcedus  intrai'at.  Multa  in  cam  rem  praticata  sunt.  Johan- 
nes de  Lisura  fadei-is  et  auclor  et  defensor  Maguntinum  in  sententla  tenebat. 
Cumque  res  diu  iuutililer  tractaretur,  ad  pecuniam  tandem  recuirere  oportet, 
cui  raras  obaudiunt  aui-es.  Ha'C  Douiina  curiarum  est,  haec  aures  omnium  aperit, 
huic  omnia  serviunt.  Haec  quoque  Maguntinum  expugnavit.  Non  quod  sibi 
quicquam  promissum  fuerit,  sed  inter  quatuor  ejus  Consiliarios  duo  millia  flore- 
norum  rhenensium  erogata  sunt,  qua;  bono  animo  Ca?sar  solvit,  ne  se  spreto 
Electores  ad  partem  Concilii  Felicisve  declinarent,  quam  summam  Nicolaus  postea 
per  ^neam  Federico  remisit.  Hi  ergo  Consiliarii  non  veritatis  aniore  sed  auri 
dulcedine  pellecti  Archiepiscopum  Maguntinum  ad  voluntatem  Caesaris  inclina- 
bant.  Sed  nolebat  Pontifex  ille  juratum  fuedus  abrumpere  sine  causa  justa,  quas- 
rebatque  modes  honestiores.  Cumque  legati  Cajsaris  non  possent  menti  ejus 
satisfacei-e,  ^neas  modum  commentus  est,  qui  receptis  notulis,  secundum  quas 
se  Principes  obligaverant,  nisi  Eugenius  illas  admitteret,  velle  se  eum  deserere, 
omne  venenum  ex  his  ademit,  novasque  notulas  composuit  (this  new  agreement, 
or  modification  of  the  union  mentioned  in  note  50,  has  been  printed  with  the  title 
Concordata  Principum  Francofordiensia,  in  Wiirdttvein  Subsidia  diplom.  T.  IX. 
p.  70),  per  quas  et  Archiepiscopi  depo^^iti  restituerenfur  (though  without  ac- 
knowledging the  validity  of  their  deposition)  efrnationi  oportune  provideretur  (but 
with  the  condition  prescribed  by  the  Pope,  that  the  nation  should  make  up  to  the 
Pope  what  they  deprived  him  of),  et  aucloritas  conciliorum  salvaretur  (though  at 
the  same  time  condemning  the  Council  of  Basil,  by  making  no  provision  for  a 
settlement  of  the  differences  between  it  and  the  Pope)  :  illasque  dixit  sua  opini- 
one  Eugenium  non  negaturum.  —  Eas  igitur  Maguntino  ostendei'unt,  dicentes 
iniquum  esse  ab  Eugenie  discedcre,  qui  notulas  illas  concessurus  esset  honestatis 
et  justitia;  plenas.  Tunc  Maguntinus  bona  fide  se  dixit  intrasse  foedus,  sibi 
dictum  fuisse,  nihil  Electores  ab  Eugenie  velle,  quod  non  esset  honestum  ;  at  si 
jam  his  non  contentarcntur,  ab  honestate  recederent.  Placere  igitur  sibi,  ut 
notulcB  in  publico  legcrentur,  quasrei-enturque  vota  multitudinis.  The  Electors  of 
Mayence  and  Brandenburg,  the  High-master  of  the  Teutonic  Order,  Prussia,  the 
archbishop  of  Magdeburg,  and  several  other  German  princes  subscribed  this  before 
the  public  consultation.  Cumque  ventum  esset  in  concionem,  majoi'  pars  notulas 
approbavit :  Treverensis  et  Coloniensis  et  Dux  Saxonia;  adversi  fuerunt,  Palatinus 
dubius  mansit.  Sic  territi  tres  Electores  nihil  concludere  ausi  sunt.  At  legati 
C.Tesaris  cum  Maguntino,  Brandenburgensi  et  aliis  novum  fadus  fecerunt,  statu- 
eruntque  in  future  nativitalis  Dominican  festo  ad  Eugenium  mittere,  atque  ab  eo 
petere,  uti  notulas  approbaret :  quod  si  faceret,  mox  nomine  nationis  obedientia 
sibi  prEBSlai-etur  ;  sin  autem,  rursus  in  deliberationeni  res  adduceretur. 

^"  See  the  speech  of  ^neas  to  the  emperor  Frederick,  in  which  he  gives  an 
account  of  this  embassy,  the  death  of  Eugene,  and  the  coronation  of  Nicolas  V., 
in  Baiuzii  Miscellan.  lib.  VH.  p.  525  seq. 

*^  JEnea  Sylvii  hist.  Friderici  HI.  in  Kollar  II.  p.  129  :  Collegium  Cardinalium 
divisum  erat,  videbaturque  magna  pars  adversari  his,  qus  Francfordiai  conclusa 
erant,  atque  hi  erant  niaxime  Theologi,  qui  omnia  graviora  faciunt :  ob  quam  rem 
Ludovicus  Aquilegiensis  et  Johannes  Morinensis  Cardinales  suadent  Eugenie,  si 
velit  Ecclesiae  pacem  habere,  novos  ut  Cardinales  assumat,  qui  resistere  contradi- 
centibus  possint.  Sic  suasus  Eugenius  quatuor  Cardinales  crcavit.  The  cardinals 
who  objected  said  (see  the  Oratio  JEnea  just  cited,  Bahiz.  VII.  p.  533),  vendi- 
tam  esse  Teutonicis  Apostolicam  sedem,  seque  quasi  bubalos  duci  naribus.  — 
Further,   p,  535 :    Grave    videbatur   Cardinalibus   annatas   remittere,   collatione* 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  131.     Council  of  Basil.  Eugenius  IV.     205 
bulls  which  he  enacted,^^  reserved  to  himself  and  his  successors  in  a 


beneficiorum  amittere,  Concilium  convocare,  decreta  recipere,  privatos  restituere : 
ajebantque,  non  solum  in  natione  Germanica  id  esse  nocivum,  sed  alias  exinde 
nationes  recessuras  et  Apostolicam  sedem  perditum  iii,  nee  bene  consultum  esse 
csteiis  Ecclesiis,  quando  Romana,  qua;  est  caput  omnium,  langueret ;  conducere 
Cliristianffi  relioioni  Romanum  Pontiticem  fore  potentem,  ut  tueri  alios  Prslatos 
queat,  inter  Prlncipes  pacem  constituerc,  intidelibus  resistere,  ha;reses  extirpare  : 
nunquain  tot  ha?reses  in  Christiana  religione  iuisse,  quot  fuerunt  ante  Sylvestrum, 
quia  paupertas  Romani  Ponliticis  neglectui  I'uit. 

^*  These  four  bulls  are  given  for  the  most  part  in  Raynald,  ad  ann.  1447,  no.  4 
seq.,   complete  in   Mailer's    Reichstagstheatrum,   S.   347   ff.,   partly   from   the 
original  in  Koch  Sanctio  Pragm.  p.  181  seq.     Munch's  Concordate,  Th.  1,  S. 
77ff. —  I.  Ad  ea  ex  dehito  dd.  5  Febr.  directed  to  the  emperor,  the  electors  of 
Mayence  and  Brandenburg,  relating   to  the   council   which   was  desired  propter 
Ecclesia;  necessitates  :   Nos,  etsi  absque  convocatione  novi   Concilii   aha  via  rebus 
Ecclesia;  melius  consuli  posse  arbitremur,  cupientes  tamen  vobis  et  nationi  vestrae, 
quam  singular!  semper  affectione   Apostolica  sedes  prosecuta  est,   quantum  cum 
Deo  possumus,  complacere,   contentamur  apud   Reges  et    Principes    Christianos 
curam  et  diligentiam   adhibere   tideliter,   ut  ad  votum   vestrum   trahi  valeant  et 
conduci,  ita  quod  in  uno  ex  quinque  locis  consentiant  generale  Concilium   convo- 
cari :  quod  infra  decern  (menses)  a  die   dato  prssentium  computandos  intendimus 
experiri,  et  si  consensus  hujusmodi  haberi  poterit,  in  tine  dictorum   X.   mensiuni 
generale  Concilium  ad  decimum  octavum  immediate  sequentes  initiandum  in  uno 
ex  prsnominatis  locis,  in  nomine  Domini  convocabimus.    If  the  other  kings  should 
not  consent  to  this  place  of  meeting,  the  council  should  be  summoned  in  alio  loco 
rebus  gerendis  acconunodo.   Concilium  autem  generale  Constantiense,  Decretum 
Frequens,  ac  alia   ejus  decreta,  sicut  catera  alia    Concilia,  catholicam  mili- 
tantem  Ecclesiam  reprcesentantia,  ipsorum  potestate?n,  auctoritatem,  hnnorem 
et  eminentiatn,  sicuti  et  cceteri  antecessores  nostri,  a  quorum  vestigiis  deviate 
neqitaquam  intendimus,  suscipimus,  amplectimur  et  veneramur.  —  II.  Ad  tran- 
quillitatem  dd.  5  Febr.     After  a  reference  to  this  confirmation  of  the  decrees  of 
the  Council  of  Constance  :  Super  aliis  autem  decretis  Basileaj  editis,  et  per  claras 
memoria;  quondam  Albertum   Romanorum   Regem   acceptatis,  ex  quorum  obser- 
vantia  natio  ipsa  Alamanica  ex  pUuibus  gravaminibus  dicitur  relevari,  content! 
sumus,  volumus  et  decernimus,  quod  omnia  et  singula  vigore   decretoriim  hujus- 
modi cum  suis  modificationibus  acceptatorum  —  usque  in  pra;sentem  diem  quomo- 
doUbet  gesta  vel   acta  sunt,   cum  omnibus  inde   .secutis  rata,  firma  et  inviolabilia 
persistant.  —  Super  observatione  vero  et  modificatione  decretorum  eorundem   cum 
nonnulli  Pra-lati  nationis  pra?fat»  ex  eisdem  decretis   gravatos  se  fore,  nobis  con- 
questi  sint,  cumque  in  illis  Apostolicae  sedi,   quas  multum  in  suis  juribus  ex  ipsis 
decretis  gravata  dinoscitur,  recompensatio  piomissa  sit,  decrevimus  Legatum  nos- 
trum cum  sufficienti  poteslate  ad  partes   Germaniag  transmittere,   qui  mediantibus 
Rege,  Archiepiscopo  et  Marchione  pra-fatis,  ac  aliis  ejusdem  nationis  Principibus 
et  Pra-latis,  cum  quibus  fuerit  opus,  super  observantia  et  modificatione  decretorum 
hujusmodi,  necnon  super  provisione  Apostolicae   sedi  faciendis  tractare   valeat,  et 
finaliter  concordare.     Permittcntes  interim,  —  quod  omnes  et  singuli  —  in  pra;fata 
natione  decretis  hujusmodi  —  libere  et  licite  uti  possint,  —  donee  per  Legatum,  ut 
praedictum  est,  concordatum  fuerit,  vel  per  Concilium  —  aliter  fuerit  ordinatum.  — 
III.  Ad  ea  quce  ad  reductionem  dd.  5  Febr.     At  the  request  of  the  king  of  Rome, 
and  other  prelates  and  princes,  and  to  do  them  a  pleasure,   promittimus, —  quod, 
quando  ipsi  olim  Treverensis  et  Coloniensis  Archiepiscopi  ad  gremium  nostrum  et 
Ecclesise   venientes  —  nobis   plenam   et  debitam  obedientiam   prajbuerint,   ac   pro 
vero  Jesu  Christi  vicario  recognoverint,  ipsos   ad  praedictas  Ecclesias  absque  uUa 
exceptione  aut  oppositione  reslituemus,   ac  in  pristinum  statum  reponemus.     IV. 
Inter  cfftera  desideria  dd.  1  Fehr.  omnes  et  singulas  —  electiones,  —  provisiones 
et  dispositiones,  necnon  processus,  —  sententias  aliaque  acta  judiciaria  auctoritate 
ordinaria  hujusmodi  suspensionis  et  neutralitatis  tempore  factas  seu  facta  —  grata  et 
rata  habentes  auctoritate  Apostolica  ex  certa  scientia  confirmamus.  —  Ac  illis,  qui 
pallium  dictorum,  qui  Basileffi   post  nostram   translationem   sub  nomine   generalis 
Concilii  remanserunt,  auctoritate  receperunt,  ut  illo  uti  possint,  praesentibus  conce- 
dimus  et  indulgemus :  illis  autem,   qui  non  habent,  sine  difficultate  dabimus  et 


206  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

fifth,  the  power  of  recalling  what  they  pleased.^^  Still  the  embassy 
took  the  oath  of  allegiance  to  him  on  his  death-bed,  Feb.  7,  1447,^^ 
and  the  neutrality  of  Germany  was  at  end. 


«§>  132. 

NICOLAS  V.  (6  March,  1447  to  24  March,  1455),  calixtus  hi. 
(8  April,  1455  to  0  Aug.  1458),  pius  ii.  (19  Aug.  1458  to  15  Aug. 
1464),  PAUL  II.  (30  Aug.  1464  to  26  July,  1471). 

The  well  known  cunning  and  perseverance  of  the  court  of  Rome 
were  now  put  in  requisition  to  regain  what  had  been  lost  by  the  Coun- 
cil of  Basil.  Nicolas  V.,  immediately  after  his  accession,  expressed 
himself  with  great  liberality  to  the  German  ambassadors,^   and  con- 

etiam  Hbere  concedemus.  —  Praeterea  omnia  et  singula,  quas  dictis  suspensione  et 
protestatione  durantibus  in  pra'judicium,  —  vel  Icesionem — MetiopoUtanorum, — 
necnon  aliorum  Episcoporum,  Pra;latoruni,  Collegioruin,  personarum,  sen  rerum 
quarumcunque  contra  foedus  protestationis  et  suspensionis  hujusmodi  quoniodocun- 
que  vergentia,  Apostolica  vel  alia  quavis  auctoiitate  coucessa,  —  insuper  ecclesi- 
asticas  censiiras,  niulctas  et  poenas  —  promulgatas  —  cassamus.  —  Nee  non  illis, 
qui  contra  ip?os  inipctratis,  concessis  vel  obtentis  —  quomodolibet  niterentur, 
etiamsi  eis — jus  quajsitum  foret  ex  certa  scientia  de  potestalis  plenitudine,  perpe- 
tuum  silentiuin  iniponentes  :  insuper  quascunque  obligationes  super  annatis  seu 
coniiiiunibus  et  minutis  servitiis  —  usque  in  praesentem  diem  remittimus.  —  Insu- 
per omnes  et  singuias  prafata;  nationis  —  personas,  —  qui  post  dissolutioneni  sive 
translationem  praefati  Concilii  per  nos  lactam  congregationi  Basiliensium  sub  nomine 
generalis  Concilii  adhajserunt,  —  qui  jam  ad  nostram  obedientiam  sunt  reversi,  vel 
infra  sex  menses  post  declarationem  pro  nobis  lactam  redierint,  —  ab  omnibus  et 
singulis  juramentis,  perjurii  reatu,  ac  aliis  censuris  et  poenis,  si  qui  tenerentur,  — 
absolvimus  et  libeiamus.  —  Ut  autem  pra^missa  eo  firmius  observentur,  pro  nobis 
et  successoribus  nostiis  Romanis  Pontificibus  de  Venn,  fratrum  nostrorum  S.  K.  E. 
Cardinalium  consilio  et  assensu  pollicemur  omnia  et  singula  supradicta  inviolabili- 
ter  obsei-vare,  et  contra  ea  —  nullo  uiiiquam  tempore  quicquam  innovare  :  et  quod 
nobis  licere  non  patimur,  eisdem  successoribus  indicamus,  decernentes  ex  nunc 
irritum  et  inane,  si  secus  super  his  a  quoquam  quavis,  etiam  Apostolica  auctoritate 
—  conligeiit  attentari. 

65  The  bull  Decet  dd.  5  Febr.  in  RaynnUl,  ann.  1447,  no.  7,  and  Mtlller,  S.  352: 
Cum  carissimus  in  Cbristo  filius  Fiidericus  Rex  Romanorum  illustris,  ac  ven. 
frater  noster  Archiepiscopus  Maguntinus,  et  dil.  filius  Fridericus  Marchio  Brande- 
burgensis,  S.  1.  Electores,  nonnullique  alii  nationis  Germanics  Pralati  et  Princi- 
pes  quEedam  petiverint  a  nobis  tiuri,  qua?  necessitas  ipsa  et  Ecclesise  utilitas,  ut 
eos  ad  nostram  et  s.  Romans  Fcclesice  unitatem  et  obedientiam  alliciamus,  nos 
concedere  quodammodo  compellit :  nos  ad  vitandum  omne  scandabim  et  pericu- 
lum,  quod  exinde  sequi  posset,  nolentes  aliquid  dicere,  aut  confirmare  vel  conce- 
dere, quod  esset  contra  ss.  Patrum  doctrinam,  vel  quod  vergeret  in  pra-judicium 
hujus  s.  Apostolicas  sedis,  quoniam  propter  imminentem  nobis  segritudinem  non 
valemus  omnia  per  eos  petita  et  per  nos  concessa  cum  ea  integritate  judicii  et 
consilii  examinare  et  ponderai-e,  qua>  rerum  magnitude  et  gravitas  requirit ;  tenore 
prasentium  protestamur,  (juod  per  quffcumque  a  nobis  dictis  Regi,  Archiepiscopo 

ac  nation!  responsa  et  respondenda,  concessa  et  concedenda  non  intendinius  in 

aliquo  derogare  doctrinae  ss.  Patrum,  aut  prafata;  sedis  privilegiis  et  auctoiitati, 
habentes  pro  non  responsis  et  non  concessis,  quaecunque  talia  a  nobis  contigerit 
emanare. 

56  See  the  account  of  ^neas  Sylvius  (note  52)  in  Baluz.  VII.  p.  537  seq. 

'  He  said  to  them  (see  the  speech  of  yEneas,  cited  in  §  131,  note  52,  in  Baluzii 
Misc.  VII.  p.  555) :  Ego  quae  cum  natione  Germanica  mens  antecessor  I'ecit  non 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Council  of  Basil    Nicolas  V.     207 

firmed  the  bulls  of  his  predecessor,^  but  he  soon  succeeded  in 
the  so  called  Concordat  of  Aschaffenburg,  though  really  of  Vienna 
(17th  of  February,  1448),^  introduced  through  the  connivance  of 
the  emperor  and  the  help  of  J^neas  Sylvius,  in  reestablishing 
the  so  pernicious  articles  of  the  Concordat  of  Constance,  under 
the  pretext  of  securing  the  stipulated  provision^  The  more  pow- 
erful princes  were   won   over  by  favors,''    the  others  had  to    follow. 

solum  approbare  confirmareque  volo,  sed  exequi  et  manutenere  omnia.  Nimis,  ut 
inihi  videtur,  Romaiii  Pontitices  fimbrias  suas  extenderunt,  qui  nihil  jurisdictionis 
CEeteris  Episcopis  reliquerunt.  Nimis  quoque  Basilienses  Apostolica;  sedis  manus 
abbreviaverunt.  Sed  ita  evenit :  qui  facit  indigna,  ut  injusta  f'erat  oportet.  Arbo- 
rem,  qua  in  unam  partem  pependit,  qui  volunt  eiigere,  in  partem  adversam  tra- 
hunt.  Nobis  sententia  est,  in  partem  soUicitudinis  qui  vocati  sunt  Episcopos  suo 
jure  minime  spoliare.  Sic  enim  jurisdictionem  nostram  nos  denique  servaturos 
speramus,  si  non  usurpaverimus  aliena. 

2  See  the  document  in  Koch  Sanctio  Pragm.  p.  197  seq. 

'  See  the  history  of  these  concordats  in  Koch,  p.  36  seq.  At  the  Diet  of 
Aschaffenburg  in  July,  1447,  it  was  resolved  for  the  next  Diet  to  be  held  at 
Nurembero-:  Item  concludetur  ibi  provisio  Sanctissimo  Domino  nostro  et  sedi 
Apostolica;^  si  tempore  medio  cum  legato  non  fuerit  concordatum.  This  provisio 
had  been  promised  to  the  Pope  by  the  Council  of  Basil,  in  consideration  of  what 
had  been  taken  from  him  (see  §  131,  note  30),  and  had  been  stipulated  for  by 
Eugenius  IV.  in  the  bull  Ad  tranquillitatem  (see  §  131,  note  54).  In  the  mean 
time  the  emperor  accepted  the  concordat  at  Vienna  (see  Koch,  p.  211,  note  3), 
through  ^neas  Sylvius,  who  negotiated  the  matter  with  the  Cardinal  Johannes  de 
Carvajal. 

4  Amongst  the  numerous  editions  the  most  important  are  those  taken  from  originals, 
namely,  from  the  archives  of  Mayence  in  Wurdtwein  Subsid.  dipl.  IX.  p.  78  seq., 
from  the  impeiial  archives  in  Vienna,  in  Koch  Sanct.  Pragm.  p.  201  seq.,  and  from 
those  of  the  Electors  of  Cologne,  in  Hedderich  elementa  juris  canonici.  P.  IV. 
p.  145  seq.  See  Miinch's  Concordate,  Th.  1,  S.  88  ff.  The  Vienna  Concordat 
has  only  the  two  sections  of  the  Concordat  of  Constance  (see  §  130,  note  19). 
Cap.  II.  De  provisione  Ecclesiarum,  and  Cap.  III.  De  Annatis,  for  the  most  part 
word  for  word.  The  most  important  change  is  that  instead  of  alternating  in  the 
appointments  to  the  inferior  benefices,  an  alternatio  mensium  is  substituted  :  De 
ceteris  dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  quibuscunque,  sKcularibus  et  regularibus  vaca- 
turis,  ultra  reservationes  jam  dictas,  niajoribus  dignitatibus  post  pontiticales  in 
cathedralibus,  et  principalibus  in  collegiatis,  exceptis,  de  qiiibus  jure  ordinario 
provideatur  per  illos  inferiores,  ad  quos  alias  pertinet,  idem  sanctissimus  Dominus 
noster  per  quamcunque  aliam  reservationem  —  non  impediet,  quo  minus  de  illis, 
cum  vacabunt  de  niensibus  Februarii,  Aprilis,  Junii,  Augusti,  Octobris  et  Decem- 
bris,  libere  disponatur  per  illos,  ad  quos  coUatio,  —  aut  aha  qua?vis  dispositio  perti- 

nebit. Quetiens  vero  aliquo  vacante    beneticio   de    mensibus  Januarii,  Martii, 

Maji,  Julii,  Septembris  et  Novembris,  specialiter  dispositioni  Apostolicje  sedis 
reservatis,  non  apparuerit  infra  tres  menses  a  die  notae  vacationis  in  loco  beneficii, 
quod  alicui  de  illo  Apostolica  auctoritate  fuerit  pi-ovisum,  ex  tunc  et  non  antea 
Ordinarius,  vel  alius,  ad  quem  illius  dispositio  pertinebit,  de  illo  libere  disponat. 
In  the  bull  of  confirmation  dd.  19  Mart,  in  which  the  whole  concordat  is  word  for 
word  repeated,  there  is  the  remarkable  variation  that  in  the  first  of  the  above 
clauses,  the  words  de  quibus  are  left  out.  It  therefore  reads  (Koch,  p.  240)  :  De 
caeteris  dignitatibus,  —  majoribus  dignitatibus  —  exceptis,  jure  ordinario  providea- 
tur, etc.  On  which  is  grounded  the  assertion  made  as  early  as  1457  in  JEneas 
Sylvius  epist.  383,  ad  Mart.  Mayerum  in  the  very  face  of  the  true  text :  Concor- 
data  ipsa  dignitates  primas  post  pontiticales  et  in  collegiatis  Ecclesiis  principales 
Apostolicae  sedis  dispositioni  permittunt  (so  also  in  his  Germania,  c.  12  and  c.  21)  : 
and  this  explanation  was  admitted  universally  till  the  canonist  Nelier  of  Triers, 
1757,  showed  its  incorrectness  ;  see  the  observations  in  Koch  Sanct.  Pragm.  p.  223 
and  240.     Still  this  error  has  not  yet  ceased  to  exert  an  influence. 

*  On  the  elector  of  Brandenburg  was  bestowed  the  right  of  appointing  the  bish- 


208  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Thus  were  the  most  important  fruits  of  the  Council  of  Basil  and  the 
Acceptation  of  Mayence  entirely  lost.^     Felix  V.,   and  the  feeble  re- 


ops  of  Brandenburo;,  Lebus,  and  Havelburg  ;  see  the  document  dated  September, 
1447,  in  Gercken  Cod.  diplom.  Brandeb.  T.  VII.  p.  361.  The  ecclesiastical  elec- 
tors received  the  Indultuiii  of  tilling  all  places  that  might  fall  vacant  in  the  papal 
months  (Koch,  p.  42),  so  also  the  archbishop  of  Salzburg  (see  Nachrichlen  von 
Juvavia,  S.  280).  The  elector  Dietrich  of  Cologne,  was  the  only  one  who  could 
not  be  gained  over ;  but  it  was  not  long  after  his  death  before  the  concordat  was 
published  in  his  diocese  also,  A.  D.  1461 ;  see  Hedderich  eleraenta  juris  canonici. 
P.  IV.  p.  145. 

^  Jacobus  de  Paradiso  (a  Carthusian  and  doctor  of  tlieology  in  Erfurt)  de  sep- 
teni  statibus  Eccl.  in  Brown  Appendix  ad  fasc.  rerum  expetend.  et  fugiendarum, 
p.  Ill  :  Gaudet  quidem  nostris  temporibus,  scil.  nunc  de  anno  Domini  1449  Eccle- 
sia  de  unico  et  indubitato  pastore,  scil.  Nicolao  P.  V.  ;  sed  luget  do  conculcatione 
decretoruin  in  transactis  Conciliis  edictorum,  et  videt  quomodo  contraria  decrelis 
practicantur.  —  At  the  close  of  the  Concoidat  of  Vienna  we  read :  In  aliis  autem, 
quK  per  felicis  i-ecordaiionis  Domiriuin  Eugenium  Papam  quartum  pro  natione 
prtefata  usque  ad  tcmpus  futuri  generalis  Concilii  permissa,  concessa,  indulta  atque 
decreta,  et  per  memoratum  sanctissimum  Dominum  nostrum  Papam  Nicolaum 
confirmata  fuere,  in  quantum  ilia  concordiae  piaescnti  non  obviant,  ista  vice  nihil 
extitit  immutatum.  According  to  this,  those  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basil 
which  were  accepted  at  Mayence  (see  §  131,  note  41),  and  which  had  been  con- 
firmed by  Eugenius  IV.  (by  the  bull  ^d  tranquillitatem,  §  131,  note  54),  and  by 
Nicolas  V.  (see  note  2),  were  to  remain  valid,  except  in  so  far  as  they  might  be 
replaced  by  others  in  this  concordat.  This  too  was  the  tenor  of  the  bull  cor- 
responding with  the  bull  Ad  tranquillitatem :  according  to  which  the  concordats 
still  to  be  issued  were  only  to  be  concerning  the  modification  of  some  of  those 
decrees,  and  the  reparation  to  be  made  the  Pope.  Gradually,  however,  the  Accep- 
tation of  Mayence  was  foi-gotten,  and  the  Concordat  of  Vienna  looked  upon  as  the 
only  result  of  the  Council  of  Basil  in  Germany.  In  this  light  it  seems  to  be 
viewed,  1457,  by  JEneas  Sylvius  epist.  383,  ad  Mart.  Mayerum  :  Verum  cum 
dicis,  decreta  Basiliensis  Concilii  non  custodiri,  idque  putas  injuriosum  esse  nationi, 
indignam  dicimus  esse  querelam  tuam.  Propter  decreta  enim  Basiliensis  Concilii 
inter  sedem  Apostolicam  et  nationem  vestram  dissidium  ccepit,  cum  vos  ilia  prorsus 
tenenda  diceretis,  Apostolica  vero  sedes  omnia  rejiceret.  Itaque  fuit  denique 
compositio  facta,  in  qua  nos  impei-atorio  nomine  interfuimus.  Ea  certam  legem 
dedit,  deinde  inviolabiliter  observandam,  j)er  quani  aliqua  ex  decretis  Concilii 
pra-dicti  recepta  videntur,  aliqua  rejecta.  So  too  in  his  Germania,  c.  11.:  Po- 
stremo  eo  modo  concoi-dia;  locus  fuit,  ut  scntentia  quorundam  decretorum  Basili- 
ensis Concilii  reciperetur,  reliqua  vero  ejus  statuta  rejecta  viderentur.  It  was 
shown,  however,  by  Leibnitz  Cod.  jur.  Gentium  P.  I.  p.  396,  anteriora  concordata 
et  concessa,  qualia  in  decretis  Constantiensis  et  Basileensis  Concilii  et  Eugenii 
approbatione  continentur,  hie  confirniari,  adeoque  rnal6  vulgo  negligi.  After  the 
Acceptation  of  Mayence  had  been  brought  to  light  by  Horix  (see  §  131,  note  41), 
the  true  relation  of  these  documents  was  established,  and  acknowledged  by  the 
canonist  Neller  in  Triers,  Endres  and  Gregel  in  Wilrzburg,  Jung  in  Heidelberg, 
Roth  in  Mayence,  and  Hedderich  in  Bonn,  especially  during  the  controversies 
concerning  the  authority  of  the  papal  N unties,  see  especially  Jo.  Phil.  Gregel 
diss,  de  juribus  nationi  Germanics  ex  acceptatione  Decretorun)  Basileeusium  qusc- 
sitis,  per  Concordata  Aschaffenburgensia  modificatis  aut  stabilitis.  Mogunt.  1787. 
4to.  (reprinted  in  P.  A.  Gratz  Continuatio  thesauri  juris  eccl.  ab  A.  Schmidt 
adornati,  vol.  I.  Mogunt.  1829.  Svo.  p.  41  seq.).  On  the  other  hand,  Spittler 
(Gesch.  der  Fundamentalgesetze  der  deutschkathol.  Kirche  im  Verhliltnisse  zum 
rom.  Stuhle,  in  d.  Golting.  histor.  Magazin,  Bd.  1,  St.  2,  S.  347,  St.  3,  S.  474, 
Bd.  4,  St.  1,  S.  151)  attempted  to  show  that  the  decrees  of  Basil  were  really  abro- 
gated by  the  Concordat  of  Aschaflenburg.  See,  on  the  other  hand,  Koch  Sanct. 
Prao-m.  p.  47  seq.  Ueber  die  Fundamentalgesetze  der  deutschkathol.  Kirche  im 
Verb,  zum  rom.  Stuhle,  ein  Nachtrag  zur  Spittler'schen  Geschichte.  Frankf.  u. 
Leipz.  1790  (in  which  Spittler's  essays  on  the  subject  are  given  in  full  and  an- 
swered). 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Council  of  Basil     Nicolas    V.      209 

mains  of  the  Council  of  Basil,  removed  in  1448  to  Lausanne,'''  had 
likewise  to  submit;  the  former  resigning,  the  latter  being  finally 
di.-solved  (1449).^  The  hopes  of  the  Pope  of  reviving  the  old  order 
of  things  in  Germany  were  raised  still  higlier  by  the  weakness  of  the  em- 
peror Frederick  III.,  who,  in  his  transport  at  the  long  desired  corona- 
tion at  Rome,  1452,  proposed  a  new  crusade  to  the  Holy  Land 
instead  of  the  stipulated  council.^  The  fall  of  Constantinople  soon 
after  (May  29,  1453),  seemed  to  call  in  earnest  for  a  crusade,  and 
the  Pope  proceeded  at  once  to  proclaim  one,  and  imposed  a  tithe  on 
the  churches  for  its  support. i'^  But  the  papal  power  had  sunk  too 
low  in  popular  estimation  to  act  upon  public  opinion  as  in  former 
times,  and  by  the  excitement  of  religious  enthusiasm  get  free  at 
once  from  their  political  embarrassments.  The  preparations  for  a 
crusade  went  no  farther  than  fruitless  consultations  and  empty  prom- 
ises, and  the  only  advantage  the  popes  derived  therefrom  was  the 
revival  under  a  plausible  pretext,  of  many  of  the  old  modes  of  extort- 
ing money  which  had  been  abolished  by  the  reform.  For  this  very 
reason,  however,  the  majority  amongst  the  Germans,  who  felt  them- 
selves deceived  and  cheated  by  the  Pope  and  the  emperor,  looked  on 
all  these  preparations  for  a  crusade  only  as  a  new  means  of  satisfying 
the  rapacity  of  the  pontiff;  i'   so  that  when  Calixtus  III.,  immediately 

'  After  the  imperial  safe  conduct  had  been  announced  to  them,  A.  D.  1447,  and 
the  city  of  Basle  compelled  by  three  successive  orders  to  remove  the  council  from 
their  precincts,  see  M  il  1 1  e  r '  s  Gesch.  schweizerischer  Eidgenossen,  Th.  4  (neue 
Aufl.  Leipz.   182G),  S.  262  ff. 

**  See  the  Acta  in  i?ai/n«/J,  1449,  no.  3  seq.  Mailer's  Reichstagstheatrum, 
Th.  1,  S.  366  ff. 

^  See  the  speech  of  ^^neas,  delivered  in  the  presence  and  by  authority  of  the 
emperor,  in  .Mnecp  Sylvii  hist.  Frid.  III.  in  KoUnrii  Analecta  Monum.  T.  II.  p. 
307,  and  especially  the  passage  p.  317  :  Alius  fortasse  vel  generale  Concilium, 
vel  reformationis  decreta  petivisset.  Sed  quod  majus  haberi  Concilium  potest, 
quam  Tuae  Sanctitatis  Tuique  Sancti  Senatus  pra>sentia  .'  Frustra  Concilium  petit, 
qui  Romani  Pontiticis  mandata  non  recipit.  Ubi  Tua- Sanctitas  est,  ibi  Concilium, 
ibi  Reges,  ibi  mores,  ibi  decreta,  salubrisque  reformatio.  Cssari  susccptis  imperi- 
alibus  infulis,  Tuaque  sacra  manu  coronato  nihil  hoc  tempore  visum  est  antiquius, 
quam  de  Passagio  Tecum  agere.  The  answer  of  the  Pope  shows  that  he  knew 
his  man  :  Ecclesiam  numquam  Imperio  sacro  tam  gratam  esse  posse,  quam  debeat : 
expeditionem,  de  qua  loquutus  esset  ^neas,  laudandum  opus,  dignumque  Casare, 
multam  prae  se  ferre  pietatem  :  —  consulendos  tamen  esse  casteros  Christianse  rcli- 
gionis  Principes,  eorumque  auxilia  in  tantum  opus  qusrenda:  quos  si  benivolentes 
invenerit,  relaturum  se  Caesari,  atque  tam  sanctum  negotiurft  summo  conatu  ag- 
gressurum. 

1"  The  bull  dated  September  30,  1453,  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  9.  e.  g. 
Inprimis  universos  Principes  Christianos  —  hortamur,  requirimus  et  mandamus  in 
vim  professionis  factas  in  sacri  susceptione  baptismatis,  ac  in  vim  juramenti  praestiti, 
cum  dignitatum  suai-um  infulas  suscepcrunt,  ut  ad  defensionem  Christiana;  religio- 
nis  et  tidei  cum  bonis  et  personis  suis  pro  sua  possibilitate  verisimiliter  et  indesi- 
nenter  assistant,  ajterna  pra;mia  receptui-i  ab  illo,  cujus  causam  egere,  et  in  pr.T- 
senti  vita  pariter  et  in  futura.  Quod  inpr*sentiarum  credimus  cuilibet  esse  de 
necessitate  salutis,  cum  talis  sit  necessitatis  articulis,  a  qua  se  null  us  legitime 
valeat  excasare,  etc. 

"  Of  these  preparations  and  their  influence  on  the  Germans,  see  Pli  II.  Pont. 
Max.  Commentarii  rerum  memorabilium,  quae  temporibus  suis  contigeruiit,  libb. 
XII.  a  Joanne  Gobellino  (the  private  secretary  of  Pius  II.,  properly  speaking,  by 

VOL.  III.  27 


210  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

after  liis  accession  (1455)  began  to  pursue  this  object  with  still  greater 
zeal,i"~  the  only  consequence  was  to  arouse  the  reform  party  in  Ger- 
many to  new   efforts,  in  order  to  regain   the  liberty  of  which  they 

the  Pope  himself,  see  Platina  ed.  1645,  p.  760)  coinpositi.  Francol'.  1614,  fol.  p. 
22  seq.  At  the  Diet  of  Ralisbonne,  a  general  promise  was  given,  which  was  to 
be  more  distinctly  considered  at  the  next  Diet  in  Frankfurt  (see  M  filler's 
Reichstagslheatrum.  Th.  1.  S.  450).  But  at  this  Diet  (in  Sept.  1454)  mutafi  erant 
Theutonum  animi,  nee  cuiquam  placebat,  expedilionem  in  Turcas  lieri :  infecta; 
veUiti  vencnis  quibusdam  aures  neque  Iniperatoris  nomen,  neque  Romani  Praesulis 
ferre  poterant  dicebantque,  eos  corrodeie  aurum  velle,  non  helium  gerere  :  sed 
alium  futuiuni  Concilii  exituni,  quam  sibi  persuasissent :  nee  pecuniam  collaturos 
Gei-mania-  populos,  nee  in  niilitiani  daturos  nomina :  atque  in  eani  sententiam  per- 
suasi  omnes  Impcratori  et  Papa;  maledicere,  legates  eorum  contemnere,  Burgundos 
irrideie,  qui  proni  ad  expedilionem  videbanlur,  Hungaiis  durissima  verba  dare, 
qui,  cum  suum  regnum  tueri  nequivissent,  nunc  Germaniam  suis  calamitatibus 
involvere  vellent:  nee  ulla  spes  reliqua  erat  rei  bene  gerendae,  cum  decretum 
Ratisponense  prorsus  rejiceietur.  At  cum  in  concionem  itum  est,  locuto  iEnea 
(as  imperial  Comraissariiis)  omnium  reponte  animi  in  ])riorem  belli  gerendi  ardo- 
rem  rediere.  Oravit  illc  duabus  fermc  horis,  ita  intentis  aniniis  auditus,  ut  nemo 
unquam  expuerit,  nemo  ah  orantis  vultu  oculos  suos  avertei-it,  etc.  (The  speech 
itself  see  in  Mailer's  Reichstagstheatrum.  Th.  1.  S.  474  IT).  But  .^Eneas' 
vanity  exaggerates  the  effect  of  his  eloquence.  It  was,  to  be  sure,  resolved  to 
send  a  considerable  army  to  the  help  of  the  Hungarians;  but  the  particulars  were 
left  to  be  decided  at  the  next  Diet  in  Vienna.  More  impartial  the  account  of  the 
Franciscan,  Johannes  Capistranus,  (the  only  person  v.ho  seemed  still  to  have  the 
power  of  the  old  preachers  of  crusades  to  stir  up  the  people,  see  C  h  r.  A.  Pe- 
scheck  in  Illgen's  Zeitschr.  filr  die  hist.  Theologie.  Bd.  2.  St.  2.  S.  259  ff.), 
who  was  also  present  in  Frankfurt,  in  his  letter  to  the  Pope,  of  Oct.  28,  1454,  in 
Wadding  Annales  Minorum,  ed.  2.  T.  XII.  p.  203:  cum  aplid  multos  appareat 
in  prffisenfi  dieta  magna  fuisse  conclusa,  mihi  vei-o  aut  nihil,  aut  parum  boni  con- 
clusum  extitisse  visum  est.  For  as  every  thing  was  left  to  be  decided  at  future 
councils,  the  Hungaiians  might  in  the  mean  time  be  conquered  by  the  Turks. 
He  then  gives  the  Pope  notice  of  the  state  of  the  public  mind,  which  continued 
unchanged  by  the  diet :  Omnes  Principes,  omnes  Domini,  fotus  mundus  gcneraliter 
dicit:  Qaomodo  vohmius  contra  Turcnm  proprios  sudores,  propria  nostra  bona, 
panem  filiornm  nostrorum  exponere,  quandoqiiidem  sunimus  Pontifex  in  turri- 
biis,  in  grossis  muris,  in  calce  et  lapidi[)u><  thisanrum  s.  Petri  expendit,  quern  in 
defensionem  sanctce  fidei  deberet  expendere  ^  During  the  Diet  in  Vienna,  Nicho' 
las  V.  died,  and  the  deliberations  on  this  subject  were  again  deferred. 

12  Platina  in  vita  Calixti  III.  ed.  1645.  p.  727:  helium  Turcis  statim  indixit. 
Id  se  ante  Pontificatum  vovisse  ostendens  suo  ehirographo,  his  verbis  scripto,  quod 
in  libro  quodam  suo  extabat:  Ego  Calistus  Pontifex  Deo  omnipotenti  voveo  et 
sanctm  individuce.  Trinitati,  me  bello,  maledictis,  interdictis,  execrationibus,  et 
demuin  quibuscunque  rebus  pater o,  Turcos  Christiani  nominis  hastes  scevissimos 
persecnturttm.  Admirati  sunt  omnes  qui  aderant,  quod  Pontificatus  nomen  sibi 
desumpsisset  ante  adeptam  dignitatem,  quodque  homo  senex  ac  fere  decrepitus 
tantum  animi  habei'et,  Ut  autem  quod  promiserat  re  ipsa  pra'stare  posset,  Pra;- 
dicatores  per  totam  Europam  statim  misit,  etc.  (More  particularly  S.  Antoninus 
in  Summa,  P.  III.  Tit.  XXII.  cap.  14.  init.  Constituit  phires  praedicatores  diver- 
sarum  regionum,  qui  discun-erent  per  civitates  et  castclla  ad  pra;dicandam  crucem 
contra  Turcam,  qui  hortarentur  plebes  ad  contribuendum  eleemosynas  ad  tarn 
sanctum,  tam  pium,  tam  necessarium  omnibus  opus  pro  conducendis  armigeris, 
concedens  indulgentiam  plenariam  peccatorum  contritis  et  confessis  semel  in  vita 
et  semel  in  niorte  cuicunque  eleemosynam  V.  Ducatorura  largienti,  auctoritalem- 
que  tribuens  absolvendi  et  dispensandi  in  multis  casibus).  Ex  his  autem  facultati- 
hus  ad  sedecim  triremes  Romse  aedilicatas  in  hostem  misit,  Patriarcha  Aquilejensi 
Praefecto,  qui  triennio  maritima  hostium  Asianorum  vexavit,  insulas  quasdam  cepit, 
ac  niagnas  calamitates  hostibus  intulit.  See  a  bull  of  Mfty  15,  1455,  according  to 
which  a  general  crusade  was  to  begin  on  the  1st  of  March,  1456,  see  Raynald, 
ann.  1455,  no.  19. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Cnlixtus  III.  211 

had  been  defrauded.  As  the  emperor,  under  the  influence  of  the  crafty 
^Erieas  Sylvius,  was  wholly  on  the  side  of  the  Pope,^^  ^\^^  Reformers 
were  obliged  to  content  themselves  for  the  present,  with  loud  and 
bitter  complaints  against  both  pope  and  emperor, i''  on  account  of  the 
infringement  of  the  Concordats  ;  and  the  Pope  ventured  even  to  go 
so  far  as  to  maintain  in  a  letter  of  reproof  sent  to  them,  that  the  ob- 
servance of  the  Concordats  depended  on  the  papal  pleasure. ^^     But 

^^  Gobellini  comm.  p.  25 :  Haec  cum  audita  essent  in  Austria  (at  the  diet  in 
Vienna),  fuere  non  pauci,  qui  Cajsari  suaserint,  nunc  teinpus  esse  coiircendi 
Apostolicam  sedem,  ne  tantuin  in  Germania  posset;  conventiones,  quae  cum  Euge- 
nio  quarto  facta;  fuerant,  diniinulas  esse,  nee  prius  obediendum  Romano  Pontil'ici, 
quam  ea  concederet,  quaj  natio  Germanica  optaret ;  ancillain  earn  videri,  libertatem 
aliquando  mereri.  Atque  hoc  ipsum  Jacobus  Treverensis  Archiepiscopus  obnixe 
requirebat,  qui  ex  lite  lucrum  aliquod  expectabat.  Contra  ^neas  non  esse  e  re 
Ca-saris  ajebat,  Romani  Pontificis  auctoritatem  repiirriere,  ut  populi  £,ratia  iniretur, 
qua;  sui  natura  inconstantissima  est ;  nee  multitudini  relinqueiidas  habenas,  quam 
nosset  principatibus  inimicam ;  inter  Principes  aliquando  ainicitiam  inveniri,  inter 
plebcm  et  regem  odium  inunortale ;  Papam  Imperatoris,  et  Imperatorem  Papae 
auxilio  indigere  ;  stultum  esse  illi  nocere,  cujus  expectes  opem  ;  cum  Pontificatus 
novus  initur,  tunc  Romani  Praesulis  gratiam  beneficiis  emerendam.  Quodsi  ab 
injuriis  incipias,  difficile  in  benevolentiam  patere  aditum  ;  mittendam  more  uiajo- 
rum  obedientiam,  foedusque  cum  novo  Prsesule  honestum  ineundum,  eoque  pacto 
Germanos  Imperatori  obedituros.  Vicit  ^neae  sententia,  atque  ipse  missus  est, 
qui  ea  perageret,  quas  suaserat,  etc.  The  speech  of  ^neas  before  the  Pope  on 
this  occasion  is  in  the  collection  of  his  letters,  Ep.  413. 

'^  At  the  Diet  of  Nuremberg,  1456,  the  electors  had  already  thouglit  of  choosing 
a  king  of  Rome  even  without  the  emperor's  consent,  see  Mailer's  Reichstags- 
theatruin.  Th.  1.  S.  555  ff.  At  a  meeting  of  the  electors  of  Mayence,  Cologne, 
the  Palatines,  Saxony  and  Brandenburg,  and  the  archbishops  of  Salzburg  and 
Bremen,  which  took  place  in  Frankfurt,  1457,  a  new  assembly  of  the  princes  in 
Nuremberg  was  resolved  upon  for  St.  Martin's  Day,  1457,  at  which  it  should  be 
considered  (see  Neue  Sammlung  der  Reichs-Abschiede.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1747.  fol. 
Th.  1.  S.  190) :  anne  magis  expediat  pro  honore  Principum  et  nationis,  quod 
decrcta  Constantiensis  et  Basileensis  Conciliorum,  qua;  ea  gravamina  contingunt, 
circa  qua°  magis  necessarium  fuerit  providendum,  absque  modificatione  et  simpli- 
citer — repetantur  et  innovenfur:  vel  quod  ordinationes  intermedia",  de  quibus  in 
dvisamentis  supradictis  cautum  et  actum  est,  proscquantur  et  continuentur,  seu 
quod  alia  congrua  et  honesta  via  Alemannis  consulatur.  Also  de  modo  et  forma, 
quibus  Romanus  Imperator  posset  induci  ad  concurrcndum  una  cum  Principibus 
Alemannias  in  re  ista,  et  etiam  ad  providendum  Nationi  vel  per  pragmaticam 
sanctioneni  vel  alio  remedio  oportuno.  So  too,  anne  Dominus  Apostolicus  vel 
Uteris,  vel  oratoribus,  et  quibus  modis  et  mediis  interpellandus  sit  super  hac  re. 
The  Avisamenta  here  referred  to  were  to  be  communicated  in  the  first  place  to 
the  other  princes.  Perhaps  they  were  the  same  with  the  Pragmatica  Sanctio, 
mentioned  by  JEneas  in  his  Germania,  c.  78,  seq.   (see  note  19,  below). 

15  CaHxti  III.  ep.  ad  Fridericum  Imp.  dd.  31  Aug.  1457  (partially  contained  in 
Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  40;  complete  in  JEn.  Syh.  Epist.  385)  :  —  nuper  —  sicut 
nobis  relatum  est,  nonnulli  ex  venerabilibus  fratribus  nostris  ac  dilectis  tiliis, 
nobilibus  viris,  Romani  Imperii  Electoribus,  et  alii  plerique  Principes  ac  Pra;lati 
naticnis  ejusdem,  dieta  quadam  sive  conventu  inter  se  ceiebrata  (in  Frankfurt,  see 
above,  note  14),  Oratores  sues  ad  Te  miserunt,  qui  de  nobis,  deque  curia  nostra 
non  parvam  querelam  facientes,  inter  cajtera  exposuisse  feruntur,  quod  nos  diversis 
modis  nationem  ipsam  aggravantes,  quae  inter  Te  nomine  nationis  et  antecessorem 
nostrum  —  concordata  fuerunt,  minime  adimplere  aut  obscrvai'e  curemus.  —  Audi- 
vimus  rumorem  esse,  tanquam  nos  aurum  ex  natione  tua,  supia  quam  deceat,  ex- 
torqueamus.  Injuriantur  profecto  nobis,  et  a  vero  longe  recedunt,  qui  taliadicunt: 
nihil  unquam  nostro  nomine  ab  his  extortum  est,  quibus  beneticia  contulimus,  ut 
illi  garriunt:  nihil  exactum,  nihil  pelitum  pra;ter  Annatam  vetusto  jure  debitam  : 
at  si  qui  contra  Turcos  pecuniaria  nobis  subsidia  obtulerunt,  non  recusavimus,  nee 


212         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

the  efforts  to  bring  about  a  crusade  were  as  ineffectual  in  Germany  as 
elsewhere  ;  ^^'  and  the  sums,  not  without  dilhculty  collected  from  the 


recusare  quidem  debenius  pro  tanta  ChristiantB  religionis  necessitate.  Pecunias 
auteni  hujusinodi  —  non  visurpaimis  nobis, —  non  consiiinimus  in  deliciis,  sad  in 
defensionein  tidei  converlinms.  —  Innumerabiles  sunt  ct  inlolerabiles  nobis,  quas 
indies  subinuis,  cxpensa'  :  nunc  in  Orientem  Lejiato  classis  nosti-oe,  nunc  in  Alba- 
nian! Scanderbecliio  tbitissinio  Christi  athlets,  indeiessoque  bellatoii,  nunc  Legatis 
et  Oi-atoribus  in  diversas  mundi  partes  emissis,  nunc  istis,  nunc  illis  perGrfficiam  et 
Asiani  laborantibus,  ne  destituti  pciiclitarentur,  pecunias  mittimus  :  nee  fuerunt 
inanes  hujusmodi  sumptus.  Licet  enim  nobis  in  Domino  gloriari,  qui  per  ministros 
suos,  torpcntibus  ac  pcne  dorniientibus  cunclis  forme  Cliristianis  Principibus,  nobis 
tantumniodo  instantibns  atque  urgentibus  Turcoi-um  superbissima  cornua  et  inso- 
lentissimas  acies  apud  Ungariam  contVegit  (refei'ring  to  the  victory  of  Johannes 
Hunyades  near  Belgrade,  1456),  magnumque  ilium  et  potentissimum  exercitum 
prostravit,  qui  sibi  non  Ungariam  niodo,  sed  Germaniam  totani,  Galliam  atque 
Italiam  proterere,  legemque  Christi  funditus  evertere  prouiittebat.  —  Nunc  quoque 
classis  nostra  Rhodum  tuetur,  Cyprum,  Mitylenem,  Chium,  et  omncs  in  Oriente 
Christian!  nominis  insulas:  — quodque  laudabilius  est,  —  non  tantum  quas  diximus 
insulas  Legatus  noster  —  tutatus  est,  sed  alias  plerasque  Turcorum  domino  ser- 
vientes  ad  Apostolics  sedis  devotionem  obedientiamque  redegit.  —  Quae  cum  ita 
sint,  audent  tainen  nonnulli  parum  quidem  i-eligiosi,  et  ad  commune  bonum  minus 
intenti  nos  redarguere,  quod  ab  his  pecunias  recipimus,  qui  promoventur,  quamvis 
sponte  oblatas  in  classem  contra  Turcos  emissam.  Quod  quam  inique  agunt,  jam 
plane  prospicis.  Sed  ajunt  plerique,  concordata,  de  quibus  mentionem  supra 
fecimiis,  pernos  mimine  observari,  atiirmantes,  electiones  Episcoporum  aliorumque 
Pra;latoi-um  nos  parvi  pendere,  ac  prorsus  abjicere :  quod  pari  modo  neque  vere, 
neque  juste  nobis  objicitur.  Neque  enim  electiones  Prfflatorum  in  Germania 
factas  quovis  j)acto  contemnimus,  neque  ex  concoidatis  onincs  passim  electiones 
contirmare  tenemur,  sed  illas  tantunniiodo,  quEe  canonica;  experiuntur :  quod 
quidem  a  nobis  diligenter  custoditum  est.  —  Super  resei-vationibus  autem  caeteris- 
que  beneticioi'um  provisionibus,  de  quibus  similiter  accepimus  querelas  coram  Tua 
Serenitate  fuisse  propositas,  non  sunius  memores,  aliquid  a  nobis  esse  concessum 
contra  concordata  prsdicta.  Quod  si  quid  tale  factum  est,  ut  saepe  in  multitudine 
literarum  ac  negotiorum  aliqua  transeunt  neque  bene  gesta,  neque  bene  revisa  ; 
non  est  intentionis  nostra;  aut  Ordinariorum  mensibus  derogare,  aut  concordatis  ipsis 
contravenire.  Qidnimo  quamvis  Uberrima  sit  JlpostuliccR  sedis  auctoritas,  nul- 
lisque  debcat  pactiuniim  vinculis  co^rceri ;  ex  mcra,  tamen  liberalitate  nostra,  ex 
zelo,  quern  gerimus  ad  pacem,  ex  caritate,  qua  te  ttiainque  iiationem  prosequi- 
■mur,  concordatis  ipsis  locum  esse  volwnus,  nee  patiemur  ea  temere  violari,  dum 
Romanae  sedis  gubei-nacula  retinebimus.  Si  quid  pra?terea  est,  quod  ipsi  nationi 
molestum  videatur  ex  his,  qu'e  prodeunt  ex  nostro  solio,  idque  fortasse  dignum 
emendatione  censetur  (possumus  enim  et  nos,  ut  homines,  aliquando  labi  atque 
errare,  in  his  maxime,  quK  facti  sunt) ;  non  decet  Episcopos  aut  alios  quosvis 
mortates  super  Apostolicam  sedem  auctoritateni  sibi  vendicare.  —  Et  tu  ergo, 
Serenissime  Imperator,  si  quid  arbitraris  tuae  nationis  Pi'adatos  habere,  quod  per 
nos  emendari  debeat,  admone  eos,  hortare  et  urge,  ut  ad  nos  venientes  suas  nobis 
necessitates  exponant,  gravamina  referant,  desideria  proferant,  etc.  The  letter  is 
marked  :   Dictata  per  ^^neam  Cardinalem  Senensem. 

^^  Alphonso,  king  of  Aragon  and  Sicily,  took  the  cross  (Raynald,  1455,  no.  30), 
but  used  the  troops  and  the  money  which  wei-e  raised  for  a  war  against  the  Turks, 
in  his  own  wars  with  the  Genoese  (1.  c.  1456,  no.  11  seq.).  Also  Alphonso,  king 
of  Poi'tugal,  promi.-ied  to  go  against  the  Turks  (1.  c.  1456,  no.  8),  but  tinally  did 
nothing  (1.  c.  1457,  no.  65).  Charles  VII.  of  France,  forbad  the  preaching  of  the 
crusade  in  his  dominions,  lest  they  should  be  left  exjjoscd  to  the  English  (1.  c. 
1456,  no.  3  seq.)  :  afterwards  he  allowed  the  church  tithes  to  be  taken  sans  preju- 
dice des  droicts,  franchises,  libertez  et  prerogatives  de  I'Eglise  de  France  (see  the 
edict  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'egl.  Gallicane.  Chap.  XXII.  no.  20),  but 
still  forbad  the  assembling  of  any  troops  (Raynald,  1456,  no.  5)  :  even  the  tithes, 
however,  were  refused  by  many  of  the  clergy,  who,  tbllowing  the  example  of  the 
University  of  Paris,  appealed  to  a  general  council  (Raynald,  1457,  no.  54  seq.). 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Calixtus  III.  213 

various  national  churches,  were  quite  inadequate  to  enable  the  Pope 
to  undertake  any  thing  himself  against  the  Turks.  yEneas  Sylvius, 
who,  for  his  good  service  rendered  in  Germany,  had  been  invested 
successively  with  the  bishopricks  of  Trieste  and  Siena  by  Nicholas  V., 
and  in  Dec.  145G  raised  to  the  dignity  of  cardinal  by  Calixtus,  now 
exerted  himself  to  the  utmost  to  appease  the  dissatisfaction  felt  in 
Germany. 1'  In  numerous  letters  he  strove  to  win  over  the  most 
considerable  men  amongst  the  disaffected.i^  and   the  main  object  of 


"  This  we  learn  particularly  from  the  letter  of  the  Chancellor  of  Mayence, 
Martin  Meyer,  to  his  friend  .Eneas  Sylvius,  dd.  31  Aug.  1457  (prefixed  to  Mnece 
Sijlv.  Germania,  and  printed  often  besides,  e.  g.  in  Freheri  Scriptt   Rer.  Germ   ed. 
Struve  T.  II.  p.  686.     Bicherii  hist.  Cone,  gener.  Lib.  IV.  P.  I.  cap.  1.     J.  i*. 
Georsii  Nationis  Germanica;  gravamina  ad.  sedem  Rom.  p.  244  seq.) :  Cognovi  ex 
Uteris  amicorum,  Te  Cardinalem  esse  creatum.     Congratulor  et  Tibi,  qui  pro  1  ua 
virtute  digna  consecutus  es  pra;mia,  et  mihi,  cujus  amicus  in  ea  dignitate  constitu- 
tus    est,   in  qua   me    meosque   necessarios  aliquando  juvare  potent,     lllud  mihi 
molestuin,  quod  in  ea  tempora  incidisti,  qu»  sedem  Apostolicam  atflictura  videntur. 
Nam  domino  meo  Archiepiscopo  frequentes  atferuntur  de  Romano  Pontihce  que- 
rela   qui  neque  Constantieusis  neque  Basileensis  Concilii  decreta  custodit,  neque 
se  pactionibus  antecessoris  sui  teneri  arbitratur,  nationemque  nostram  contemnere 
etprorsus  exhaurire  videtur.     Constat  enim,  electiones  Pra-latorum  passim  rejici, 
beneficia  dignitatesque  cujusvis  qualilatis  et  Cardinalibus  et  Protonotarns  reservan. 
Et  tu  quidem  ad  tres  Provincias  Teutonici  nominis  sub  ea  formula  reservationem 
impetra^ti   quae  hacteuus  insolita  est  et  inaudita.     Expectativae  etiam  gratias  sine 
numero  conceduntur :  Annate  sive   medii  frustus  absque  uUa  dilatione  tempons 
exio-untur,  et  plus  etiam,    quam  debeatur,  extorqueri   palam    est.     Lcclesiarum 
res-fmina  non  magis  merenti,   sed  plus  offerenti    comniittuntur :    ad    corradendas 
pecunias  novse  indulgentia;  indies  conceduntur.     Decimarum  exactiones  inconsul- 
tis  Pra'ialis  nostris   (contrary  to  Cone.  Const.   Sess.  XLIII.,  see  §  130,  note  20, 
Deer  6)      Turcorum  causa  fieri  jubentur.     Causa;,  qua;  tractandoe  terminandsque 
in  partibus  fuerant,   ad   Apostolicum  tribunal  indistincte  trahuntur   (contrary   to 
Cone   Basil.  Sess.  XXXI.,  see  §  131,  note  34)  :  excogitantur  mille  modi,  quibus 
Romana  sedes  aurum  ex  nobis,  tamquam  ex  barbaris,  subtili  extrahat  ingenio  :  ob 
quas  res  natio  nostra  quondam  inclyta,  qua;  sua  virtute  suoque  sanguine  Romanum 
Imperiura   coemit,  fuitque  mundi  doniina  ac  regina,  ad   inopiam   nunc    redacta, 
anciUa  et  tributaria  facta  est,  et  in  squalore  jacens,  suam  fortunam,  suam  paupe- 
riem  multos  jam  annos  moeret.     Nunc  vero,  quasi  ex  somno  excitati  optimates 
nostri   quibus  remediis  huic  calamitati  obviam  pergant,  cogitare  coeperunt,  jugum- 
Que  prorsus  excutere,  et  se  in  pristinam  vindicare  libertatem  decreverunt.     h.it 
hffic  non  parva  jactura  Romans  Curia;,  si  quod  cogitant  Romani  Principes  effece- 
rint      Quantum  itaque  de  tua  nova  dignitate  la-tor,  tantum  commoveor  et  angor, 
tuo '  tempore   hoc    parari.     Sed   Dei   forlassis  alia  est  cogitatio,  et  illius  profecto 
sententia  obtinebit.     Tu  interim  bonum  habeto  animum,  et  quibus  repagulis  flumi- 
nis  impetus  coerceri  possit,  pro  tua  sapientia  cogitato,  et  vale  optime.     The  dis- 
satisfaction with  Rome  went  even  further,  see  ^nea;  Sylvu  Ep.  301.  ad  Marti- 
num  Mayer:  Sunt  nonnuUi  nationis  tua;  homines,  parum  pensi  habentes,  quibus 
Romani  Pontificis  auctoritas  neque  necessaria  esse  videtur  neque  a  Christo  insti- 
tuta.     The  aim  of  the  whole  letter  which  is  also  contained  in  .^nea  Germania, 
e.  89  and  90,  is  to  refute  this  assertion. 

18  MnecB  Sylvii  Ep.  348.  ad  Laurentium  Rovarellam  (legate  in  Hungary)  :  he 
was  to  impress  it  on  the  German  princes,  quod  multo  facilius  filii  Piincipuin  pro- 
movebuntur  per  sedem  Apostolicam,  quam  per  Capitula  vel  Ordinanos.  Et  hoc 
bene  cura  in  auribus  Principum  conculcare,  quia  Veritas  est.  i.p.  319,  ad  1  heo- 
doricum  Archiep.  Colon,  dd.  2  Dec.  1457.  Si  Romana;  sedis  auctoritas  deprirne- 
retur  credito  quia  nee  tua  nee  aliorum  Episcoporum  salva  manebit.  Audito 
tamen,  qua;  consulis,  ut  hie  quoque  ea  reformentur,  qua;  odium  tuK  nationis 
nariunt  et  ego  si  mea  vox  audietur,  ad  id  operam  dabo.  Nam  et  hic  aliqua  com- 
mittuntur,  qu£e  non  laudo  omnia.     Verum  iUud  salubre  puto,  ut  super  gravamini- 


214  Third  Period/  Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

his  work,  Descriptio  de  ritu,  situ,  moribus  et  conditione  Germaniae, 


bus,  quae  vestri  allegant,  ad  Romanum  Pontificeni  recursus  habeatur,  qui  non 
negabit  assensum  justa  petentibus.  Ep.  334.  ad  Jobannem  de  Lisura  (a  Counsellor 
at  Mayence,  see  §  131,  note  51) :  Per  Wiganduin  Secretarium  Moguntini  misimus 
tibi  Alphabetum,  et  nunc  dupHcanius,  si  forsitan  illud  non  recepisti :  poteiis  scri- 
bere  mentis  tuffi  conceptum,  et  consulere  Ecclesia;  necessitati.  —  Labore  tuo 
nostroque  quietem  consccuta  est  Ecelesia  nostris  diebus  apud  Gennanos.  Faxit 
Deus,  ne  lacerari  videanius  quod  aliquando  resarcivimus.  Multa  rumor  affert,  et 
Gennanos  fieri  Gallos  imitatioue  contendit.  Nobis  ilia  via  salubrior  esse  videtur, 
qua  patres  nostri  ambulavere.  —  Nee  facile  sua  in  Dioecesi  quisque  Pontifex 
Papatum  habebit :  et  sunt,  qui  qua;runt,  et  ejus  rei  causa  nigrum  in  Candida 
vertunt.  Ep.  383,  ad  Martinum  Mayer,  an  answer  to  the  letter  in  note  17.  He 
here  shows  iirst,  nee  unquam  regni  ccelestis  introire  januam  potuisse,  qui  Romano- 
rum  Pontificum  auctoritatcm  conturaaciter  contenipsere,  nee  hodie  illis  gloriandum 
esse,  qui  auctoritate  propria  leges  sibi  constituunt,  quibus  pro  suo  libito  Romanae 
sedis  jussiones  spernei-e  possint.  Hos  enim  catholica  Veritas,  nisi  j-esipuerint  ante 
obitum,  ignis  jeterni  mancipio  sine  intermissione  deputat.  Fateinur  insuper  ali- 
quando in  Romana  Curia,  quam  regunt  homines,  aliqua  fieri,  qua;  digna  essent 
emendatione,  nee  dubitamus  ipsos  Romans  urbis  Prassules  etiam,  in  quantum 
homines,  falli,  errare,  labi  ac  decipi  posse.  He  thus  answers  the  complaints,  first, 
that  the  Concordats  are  not  kept,  and  then  that  the  i-igbt  of  choice  is  not  observed. 
He  then  writes  (the  same  JEneas  Sylvius,  who,  Ep'.  66,  ad  Jo.  Peregallum,  had 
.said  :  Nihil  est,  quod  absque  argento  Romana  curia  dedat.  Nam  ipsse  manus 
impositiones  et  Spiritus  Sancti  dona  venduntur,  nee  peccatorum  venia  nisi  num- 
matis  impenditur,)  as  follows:  Quod  delude  subjungis  extorqueri  multum  auri  ab 
his,  qui  dignitates  vel  alia  beneficia  assequuntur,  non  est  cur  de  hac  sede  conque- 
ratuini,  sed  potius  de  cupiditate  et  ambitione  vestrorum  hominum,  qui  currentes 
pro  Episcopatibus,  invenientes  competitores,  his  quibus  palatium  patet  certatim 
pecunias  offerunt.  Illi  vero,  qui  alloqui  Pontificem  possunt,  non  sunt  omnes 
.similes  Angelis,  sed  quales  in  Alemania  Galliaque  multos  reperias :  recipiunt  enim 
quod  offertur,  non  extorquent.  Romanus  autem  Prssul  solus  in  thalamo  suo 
nunc  hos  nunc  illos  audit,  et  illos  promovere  solet,  qui  magis  commcndantur,  nee 
scit,  nee  etiam  arbitratur,  pecuniae  causa  hos  aut  illos  commendatione  prEeferri. 
Nee  sibi  plus  auri  datur,  quam  concordata  permiltant:  nisi  fortasse  aliquando 
occasione  expeditionis  contra  Turcos,  aliquid  super  Annatas  recepit  (the  text  is 
heie  corrected  fiom  the  Germania,  c.  25),  quod  sibi  profecto  non  fuit  in  tanta 
necessitate  negandum.  Then  again-t  the  complaints  concerning  the  sale  of  abso- 
lutions and  tithes.  Such  complaints  of  pecuniary  wrong,  he  says,  had  always 
been  very  common.  Germany  was  so  far  from  being  impoverished,  that  it  was 
richer  than  ever.  Its  prosperity  was  a  consequence  of  the  Christian  religion,  and 
therefore  to  be  attributed  to  the  holy  see  by  which  the  country  had  been  converted. 
He  then  defends  himself  against  the  charge  of  having  insolitas  reservationes.  The 
reservations  made  in  his  own  favor  were  no  infringement  of  the  concordats.  Sed 
arbitraris  ibrtasse  beneficia  qu£e  in  Germania  sunt  Germanis  potius  committi  debere 
quam  extraneis,  nee  nos  aliter  senfimus.  Sed  cum  nos  jam  annis  supra  XXIV, 
Gernianiam  incoluerimus,  non  reputamus  extraneos  existimari  debere:  cumque 
Imperatori  ipsique  nationi  longo  tempore,  summa  fide,  magnis  laboribus  servieri- 
mus,  et  nunc  ad  Cardinalatum  recepti  ea  curcmus,  qua;  nationis  ipsius  honori  atque 
ufilitafi  conducant,  et  ita  prorsus  agamus,  ut  natione  Germani  potius  quam  Itali 
putemur;  non  judicavimus  tribus  illis  provinciis  Moguntina?,  Coloniensi,  Treve- 
rensi  indignum  videri,  aut  grave  censeri,  si  annuo  duo  millia  ducatorum  in  eis 
obtineremus  ex  illis  beneficiis,  quae  sedes  Apostolica  conferre  haberet.  Putavis- 
semus  efiam  majora  in  eadem  natione,  cui  semper  servivimus,  sponte  offerri :  sed 
non  sumus  nos  insatiabiles,  contentamur  eo,  quod  pro  debiti  status  conservatione 
sufficiat,  nee  plura  circa  hoc.  Quod  autem  operas  tuas  ad  id  offers,  ut  gratiae 
nostra;  fructum  con^equamur,  agimus  lil.i  gratias,  qui  partes  amici  non  negligis, 
idque  rogamus,  ut  interveniente  casu  opportuno  prorsus  efficias.  —  Si  qua  Prae- 
positura  vacaverit,  aut  Ecelesia  parochialis  magni  reditus,  velis  ita  efficere,  ut  ad 
complementum  gratiae  nostrae  (the  reservation  granted  by  the  Pope)  pervenire 
possimus. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  11.  215 

was  to  answer  the  complaints  of  the  Germans  against  the  Holy  See.^^ 

•9  It  has  been   several  times  published   separately,  e.  g.  Argent.   1515.  4to. 
Roma;.   15S4,  and  in  .3En.  Sylv.  0pp.  Basil.  1571.  fol.  p.  1034  seq.     It  is  directed 
to  the  chancellor  of  the  elector  of  Mayence,  Martin  Mayer,  and  contains  answers 
to  the  gravamina  communicated  by  him  (note  17),  the  same  with  that  in  Ep.  383 
(note  18),  but  fuller.     Very  remarkable   what  is  said  of  the    Pragmatic  Sanction 
proposed  in  Germany   (see  above,  note   14).     Cap.  78  :  Pugna  nobis  cum  panels, 
qui  cum  sibi  docti  videantur,  nee  pro  sua  opinione  dignis  efferantur  honoribus, 
niiscere  onmia  divina  et  humana  jura  conantur,  ut  inter  rerum  mutationes  cailen- 
tium  assequi  cathedras  valeant,  etc.  —  Quid  est  quod  pro  libertate  mohentur,  quid 
parant  in  Apostolicam  sedem,  quo  sibi  modo  consulere  satagunt  .'     Non  scribis  tu 
hoc  nobis  :   fortasse  times  deferri.     Commendamus  cautionem  tuam  :  nam  Cancel- 
lario  nihil  tam  convenit  quam  pectus  arcanorum  tenax.     Nontamen  nos  latet  hoc: 
provisi  sunt  amici  nostri,  nulUs  obligati    Principibus,    quod    nobis   omnium,  quae 
apud  vos  aguntur,  notitiam  fecere,  missis    exemplaribus   ejus    Pragmalica;,   quae 
ab  aliquibus  excogitata,  in  publicum  deferri  debuit.     Cap.  79  :  Cujus  dus  partes 
sunt.     In  prima  referuntur  omnia  fere  gravamina,  quae  superius    enumeravimuS. 
Quibus  ut  obvietur,  ponitur  modus,  qui  servandus  sit  in  natione  vestra  circa  Pri- 
latorum  electiones,  beneficiorum  coUationes,  causarum  auditiones,  indulgentiarum 
concessiones,  decimarum  exactiones,  et  ca;tera  istiusmodi.     In  secunda  ponuntur 
appellationes,  ad  quas  recurrendum  sit,  si  forte    Pragmatica;    sanctioni    Summus 
Pontifex  obviam  ierit.     Inseritur  et  poena,  qua  plectendi  sint  Germani  non  obedi- 
entes,  et  foedus  Principum  pro  custodia  sanctionis.     Fama  quoque  ad  nos  dclatura 
est,  inter  Pragmaticos  sermonem  habitum  esse  de  mittendis  hue  oratoribus,  qui  ex 
Romano  Ponlifice  sanctionis  suffi  confirmationem  expetant,  quasi  priniam  sedem 
eo  modo  honoraturi,  quod,  si  optatum  responsum  habuerint,  gratias  agant,  si  minus 
nihilominus  natio  Pragmaticse  subjiciatur.     Scimus  nihil  horum'  placere  divo  Im- 
peratori,  majorique  parti  Principum,  —  sed  agimus,  ut  dictujn  est,  cum  sediliosis 
quibusdam  et  perditis  hominibus,   etc.     Cap.  80 :  De  Pragmatica  igitur  inpiimis 
dicamus.  —  Summam  vim  ejus  respicimus,  qua;  hue  tendit,  ne  Germanica  natio 
jussionibus  ApostolicJE  sedis  obedire  cogatur,  ne  quid  pecuniarum  ad  Romanam 
curiam  deferatuj-.     Nam  hoc  est,  quod  omnes  sibi  querela;  volunt,  hoc  qua-iitur, 
dum  causte  in  partibus  retinenda;  dicuntur,  dum  Pra;latorum  electiones  ad  Metro- 
politas  referuntur,  dum  beneficiorum  collationes  Ordinariis  reservantur,  dum  anna- 
tarum  exactiones  prohibentui-.     The  view  which  yEneas  takes  of  the  dignity  and 
power  of  the  papal  see  is  entirely  ultramontane,  but  he  supports  it  on  political  and 
strictly  worldly  grounds.    Cap.  87  :  Ecclesiarum  ceterarum  dignitates  et  cathedias, 
ut  inquit  Nicolaus,  Papa  Romanus  instituit :  Ecclesiam  vero  illam  solus  ipse  Deus 
fundavit,  et  super  petram  fidei  mox  uascentis  erexit.     Qui  b.  Petro  aeternae  vitse 
clavigero  terreni  simul  et  ca;lestis  Imperii  jura  conimisit.   Cap.  94  :  An  pauperem 
tu  Pontificem  maximum  esse  volueris  .'  —  At  nos  Pontificem  maximum,  quarnvis 
optimum,  non  putamus  officio  suo  satisfacere  posse,  nisi  facultatibus  prajditus  sit. — 
Convenit   Romanum    Pontificem,    magnum    sacerdotem,    curare,    ut    evangelium 
Christi  —  omnibus   sincere   prtedicetur,    ut   onmes   errores,   omnis   blasphemia  — 
eradicetur,  ut  pellantur  a  finibus  Chrisfianis  impugnatores  nostrae    religionis,  ut 
schismata  removeantur,  ut  bella  sopiantur,  ut  furta,  rapins  —  de  medio  tollantur. 
—  Postremo  debet  Romana  sedes,  veluti  pati-ocinium  orbis  tcrrJe,  tutusque  portus 
afflictorum, — omnibus  ad  se  currentibus  non  solum  benignas  aures  adhibere,  sed 
opem  ultro  afferre.  —  Et  quis  est,  qui  haec  agere  posse  paupei-em  et  inopem  Papam 
affirmet .'  —  Quomodo  restituentur  Episcopi  exules,  aut  ha;retici,  vel  schismatici 
corrigentur?  —  Implorandum   est  brachium  sesculare,  clamabis.     At  nos  ex  te 
qua°rimus,  an  melius  per  se  Romanus  Pra;sul  hasc  agat  viribus  suis  fretus,  an  per 
alium  .'  —  Quid  vero,  si  Principes  ipsi  aberrent,  et,  ut   sape  vidimus,  hsreticis 
succumbant  erroribus,    quid   agemus .'     Quid   si    Rex  coercendus,    si   arguendus 
Iniperator  .'     Numquid  et  Regem  Franciae  inulilem  depositum  a  Romano  Praesule 
legiinus?  —  Numquid  Henrici  Fridericique  C^sares  contra  Ecclesiam  debacchati 
sunt,  et  digni  anathemate  putati  ?     Quid  ergo  an  brachium  contra  se  Imperator 
prabebit,  aut  pauper  eum  corripiet  Romanus  Praesul  ?  —  nos  tenemus,  potentiam, 
opes,  viresque  multo  melius  in  Apostolica  sede  quam  in  alio  quovis  sKCulari  throno 
existere.     Nam  sedes  haec  tutrix  fidei  est,  quse  nunquam  erravit,  aut  erratura  est, 
quia  rogavit  Dominus,  ut  non  deficiat  fides  Petri.     Imperatores  vero,  et  Reges,  et 


216  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

At  the  same  time  all  these  writings  showed  so  decidedly  the  old  papal 
spirit,  that  it  was  easy  to  see  what  was  to  be  expected  of  this  former 
adherent  of  the  Council  of  Basil  when,  under  the  name  of  Pius  II., 
he  ascended  the  papal  chair  (145S).~o  Pius  II.  aimed  at  restoring- 
the  Holy  See  to  its  former  consequence  by  treading  in  the  steps  of 
the  earlier  popes  ;  but  he  was  too  entirely  swayed  by  political  con- 
siderations himself  ever  to  kindle  others  to  enthusiasm,  and  thus  his 
energies  were  all  wasted  on  the  political  intrigues  of  the  time.~i  It 
was  in  vain  that  he  put  in  requisition  all  the  means,  which  had 
been  used  with  such  wonderful  effect  in  the  time  of  the  first  cru- 
sades. He  founded  new  military  orders,  but  they  soon  came  to 
an  end.22     He  summoned    a  general   assembly  of  all  the  Christian 

alios  Episcopos  saepe  in  hceresim  lapsos  fuisse  legimiis.  Cap.  101  :  Casterum  neque 
illu(i,  quod  sequitur  de  appellationibiis,  pi*  aures  ferre  possunt.  Nam  si  Princeps 
est  Roinanus  Prajsul,  si  Uominus,  si  Magister,  quo  pacto  ab  eo  appellatur  ?  —  Nam 
si  leges  civiles  neque  a  Senatu,  neque  a  Principe  saculai'i  appellationem  adniittunt, 
quanto  minus  ab  ecclesiastico  Principe  erit  ?  Nam  si  Papa  simul  et  Iniperator 
conferantur,  quantum  inter  solem  et  lunam  interest,  tantum  eos  dilferre  dicenius> 
et  Papam  soli,  Imperatorem  lunfe  assimulabimus.  Praeterea  cum  appellalio  ab 
inferiori  ad  supeiiorem  def'eratur,  Papa  vero  prior  sit  et  major  omnibus,  liquet  ab 
eo  non  esse  provocandum.  Sed  audio,  quod  tecum  loqui  ])Otes :  non  quispiam 
singularis  homo  appeUahitur,  sed  Concilium,  quod  majus  est  et  potentius 
Romano  Prcesule.  Nolumus  banc  modo  quaestionem  ingredi,  quse  longiorem 
tractatum  requirit,  et  aliud  ingenium  quain  nostrum  est.  At  idem  Gelasius  sacros 
canones  ait  sanxisse,ne  unquam  ab  ea  sede  appellaretur,  neque  Concilium  excepit, 
et  amplius  de  Romana  sede,  quod  ilia  etiam  quos  Synodus  inique  damnaverat  ab- 
solvit.  Quo  dicto  declarat  a  Synodo  ad  Papam  appellatum  fuisse,  eoque  modo 
majorem  Synodo  Papam  extitisse.  —  Quocirca  si  quid  est  quod  gravius  ille  agat, 
non  est  recalcitrandum,  sed  ferendum.  Ridiculum  profecto,  nemo  est  tam  parvae 
urbis  dominus,  qui  a  se  appellari  ferat,  et  nos  Papam  appellationi  subjectum  dice- 
mus  ?  —  At  si  me,  ais,  Pontifex  indigne  preinit,  quid  agam?  Rcdi  ad  eum 
supplex,  ora  onus  levet.  Jit  si  rogatus,  inteipellatus  nolit  subvenire  misero, 
quid  agam  1  Quid  ages,  ubi  tuus  te  Princeps  sfecularis  urget  ?  —  Feram,  dices, 
nam  aliud  nullum  est  remedium.  Et  hie  ergo  feras.  —  Cap.  102:  Et  majores 
igitur  nostri,  quamvis  Romanum  Pontiticem  aliquando  posse  injurium  esse  non 
dubitarent,  non  tamen  appellandum  ab  eo  sanxerunt.  Nam  injuriam  ab  ilia  sede 
rarissime  venturam  arbitrati  sunt ;  privatos  vero  homines,  si  provocare  possent,  non 
dubitaverunt  ,toties  appellaturos,  quotiens  in  eos  sententia  promulgaretur  :  quoniam 
sicut  litigare  homines  injuste  audent,  ita  et  provocare  audebunt,  ac  per  eum  mo- 
dum  nullus  erit  unquam  finis  litium. 

*"  Of  whom  see  especially  Gobellini  commentarii  above,  note  11.  The  most 
important  source  for  his  history  are  his  owrn  Epistola;,  which  are,  however,  rare, 
though  there  are  more  than  20  editions.  The  one  here  cited  is  that  of  Norimb.  1496. 
4to.  —  H.  Chr.  C.  E.  Helwing  de  Pii  II.  Pont.  Max.  rebus  gestis  et  moribus 
comm.  Berol.  1825.  4to. 

*'  Pius  II.  bestowed  Naples  on  Ferdinand  ( Raynald,  1458,  no.  20  scq.)  ;  but 
the  house  of  Anjou,  supported  by  France,  maintained  its  claim  on  that  kingdom, 
and  hence  a  war  in  Italy.  —  There  was  also  a  dispute  between  the  emperor 
Frederick  III.  and  king  Matthias,  for  the  possession  of  Hungary  ;  though  the 
former  gave  up  as  early  as  A.  U.  1459.  In  Germany  itself,  however,  there  con- 
tinued to  be  two  opposing  paities,  the  imperial,  and  that  of  the  Palatine  of  Ba- 
varia. 

22  On  the  18th  of  Jan.  1459,  he  founded  the  Ordo  hospitalis  b.  Maris  Bethle- 
mitanae,  on  the  model  of  the  knights  of  St.  John,  for  the  defence  of  Lemnos 
(Raynald,  ad.  h.  a.  no.  2).  In  the  same  year  was  founded  the  Societas  sub 
vocabulo  Jesu  nuncupata  ad  Dei  honorcm  ct  infidelium  oppugnationcm  instituta 
(see  Pii  II.  Ep.  ad  Carolum  R.  Galliae  dd.  13  Oct.  1459,  in  Lcibnitii  Cod.  Juris 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  IT.  217 

princes  at  Mantua,-^  but  could  only,  and  with  great  trouble,  bring 
together  a  part  of  them  (14-")9)  ;-^  and  this  assembly,  which  was  to 
unite  the  nations  in  a  general  crusade,  served  only  to  show  the  pre- 
vailing indifference  and  the  impossibility  of  uniting  the  sovereigns  in 
any  common  enterprise.'-^  At  ihis  council,  too,  he  condemned  all 
appeals  from  the  Pope  to  general  councils,-*^  which  was  immediately 

Gentium,  P.  I.  p.  420),  to  which  the  Pope  granted  numerous  privileges  (Roynald, 
1.  c.  no.  83). 

^^  Gohellinus,  Lib.  II.  p.  34.  The  letter  of  Summons  is  given  in  Raynuld, 
1458,  no  16  seq. 

^  Pius  II.  opened  the  assembly  on  the  1st  of  June,  1.359,  with  these  words 
( GobeUinus,\'\b.  111.  p.  60)  :  Speravimus,  fratres  ac  tilii,  banc  urbem  adeuntes, 
frequentes,  qui  pra^cessissent  Regum  legates  invenire  :  pauci  adeunt,  ut  vidimus, 
decepti  sumus.    Non  est  religionis  cura  apud  Christianos,  quantam  credidimus,  etc. 

^  In  the  closing  speech  of  the  Pope,  January,  1460,  the  following  is  given  as 
the  result  of  the  convention  (Gohellinus,  lib.  III.  p.  92)  :  Hungari  si  adjuventur, 
summo  conatu  et  universis  viribus  suis  Turcas  invadent.  Germani  exercitum 
poUicentur  duorum  et  quadraginta  millium  bellatorum  ;  Burgundus  sex  niillium  ; 
Itali,  exceplis  Venetis  ac  Genuensibus,  Cleri  decimas,  populi  tiigesimas  annuorum 
redituum,  ac  vigesimas  Judaicae  substantias,  ex  quibus  navales  copias  sustentari 
qucant.  Idem  facit  Joannes  Rex  Aragonum.  Ragussi  duas  triremes  oflerunt, 
Rhodi  quatuor.  Ha;c  tanquam  certa  solemni  stipulatione  per  Principes  ac  Legates 
promissa  sunt.  Veiieti  quamquam  publice  nihil  promiserint,  cum  tamen  expedi- 
tionem  paratam  vidcrint,  haudquaquam  deerunt,  neque  patientur,  ut  suis  majoribus 
deteriores  videri  possint.  Idem  de  Fi-ancis,  de  Castellanis,  de  Portugallensibus 
dicimus.  Anglia  civilibus  agitata  motibus  spem  nullam  pollicetur,  neque  Scotia 
in  intimo  abscondita  Oceano.  Dacia  quoque,  Suecia  ac  Norvegia  j-emotiores  pro- 
vincia;  sunt,  quam  milites  possint  mittere,  nee  solis  contents  piscibus  pecuniam 
ministrare  possunt.  Poloni  Turcis  per  JMuldaviam  contermini  suam  causam  dese- 
rere  non  audebunt.  Bohemos  mercede  licebit  conducere,  suo  a;re  extra  regnuni 
non  militabunt.  Sic  res  Christianas  se  habent.  Classem  pecunia  Italica  parabit,  si 
non  Venetiis,  ac  saltim  Genus,  aut  in  Aragonia  :  nee  minor  erit,  quam  res  ipsa 
deposcat.  Hungari  viginti  millia  equitum  armabunt,  peditum  baud  minorem 
numerum,  qui  Germanis  juncti  ac  Burgundis  duodenonaginta  millia  militum  in 
castris  habebunt.  Et  quis  non  his  copiis  superatum  iri  Turcas  arbitretur .'  Hie 
accedet  Georgius  Scanderbechius,  et  Albanoruni  fortissima  nianus ;  et  multi  per 
Grsciara  ab  hoste  deficient ;  et  in  Asia  Charamannus  et  Armenorum  populi  Tur- 
cas a  tergo  ferient :  non  est  cur  desperemus,  tantum  Deus  ipse  coepta  secundet ! 

26  The  bull  dated  2.3  Jan.  1460,  is  in  Gohellinus  III.  p.  91  (the  date  according  to 
Raynald,  1460,  no.  10,  is  X.  Kal.  Febr.)  :  Execrabilis  et  pristinis  temporibus  inau- 
ditus  tempestate  nostra  inolevit  abusus,  ut  a  Romano  Pontifice — nonnulli  spiritu 
rebellionis  imbuti,  non  sanioris  cupiditate  judicii,  commissi  evasione  peccati  ad 
futurum  Concilium  provocare  prssumant:  quod  quantum  sacris  canonibus  adver- 
setur,  quantumque  reipublica;  Christians  noxium  sit,  quisqiiis  non  ignarus  jurium 
intelligere  potest.  Namque,  ut  alia  prstereamus,  quae  huic  corruptels  manifestis- 
sime  refragantur,  quis  non  illud  ridiculum  judicaverit,  quod  ad  id  appellatur,  quod 
nusquam  est,  neque  scitur  quod  futurum  sit?  Pauperes  a  potentioribus  multipli- 
citer  opprimuntur,  remanent  impunita  scelera,  nutritur  adversus  primam  sedem 
rebellio,  libertas  delinquendi  coiiceditur,  et  omnis  ecclesiastica  disciplina,  et  hierar- 
chicus  ordo  confunditur.  Volentes  igitur  hoc  pestiferum  virus  a  Christi  Ecclesia 
procul  pellere — hnjusmodi  provocationis  introductiones  damr.amus,  et  tanquam 
erroneas  ac  detestabiles  reprobamus,  cassantes,  et  penitus  annullantes,  si  quae 
hactenus  taliter  interpositae  reperiantur  ;  —  proecipientes  deinceps,  ut  nemo  audeat 
—  ab  ordinationibus,  sententiis  sive  mandatis  quibuscunque  nostris  ac  successorum 
nostrorum  talem  appellatioiiem  interponere,  aut  interposits  per  alitim  adhsrere, 
seu  eis  quomodolibet  uti.  Si  quis  autcin  contrafecerit  a  die  publicationis  prssen- 
tium  iu  Cancellaria  Apostolica  post  duos  menses,  cujuscunque  status,  gradus, 
ordinis  vel  conditionis  fuerit,  etiamsi  imperiali,  regali,  vel  pontificali  prajfulgeat 

VOL.  III.  28 


218  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

followed  by  a  number  of  such  appeals  in  succession.  Cardinal  Bes- 
sarion  having  been  sent  into  Germany  to  bring  about  a  crusade 
(14G0),-^  the  only  effect  was  a  letter  of  complaint  from  the  electors 
and  an  appeal.-*.     Sigismund,  Grand  Duke  of  Austria,  having  been 

dignitate  ;  ipso  facto  sententiam  exccrationis  incuiiat,  a  qua  nini  per  Romanum 
Pontiticem  et  in  inoitis  articulo  absolvi  non  possit.  Univei>itas  vero,  sive  colle- 
gium ecclesiastico  subjaceat  iiiterdicto  :  et  nihiloininus  tani  collegia  et  univer.sitates, 
quani  praedictae  —  persoiias  eas  poenas  ac  censuras  incurrant,  quas  rei  inajestalis,  et 
hffi-cticse  praA'italis  fautores  incurrere  dignoscuntur.  Tabellioiies  insuper  ac  testes, 
qui  hiijusmodi  actibus  interfuerint,  et  generalitcr  qui  scienter  consilium,  auxilium 
dederint  vel  favorem  talibus  appellantibus,  pari  poena  plectantur. 

^  Of  Bessarion's  unsuccessl'ul  attempts  at  the  Diets  of  Nuremberg,  Worms,  and 
Vienna,  to  effect  a  peace  amongst  the  German  princes,  and  bring  about  a  crusade 
against  the  Turks,  sec  PlntincB  Panegyricus  in  Bessarionem  Card,  appended  to  his 
Vitae  Pontiff.  Rom.  Lovan.  1572.  fol.  p.  71  seq.  The  documents  on  the  subject  are 
in  H.  Chr.  Seckenherg  Selecta  juris  et  historiarum,  T.  IV.  (Francof.  ad  M.  1738. 
8vo.)  p.  334  seq.,  and  in  Chr.  J.  Krem  er's  Gesch.  des  Kurf.  Friedrichs  I.  v. 
d.  Pfalz  (Manheim  1766.  4to.)  Urkunden  S.  179  f.  His  efforts  with  the  bishops 
with  regai-d  to  the  tenths  were  not  much  more  successful,  see  Kxcerpta  e  Cod. 
Ms.  Acta  Imp.  publiea  contincnte  in  Senckenberg,  1.  c.  p.  315  :  1460.  Convocatio 
F.lectorum  Imperii  et  Episcopoium  pei-  Card.  Gra'cum — in  Nordlinga  in  Fi-anco- 
nia,  postulando  decimam  generalem  a  Clero,  et  ibidem  recepto  responso  dilatando, 
dedit  in  sua  ira  oratoribus  benedictionem  cum  sinistra  manu. 

**  The  final  reply  of  the  legate  at  the  Diet  of  Vienna  (Senckenberg,  1.  c.  p. 
357  seq.)  had  given  offence  to  the  electors,  and  they  immediately  after  prepared 
an  appeal  (1.  c.  369  seq.).  They  begin  with  a  couiplaint  that  they  had  shown 
themselves  ready  to  make  war  against  the  Turks,  and  had  only  asked  of  the 
emperor,  quatenus  —  ad  superiores  partes  Imperii  mi  in  locum  competentem  se 
confei-re  dignaretur  ad  follendum  et  amputandum  schismata,  divisiones,  guerras, — 
quse  proh  dolor  Rom.  Imp.  et  nationi  nostras  increverunl,  which  request  the  em- 
peror had  not  thought  proper  to  grant :  verumtamen  idem  Apostolicfe  sedis  Legatus 

—  cerimonia  quadam  contra  dictos  oratores  nostros  fretus  est,  nos  parvifaciendo,  et 
nostras  oblationes  sinceras  et  devotas  rejiciendo,  increpando  et  judicando,  —  nostras 
oblationes  esse  hominum  renitentium  et  tergiversantium.  —  Sugillabantur  (Prin- 
cipes  Germanias)  tanquam  ludentes  cum  fide.  —  Succensebatur  in  illos,  quasi 
promissa  violantcs  et  sua  irrita  facientes.  —  Qua?  si  veritati  subnixa  forent,  sicuti 
non  vera  sunt,  essenius  de  sorte  gentium  incredulorum.  They  therefore  repeat 
their  promises.  Porro  cum  in  Concilio  Constantiensi  inter  alia  ordinatum  fore 
dinoscitur,  ne  Sumuuis  Pontifex  decimam  imponat,  nisi  hoc  faciat  cum  consilio  et 
consensu  Pra'latorum,  et  majoris  partis  in  regnis  vel  provinciis,  ubi  decima  venit 
imponenda  ;  pronunciavitque  sa?penumero  Apostolicus  Legatus  prxfatus,  se  plena 
a  Sanctissinio  Domino  nostro  fiilcitum  auctoritate  et  facultate  decimam,  vicesimam, 
atque  tricesimam  per  plures  annos  in  natione  nostra  imponendi,  sicque  pra;sumendi 
et  formidandi,  quod  —  idem  Apostolicus  Legatus  aut  Sanctissimus  Dominus  noster 

—  irrequisito  consilio  et  consensu  tam  nostrorum  quam  aliorum,  quorum  interest' — 
ad  hujusniodi  impositioncm  processerint  aut  procedant :  hinc  est,  si  et  in  quantum 

—  contra  ordinationem  Eccle'iaj  sanctae  Dei  in  prsefato  Concilio  Constantiensi  — 
attemptatuu)  foret  attempteturve,  —  hoc  esse  gravamen  edicere  gravamur,  cui  nee 
nos,  nee  nostri  utriusque  status  homines  nunime  parere  aut  satisfacere  possemus. 
Attento  potissimum,  quod,  cum  per  amplissimas  et  repetitas  et  variis  respectibus 
concessas  indulgentias,  quibus  piarum  mentium  a>raiia  evacuata  sunt,  tum  per 
excessivam  solutionem  annatarum,  quarum  gratia  EcclesirB  vel  feneratoribus  dis- 
pensiose  dedita?,  aut  fei-mc  funditus  confectas  jacent,  tum  variis  aliis  gravaminibus 

—  adeo  gravatus,  adco  exhaustus  et  exinanitus  est  uterque  status,  ut  illi  omnia  ea 
gravamina  et  sarcinam  hujusniodi  acceplandi  et  ferendi  omnino  deest  facultas  atque 
potestas.  Hac  occasione  ab  his  impositionibus  et  gravaminibus — provocamus  et 
appellamus  ad  .S.  D.  N.  Papam  Pium,  ad  sanctam  scdcm  Apostolicam,  aut  ad  ilium 
vel  ad  illos,  ad  quern  vel  ad  (juos  de  jure  fuerit  appellandum,  vel  ad  Romanum 
Pontificem,qui  in  Concilio  generali  seu  oecumenico  vel  jam  institute  vel  instituendo 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     %  132.     Pius  II.  219 

punished  by  excommunication  and  interdict,  for  his  violence  to  the 
cardinal  Nicholas  of  Cusa,  bishop  of  Brixen  (14(30)  ;  the  only  con- 
sequence was  again  one  of  the  annoymg  appeals,  and  the  equally 
annoying    writings  of  Gregory   of  Heiraburg   on   the   subject.-^     In 

in  proximo  prssidentiam  habeat  vel  habiturus  est,  pra-sertim  ad  instituendum  eun- 
dem  Rom.  Pontiticem  de  pia  nostra  intentione,  supplici  oblatione  -  plemus  atque 
forsan  hactenus  instructus  sit,  etc.  Tbe  Pope  on  this  domed,  in  a  bull  dated  4  Sept 
1461  (in  Mailer's  Reichsta^stheatrum  Th.  2.  S.  29)  that  the  legate  whom  he 
had  sent  to  Germany,  ad  proesWendum  in  dietis  tam  apud  Nonmbergam,  quam 
apud  curiam  imperialem  tunc  tenendis,  ever  had  the  purpose,  eos  ad  ipsius  decimae 
solutionem  compellere,  and  assures  them,  nostra  intentionis  semper  fuisse  et  adhuc 
esse  quod  pra;dicta  decima  in  eadem  natione  non  exigeretur,  nee  exigatur,  nisi 
de  v'estro  aliorumque  Pralatorum  et  Principum  consensu. 

29  Compare  Gerardi  de  Roo  (about  1519)  Annales  Austrlaci  lib   VII.  p.  222, 
261      Jo      Jac.    Fugger's    (about    1555)    Spiegel    der  Ehren   des  Erzhauses 
Oesterreich.   S.   663   tf.,^-39.     The  bishop  having   been  appointed  by   the   Pope 
agl  t  Sigismund's  will,  was  always  at  variance  with  this  last,  and  was  at  length 
Srhoned  by  him,  for  having  laid  claim  to  certain  market-towns  and  salt-works. 
5  thlthe  Pope  condemned  the  Grand  Duke,  dd.  1  Jun.  \AQ^)(Raynad,  1460.  no. 
SsT-  .icut  reus  criminis  laesa;  majestatis  perpetuo  infamis,  ditfidatus,  bannitus,  in- 
test^bilis  omnique  privilegio,honore,  et  dignitate  exutus   privatus,  ac  et.am  majoris 
exconm  inicationis  sententia  innodatus,  gave  notice  to  the  Swiss,  ne  ad  observan- 
dum  pacis  et  concordia-  foedera  se  adstrictos  arbitrentur,  and  commissioned  certain 
prelates    ut    Helvetios    a.i  fcedus  armorum   pro  coeicendo  Sig^ismundo  concitent 
S  '  smund,  on   his  part,  appealed  through   Gregory   of  Heimburg,   to   a   general 
council,  dd.  13  Aug.  1460  (the  document  is  in  Goldasti  iMonarchia,  T.  II.  p.  lo/6 
and  in  Brotni  Appendix  ad  tascicul.  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum,  p.  114) 
e?  appellationes   multarum   civitatum   Italia;   et  Alamania;  Ecclesiarum   valvis- 
affio-i  fecit  (Raynald,  1460,  no   35).     The   Pope  now  passed  sentence  of  excom- 
munication on  Gregory  (Raynald,  1.  c),  who  in  1446  had  been  his  feUow  ambas- 
sador at  Rome  (see  §"l31,  note  50)  ;  he  wrote  to  the  magistrate  in  Nuremburg 
dd     18  Oct    1460   (in  Brown,  p.   125) :  Quidam  ex  patre   Diabolo  mendaciorum 
artifice  natus,  Gregorius  de   Heymburg  nomine, -a  nostra  solenmi  declaratoria 
sententia   qua  -  impium  Sigismundum- juris  scripti  pcEnas  declaravimus  incur- 
ri.se    a  nobis  ad  futurum  Concilium  improbam,  nefariam,  temeranam,  seditiosam 
denique  appellationem  dictavit.     Et  illius  interpositionis  per  dictuin  Sigismundum 
facts  ipse   dictator  in  origiuali  instrumento  Florenl.a.  ad  valvas  Ecclesis  affixo 
testis   inscribitur.     Quod    quia    loquax   ille,   pra^sumptuosus   et  pra,'ceps,  mendax 
ataue  turbulentus,  teinerarius  ob  istud  facinus  excommunicatus  existit,  cnminaque 
et  poenas  incidit  Issa;  majestatis  atque  h^eresis,  adeo  ut  ultra  execrationem  honore 
omnTet  bonis  jure  sit  privatus  ;  Devotiones  vestras  in  Domino  requirentes  admone- 
mus   huiusmodi  pestiferum  horainem  pro  tali  excommunicato  habeatis  ;  —  ipsum- 
que  non  solum  vitetis,  sed  procul  ejiciati.  ab  oppido  et  dominio  vestro ;  et  bona, 
Suaecunque  habet  apud  vos,  tam  mobilia  quam  immobilia,  hsco  vestro  applicetis  , 
et  alia    omnia  faciatis,  qu«   contra  ha^reticos  de  jure   canon.co  fieri  niandantur. 
Greeorv  answered  this  bull  by  an  appeal  Jlppellatio  ad  Concilium  futurmn  {m  Gol- 
dast  p   1592.     Brown,  p.  126),  in  which  he  speaks  most  contemptuously  oi  the 
Pope-  e   g.  voluit  Papa  ipse  abuti  potestate  sua,-  et  sub  velamento  mihtans  ex- 
peditionis  in  Turcam  instauranda.  facultates  Germaniae -medullitus  exhaurire.- 
Ipse  aliquando  audiet,  quid  gesserit,  qualem  vitam  egerit,  et  quid  apud  Comas  : 
sed  reprimo  me,   etc. --1  Mihi  satis  est  didicisse  ciyi  es  sententias  etc. -ipse  in 
numero  ^it  illorum,  qui  putant  ha^c  omnia  vi  et  artihcio  rhetorum  cont.neri.     Ergo 
si  Papa  ob  id  facinus  me  excommunicatum  dicit,  quis  erit  ejectior  ipso,  qui  pra?ter 
t^Sitatem  nihil  habet  in  se  virtutis  ?     He,  in  especial,  confutes  the  assertion  of 
Ihe  Pope,  Concilium  supra  Papam  non  esse,  and  maintains  the  right  ol  appeal  to 
general  councils.  To  this  appeal  Theodorus  Lc,Uus  Episc.  Feltrensis,  Reierendanus 
ipoTolicus  replied  (see  dlldast.  ^.^o9o)    ""dGregoiT  rejoined  in   he  A,,o^^^^^^ 
contra  detrectationes  et  blasphemias  Theod.  L.Wu    in  Goldast.  p.  1604).     Fius  11. 
5hen  Lmmoned  dd.  22  Jan.  1462,  (Raynald,  1461,  no.  1 1)  the  Grand  Duke  before  h.s 
Sribunalas  de  damnatissima  ha^resi,  qua"  est  omnium  ha^resum  hsresi,  non  solum 


220  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Aug.  14G1,  Pius  had  arbitrarily  deposed  the  archbishop  Diether  of 
Mayence  ;  -^'^  but  the  sentence,  notwitlistandiug  the  emperor's  support, 

suspectuin  notorie,  sed  sensibiliter  maculatuin,  tanquam  sacrae  fidei  non  recijiientem 
articuhim  :  —  Credo  in  unam  Sanctam  et  JlpostoHcain  Ecdesiam.  Nam  cum  ipsius 
Ecclesiffi  Romanus  Pontif'ex  caput  sit,  canonesque  ct  censura;  sic  sint  Ecclesia?,  quod 
quisque  in  Ecclesia  positus  et  credens  capiti,  caiioiiilius  ct  ejus  censuris  teneatur 
obedire ;  dictus  quidem  Sioismundus  noii  solum  illis  non  obedit,  sed  prEedicat 
insuper,  quod  miniine  obedire  teneatur.  Sigismund  not  appeaiino;,  both  he  and 
Gregory  were  again  excommunicated  die  ccente  Domini  ( Gobellinus,  Vih.  VIII. 
p.  203).  Sigismund  received  absolution,  A.  ]).  146-t,  compai-e  Jacobi  Picolominei 
Card.  Papiensis  Epist.  282  (appended  to  Gobellinus,  p.  668):  Sigismundus  — 
divino  tandem  est  humiliatus  miraculo,  atque  co  qiiidem  usque  humiliatus,  ut 
Romanorum  Imperator,  —  consanguinitate  ilium  attingens,  cum  sumina  Sedis 
gloria  ante  genua  Lcgati  apostolici  procidcns  non  ante  surgendum  putavciit, — 
quam  poenitenti  et  satis  pro  injuriis  facienti  pcenarum  abolitionem,  lestitutionemque 
est  consecutus.  But  Gregory  persisted  in  liis  ojjposition  to  the  Pope,  being  first 
for  a  long  time  on  the  side  of  the  ai-chbishop  of  Mayence,  and  then  taking  up  the 
cause  of  Geoige  Podiebrad,  king  of  Bohemia,  till  at  length,  shortly  before  his 
death,  1472,  he  too  asked  for  absolution,  and  received  it  at  Dresden.  See  an 
account  of  these  last  events  taken  from  the  records  by  J.  G.  Horn  in  d.  Nilssl. 
Sammlungen  zu  einer  histor.  Handbibliothek  von  Sachsen.  Th.  4.  (Leipsig,  1728. 
4to.)  S.  382  ff. 

^^  Diether  was  chosen  in  Junfe,  1459,  and  confirmed  by  Pius  II.  after  various 
negotiations  in  Mantua,  1460.  The  bull  of  deposition,  21  Aug.  1461  (see  Raynald, 
1461,  no.  21,  complete  in  Mailer's  Reichstagstheatrum.  Th.  2.  S.  SI)  gives  as 
the  ground  of  the  sentence,  that  Diether  had  gained  a  majority  for  his  elec- 
tion by  bribery.  The  Pope,  to  wliom  this  was  unknown,  had  stipulated,  when 
asked  to  confirm  the  choice,  in  consideration,  quam  conventui  Mantuanensi  — 
sua  prEesentia  admodum  utilis  esset,  that  Diether,  sicut  jura  volunt,  should 
appear  for  the  purpose  personally :  he,  however,  had  evaded  the  condition 
iriodo  corporis  infirmitatem,  niodo  pauperiem  pi-a;tendens,  so  that  the  Pope  at 
length  gave  the  confii'mation  to  his  procurators:  procuratores  Dietheri  ejus  nomine 
et  in  animain  ejus  ea  nobis  juraverunt,  quas  ca'teri  Episcopi  Romanis  Pontificibus 
jurare  consueverant,  ct  ultra  hoc  venturum  ipsuin  personaliter  infra  annum  ad 
pra?sentiam  nosti-am.  However,  he  had  disappointed  all  the  hopes  entei-tained  of 
him  :  cum  —  expectaremus,  hunc  hominem  —  ea  curare,  quse  pro  tutela  Christia- 
nae  religionis  in  Mantucnsi  conventu  concluseramus,  invitare  homines  sua  nationis 
ad  expeditionem  contra  Turcos  obcundam,  ad  obcdiendum  in  ea  re  carissimo  filio 
nostro,  Fridcrico  Romanorum  Imperatori  Augusto,  ad  quem  idcirco  legatuni  de 
latere  miseramus  ad  |)arandos  exercitus,  ad  solvendas  decinias,  ac  vigesimas  et 
trigesimas  contribuenclas,  et  alia  pra-sidia  prrestanda ;  homo  in  reprobum  sensum 
datus  —  mox  cornua  erexit  in  Apostolicam  sedem,  —  Legatum  nostrum  calumnia- 
tus  est,  qui  decimas  conaretur  exigere,  quibus  copiEe  contra  Turcos  armaii  possent, 
palamque  dicere  non  est  veritus,  nos  argentum  nationis,  non  fidei  defensionem 
qua-rere  (this  i-efcrs  to  the  negotiations  in  Vienna,  and  the  appeal  of  the  electors, 
note  28).  —  Inter  ha'c  accidit,  ut  ad  instantiam  mercatorum,  qui  pecunias  Aposto- 
lica»  sedi  debitas  sibi  niutuo  concesserunt,  cum  jam  satisfactipnis  tempus  prajteri- 
isset,  Dietherus  ipse  excommunicaretur  absque  nostra  conscientia  :  nam  id  per 
judices  inferiores  in  forma  Cameras  fieri  solet.  Quod  ubi  ad  ejus  notitiam  pervenit, 
—  non  recuriit  ad  nos,  —  sed  —  Apostolicam  sedem  blasphemans  conficto  quodam 
infamatorio  libello  ad  futurum  Concilium  contra  Mantuanam  bullam  appellavit, 
excommunicationem  ipso  facto,  a  qua  nisi  a  nobis  absolvi  non  potest,  et  alias  pcenas 
contra  reos  majestalis  et  hajretica?  pravitatis  fautores  a  jure  fulminatas  incurrens. 
Nee  animo  irreverenti  et  infi-unifo  satis  fuit,  primam  sedem  his  modis  contempsisse, 
nisi  et  divina  quoque  contemneret,  illis  se  publico  immiscens  palam  et  notorie 
excommunicatus,  et  in  irregularitatem  incidens.  The  next  charges  were  that  he 
had  not  appeared  before  the  Pope  within  the  year  according  to  his  oath,  and  that 
he  had  summoned  a  convention  of  the  princes  at  Frankfurt  against  the  rules  of  the 
emperor.  That  the  Pope  had  then  sent  legates  to  him,  qui  male  vadentem  retra- 
herent  et  in  viam  reducercnt:  and  that  they  went  to  the  convention  of  the  princes 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  11.  221 

was  far  from  decisive,   and  the  contest  which  ensued  ended  not  in 


which  had  been  transferred  by  Diether  to  Mayence ;  at  which,  notwithstanding 
their  remonstrances,  he  had  admitted  the  excomiminicated  Gregory  of  Heimburg 
as  Sigismund's  ambassador.     His  propositions  against  the   Pope  not  meeting  with 
acceptation,  he  had,  privately  to  the  ambassadors,  abandoned  his  appeal;  but  very 
soon  after  he  returned  to  his  old   course.     On   these  accounts  he  was  deposed. 
Another  bull,  dated  the  same  day  (see  Muller,  S.  35)  appoints  Adolphus,  count  of 
Nassau,  to   be  his  successor.     The  true   state  of  the  case,  however,  is  evident 
enough  even  from  the  Pope's  bull  of  excommunication ;  but  still  more  so  from  the 
writings  of  Diether,  especially  from  the  appeal  mentioned  in  the  bull  (in  Sencken- 
berg  Selecta  juris  et  histor.   T.   IV.  p.  393),  from  the  answer  to  the  bull,  dated 
Thursday   after  Michaelmas,  1461   (see  Milller,  S.  38),  and  fi-om  a  second  work 
printed  at  Mayence,  dated  Tuesday  after  the  Sunday  Laetare,  1462  (in  L  e  m  a  nn's 
Speyerscher  Chronik  Buch  VII.   Cap.  105.  S.  859).     The  first  charge  of  Simony 
he  refutes  by  an  account  of  the  election,  making  it  appear  that  he  was  chosen 
unanimously  (Muller,  S.  39).     In  Mantua  the  Pope  had  demanded  of  the  ambas- 
sadors of  the  electors  (see  Appellatio  in  Senckenberg  IV.  p.  393),  quatenus  se 
nomine  nostro  obligarent,  ne  futuro  Concilio  daremus  operam,  neve  Principes  Ger- 
manica;  nationis  convocaremus.     As  they  were   unwilling  to  assent  to  this,  they 
were  dismissed  without  having  concluded  the  business  on  which  they  came  :  some 
months  after,  however,  a  second  embassy  was  sent  to  the  Pope,  to  obtain  a  confir- 
mation of  the   election   without  the  obnoxious  conditions.     Cum  autem  Oratores 
nostri,    antequam   ad    Cameram   Apostolicam  pervenissent,  litteras   nostras   atque 
etficacem  obligationem  facere   cogebantur  pro  Annata  ipsi  Cameras  persolvenda, 
qua  prcestita  et  recepta  illico  eis  nuncupata  est  qua?dam  pecuniarum  summa  gra- 
vissima,   scicilet  XXM.   VC.   et  I.   floren.   Rhenensium  :  obstupuerunt   Oratores 
nostri,  nee  tamen  aliter  litteras  extrahere  potuerunt,  nisi  in  ilia  obligatione  persi- 
sterent.    Cumque  de  gravi  taxa  conquererentur,  nihil  aliud  supererat,  quam  Came- 
rae  ipsi  Apostolicae  de  taxa  expressata   [satisfacere],  subordinatis  etiam  numulariis, 
campsoribus  vel  mercatoribus  appellatis,  qui  obligationem  i-espectu  Cameroe  Apo- 
stolica;  in  se  receperunt,  et  a  nostris  Oratoribus,  nedum  nostro  verum  etiam  ipsorum 
propriis  nominibus,  obligationem  sen  cautionem  acceperunt.     Et  ita  Oratoies  nostri 
una   cum    litteris    contirmationis  et  cseteris,  quEe   ad   consecrationem   obtinendam 
requiruntur,  a  Romana  Curia  dimissi  sunt.     Nos  vero  admirati,  cur  tanta  summa  a 
nobis  exigeretur,  cum  tamen  a  prEedecessoribus  nostris  longe  minor  fuerit  persoluta, 
sciscitati  sumus,  quajnam  vera  taxa  esset  ab   Ecclesia  Magunt.  Camerae  Apostoli- 
cae debita.     Cum  vero  in  hujusmodi  investigatione  fluctuaremus  ambigue  nonnihil, 
certe  suminam  pecuniarum  persolvimus,  ut  jam  putarenius  illi  summs  satis  appro- 
pinquasse,  quaj   a  praedecessore  nostro  tempore  sus  contirmationis  fuit  persoluta. 
Obtulimus   ergo  et  nunc  ofTerimus    talem  suminam,  qualem   predecessor  noster 
exposuit,  sen  quse  de  jure  vel  antiqua  consuetudine  ipsi  Camera;  Apostolicje  ab 
Ecclesia  nostra  debita  esset.     Papa  vero,  his  non  contentus,  processus  poenales 
contra  nos  et  Oratores  nostros  supradictos  dicitur  instituisse,  aut  comminatur  insti- 
tuere  velle.     Nobis  vero  alleg-antibus,  quod  ad  solutionem  promissio  a  nobis  et  a 
nostris  extorta  est,  et  error  factus,  qui  nos  merito  excusat :  —  responsum  est  nobis, 
jam  non  agere  contra  nos  Romanum  Pont,  et  Collegium  Cardinalium,  sed  merca- 
tores  illos,  qui  se  debitores  pro  nobis  constituerunt,  quibus  et  nos  de  sua  cavimus 
indenmitate  ;  ideo,  si  Camera  nos  gravasset,  nihilominus  mercatoribus  illis  indem- 
nitatem  promissam  exsequi  teneamur.     Quod  et  nos  profecto  justum  censeremus, 
nisi  collusioexpressa  sufficienter  mercatoiibus  ipsis  obstaret,  qui  agentibus  Camerae 
subordinati  et  submissi  machinationis  hujusmodi  non  erant  inscii.     Quod  etiam  ex 
hoc  fonte  clarius  deprehenditur,  quod,  cum  mercatores  ipsi  pecuniam  constitutam 
Dominis   Cardinalibus  exsolverunt,  ipsi  sibi  caverunt,  quod  si   pecunia  ilia  ipsis 
mercatoribus  per  nos  soluta  non  fuerit,  mercatoribus  ipsis  a  Dominis  Cardinalibus 
persolveretur,  prout  ipsorum  Card,  litteris  ad  nos  missis  clare  edoctl  sumus.     The 
papal  legate  at  the  Diet  of  Mayence,  Rudolph  of  Worms,  denies  this  charge  con- 
cerning the  Annates  (see  Gobellinus,  lib.   VI.  p.  144) :  mentiti  omnes  sunt,  qui 
vel  nuramum  unum  abs  te  flagitatum  asserunt  ultra  summam  in  Camera  praetaxa- 
tam :  decern    millia    auri    nummum    principalis  taxatio    requirit,    minutaque    quae 
vocant  servitia  et  litterarum  expeditio,  et  oratorum  sumptus  circiter  quatuor  millia 
deposcunt  —  Ecclesia  Treverensis,  quae  multo  minor  est,  sub  Calisto  tertio  triginta 


222  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

the  victory  of  the  Pope,  hut  a  compromise  sufficiently  favorable  to 
Diether  (Oct.  1403).^^  In  Germany,  wiiere  tiie  liberal  /Eneas  Syl- 
vius was  not  yet  forgotten,  the  very  different  course  pursued  by 
Pius  II.,  excited  a  mingled  feeling  of  disgust  and  doubt.  This  led 
him  to  address  the  Bulla  retractionum  to  the  University  of  Cologne 
(April  20,  1403),  which  served,  however,  rather  to  make  the  differ- 
ence more  striking  than  to  excuse  it."^-     In  France  his  success  was 

millia  dedit.  But  all  that  is  hereby  proved  is  that  the  banker  had  a  private  under- 
standina;  with  the  court  fdr  his  own  interest.  Accordina;  to  the  Concordat  of 
Aschafi'enbiiro',  which  in  this  respect  agrees  entirely  with  that  of  Constance 
(§  130,  note  19),  one  half  tlie  Annates  were  to  be  paid  in  the  first  year,  the  other 
in  tlie  second. 

^^  The  war  between  Dietlier  and  his  rival,  Adolphus  of  Nassau,  in  which  the 
former  had  the  advantage  through  the  assistance  of  Frederick  I.,  Elector  Pala- 
tine, was  ended  by  the  treaty  of  Zeilsbeirii  on  the  12th  of  October,  146.3  (see 
Serrarii  Rer.  Mo;;unt.  ad  Johannis,  T.  II.  p.  192  seq.),  which  was  confirmed  at 
Frankfurt  on  the  2Cth  of  October,  and  approved  also  by  the  papal  legate.  By  this 
treaty,  Diether  resigned  the  dignity  of  archbishop,  but  was  invested  for  life  with 
various  privileges,  and  exempted  from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  archbishop  ( Gude~ 
nus  Codex  diplom.  T.  IV.  p.  368).  The  satisfaction  of  the  Pope  that  the  matter 
should  end  thus,  is  seen  in  his  letter  to  Diether  (see  Gudenus  IV.  p.  371),  in 
which  he  loads  him  with  praises  and  promises.  A  full  account  of  these  negotia- 
tions, though  partial  to  the  Pope,  in  Gobcllinus,  lib.  III.  p.  64  ;  lib.  VI.  p.  143 
seq.;  lib.  IX.  p.  220  ;  lib.  XII.  p.  34.5.  Comp.  especially  Kremer's  Gesch. 
des  Kurf.  Friedrichs  I.  v.  d.  Pfalz.  Frankf.  u.  Leipz.  1763.  4to.  S.  210  ff.,  244 
ff.,  353  ff.  Diether  von  Psenburg,  Erzb..u.  Kurf.  v.  Mainz.  Erster  Theil  (reaches 
to  1462)   Mainz.   1789.  8vo. 

'■^-  This  bull,  with  abbreviations,  in  Raynald,  1463,  no.  114  seq.  Complete  in 
Harduini  Concill.  IX.  Hartzheim  Cone.  Germ.  V.  p.  94-5  :  In  minoribus  agentes, 
nondum  sacris  Ordinlbus  iniliati,  cum  Basilea;  inter  eos  versaremur,  qui  se  gene- 
rale  Concilium  facere,  et  universalem  Ecclesiam  reprssentare  ajebant,  dialogorum 
quendam  libellum  (namely,  his  Pentalogus  de  rebus  Ecclesia;  et  Imperii  in  Pezii 
thes.  anecdotorum  novissimo,  T.  IV.  P.  III.  p.  639)  ad  vos  scripsimus,  in  quo  de 
auctoritate  Concilii  generalis,  ac  de  gestis  Basileensium,  et  Eugenii  Papse  contra- 
dictione  ea  probavimus  vel  damnavimus,  quaj  probanda  vel  dainnanda  censuimus  : 
quantum  capiebamus,  tantum  defendimus  aut  oppugnavimus  :  nihil  mentiti  sumus, 
nihil  ad  giatiam,  nihil  ad  odium  retulimus.  Existimavimus  bene  agere  et  recta 
incedei'e  via,  nee  mentis  nostra;  aliud  eiat  objectum,  quani  publica  utilitas  et  amor 
veri.  Sed  quis  non  crrat  mortalis  ?  —  Declinavimus  et  nos  ab  utero  matris,  erravi- 
mus  in  invio  et  non  in  via,  ambulavimus  in  tenebris,  et  procul  a  vera  luce  recessi- 
mus  :  nee  nobis  tantum  erravimus,  alios  quoque  in  pra-cipitium  traximus,  et  csecis 
ducatum  prsbentes  casci  cum  illis  in  foveam  recidimus.  Forsitan  et  aliquos  ex 
vobis  scripta  nostra  decepere,  et  in  devia  deduxerunt,  quorum  sanguinem  si  de 
manibus  nostris  requisierit  Dominus,  non  habemus  quod  respondere  possimus,  nisi 
nos  ut  homines  peccavisse,  qui  arbitrantes  rectum  iter  ostendcre  obliquum  monstra- 
vimus.  In  misericordia  tantum  Dei  spes  nostra  sita  est.  —  Utinam  latuissent  quae 
sunt  cdita  !  nam  si  futuro  in  sceculo  manserint ;  aut  in  malignas  mentes  inciderint, 
aut  incautis  fortasse  scandalum  parient :  qui  hcBC  scripsit ,  inquicnt,  in  beati  tan- 
dem Petri  cathedra  sedit,  et  Christi  salvatoris  vicariattim  gessit :  ita  scripsit 
JEneas,  qvi  postea  summum  Pontificatum  adeptus  Pius  II.  appellatus  est,  nee 
invenitur  muiasse  propositum :  qui  eum  elegerunt  et  in  summo  Apostolatus 
vertice  collocarunt,  ab  iis  scripta  ejus  approbata  videntur.  Verendum  est,  ne 
talia  nostris  allquando  successoribus  objiciantur,  et  quae  fuerunt^nea;  dicanturPii, 
atque  ab  ea  sede  auctoritatcm  vendicent,  adversus  quam  ignoranter  latraverunt. 
Cogimur  igitur,  dilecti  filii,  b.  Augustinum  iinitari,  qui  cum  aliqua  in  suis  volumi- 
nibus  erronea  inseruisset,  retractationes  edidit.  Idem'  et  nos  faciemus  :  confitebi- 
mur  ingenue  ignorantias  nostras,  ne  per  ea,  quae  scripsimus  juvenes,  error  irre- 
pat,  qui  possit  in  futurum  Apostolicam  sanctam  sedem  oppugnare  :  nam  si  quem 
decuit  umquam  Romani  primique  throni  emineutiam  et  gloriam  defendere  ac  extol- 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  II. 


223 


not  much  greater.     In  answer  to  his  attacks  on  the  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion at  Mantua,^^  Charles  VII.  appealed  to  a  general  couiicil  ( 1400) ;  ^'^ 


lere,  nos  illi  sumiis,  quos  sine  ullis  mentis  pins  et  misericors  Dens  sola  dispensa- 
tione  sua  ad  b.  Petri  solium,  et  dilectissiiiii  filii  sui,  doniini  nostri  Jesu  Chiisti, 
vicariatuHi  evocavit.  Quibus  ex  rebus  dilectioiies  vestras  horlauiur,  et  in  Domino 
commoneinus,  ne  piionbus  illis  scriptis  inhareatis,  aut  tideni  ullam  prajstetis,  quas 
supremain  Apostolica;  sedis  auctoritatem  quovis  pacto  elidunt,  aut  aliquid  adstru- 
unt,  quod  sacrosancta  Koinana  noii  aniplectitui  Ecclesia  :  suadete  omnibus  ut  id 
solum  pra;  caiteiis  venert-ntur,  in  quo  salvator  Dominus  suos  vicarios  collocavit. 

—  Requirit  auteni  ordo,  ut  iiifeiiora  a  supeiioiibus  gubernentur,  et  ad  unum 
tandem  perveniatur  tanquam  principem  et  moderatorem  cunctorem,  qua;  infra  se 
sunt.  Sicut  gi-ues  unam  sequuntur,  et  in  apibus  unus  est  rex,  ita  et  in  Ecclesia 
militante,  qui  instar  triuniphantis  se  habet,  unus  est  omnium  moderator  et  arbiter, 
Jesu  Christ!  vicarius,  a  quo  tamquam  capite  omnis  in  subjecta  membra  potestas  et 
auctoritas  derivatur,  quK  a  Christo  Domino  Deo  nostro  sine  medio  in  |psum  influit. 

—  Pctrus  igitur  et  successores  ejus  Romani  Pontifices  primatum  in  Ecclesia  tenu- 
erunt,  et  nos  hodie,  quamvis  indigni,  sola  Domini  voluntate  digni,  tenemus  :  et 
quicunque  Romana;  secundum  canonicas  sanctiones  prKticitur  Ecclesia",  quam 
primum  electus  est  in  sacro  collegio,  supremam  a  Deo  potestatem  sine  medio 
in  ipsum  influit. —  Petrus  igitur  et'successores  ejus  Romani  Pontitices  primatum 
in  Ecclesia  tenuerunt,  et  nos  hodie,  quamvis  indigni,  sola  Domini  voluntate  digni, 
tenemus;  et  quicunque  Romanae  secundum  canonicas  sanctiones  pra'licitur  Ec- 
clesia%  quam  primum  electus  est  in  sacro  collegio,  supremam  a  Deo  potestatem 
sine  medio  consequitur,  et  per  ordinem  in  omnem  diffundit  Ecclesiam  :  cujus 
peccata  divino  jndici  punienda  relinquuntur.  Si  quid  adversus  banc  doctrinam 
inveneritis  aut  in  dialogis,  aut  in  epistolis  nostris,  qua;  plures  a  nobis  sunt  editffi, 
aut  in  aliis  opusculis  nostris  (multa  enim  scripsimus  adhuc  juyenes),  respuite 
atque  contemnite ;  sequimini  quas  nunc  dicimus,  et  seni  magis  quam  jiiveni 
credite,  nee  privatum  hoininem  pluris  facite  quam  Pontificem  :  JCneam  rejicite, 
Pium  recipite  :  illud  gentile  nomen  parentes  indidere  nascenti,  hoc  christianum 
in  Apostalatu  susccpimus.  Dicent  fortasse  aliqui,  cum  Pontiticatu  banc  nobis 
opinionem  advenisse,  et  cum  dignitate  mutatam  esse  sententiam.  Haud  ita  est, 
lono-e  aliter  actum.  Audite,  filii,  conversationem  nostram.  He  then  goes  on  to 
relate  how  he  came  to  Basil  in  1431,  as  a  young  man,  and  was  led  by  the  pre- 
vailing feeling  there  and  the  authority  of  great  names,  to  take  part  with  the 
Council  against  the  Pope  ;  that  he  was  first  startled  by  the  behaviour  of  the  empe- 
ror, and  at  his  court  came  to  the  conviction  of  his  error.  He  closes  with  remarks 
on  the  necessity  of  a  monarchy  in  the  church,  and   the  claims  of  the  Holy  See. 

33  See  Pii,  P.  H.  responsio  ad  orationem  Oratorum  Gallicorum  in  d'Achery 
Spicilegium  HI.  p.  811  seq.,  which  begins  with  defending  at  length  the  course 
pursued  by  the  Pope  in  supporling  Ferdinand,  king  of  Naples,  against  the  pre- 
tensions of  the  house  of  Anjou,  and  then,  p.  820,  passes  to  the  Pragmatic  Sanc- 
tion :  CsEterum  quia  Pragmatica;  Sanctionis  superius  incidit  mentio,  cujus  secreta 
magis  pulsavimus  quam  aperuimus,  urget  nos  conscientia,  imo  vero  caritas,  qua 
genti  vestra;  devincti  sumus,  priusquam  dicendi  finem  facimus,  de  ea  aliqua  libare  : 
ne  taciturnitas  nostra  indulgentia  reputetur,  et  quod  sanabile  vulnus  est,  fiat 
mortale,  et  nos  a  consortio  vestro  oporteat  abstinere  :  quoniam  sicut  in  veteri 
lege  (Lev.  xxi.  11)  sancitum  est,  super  omnem  animam,  quce  mortua  est,  non 
ingredietur  Pontifex  :  quod  teste  Hieronymo  perinde  accipiendum  est  ac  si  dicat, 
ubicumque  peccatum  est  et  in  peccato  mors,  illuc  Pontifex  non  accedat.  Cupimus 
sanctam  esse  Francorum  gentem,  et  omni  carere  macula  :  —  at  hoc  fieri  non  potest, 
nisi  hffic  Sanctionis  macula  seu  ruga  deponatur,  qua;  quomodo  introducta  sit  ipsi 
nostis.  Certe  non  auctoritate  generalis  Synodi,  nee  Romanorum  decreto  Pontifi- 
cum  recepta  est,  quamvis  de  causis  ecclesiasUcis  tractatus  absque  placito  Romanas 
sedis  stare  non  possit.  Ferunt  aliqui  idcirco  inifium  ei  datum,  quia  nimis  onera- 
rent  Romani  Pontifices  Regnum  Francias,  nimiasque  pecunias  inde  corraderent. 
Mirum  si  hsec  ratio  Carolum  movit,  quem  praedecessoris  sui  magni  Caroli  decebat 
imitatorem  esse,  cujus  ha;c  verba  leguntur:  In  memoriam  b.  Petri  Apostoli 
honor  emus  s.  Romanam  Ecclesiam.- — et  licet  vix  ferendum  ab  ilia  s.  Sede 
imponatur  jugnm,  tamen  feramus,  et  pia  devotione  toleremus  (rather  Cone. 
Tribur.  ann.  895,  c.  30,  see  §  25,  note  4).     Non  est  credibile  Carolum,  qui  modo 


224  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

and  though  the  Sanction  was  annulled  by  Louis  XL,  14G1,  in  the 
hope  of  gaining  the  Pope's  support  for  the  claims  of  the  house  of 
Anjou    on   Naples,35  yet  when  he  found  himself  foiled  in  this,  he 

regnat,  suo  sensu  banc  Pi-iigmaticam  introduxisse.  Deceptum  putamus,  et  pise 
inenti  suggesta  fuisse  non  vera.  Nam  quo  pacto  religiosiis  Priiiceps  ea  servari 
jussisset,  quorum  praitextu  sumnia  sedis  Apostolica;  auctoritas  laeditur,  religionis 
nostrce  vires  enervantur,  unitasque  Ecclesia;  et  libertas  perimitur  ?  —  Non  ponder- 
amus  causarum  auditionein,  non  benehciorum  coUationem,  non  alia  inulta,  quas 
curare  putamur.  Illud  nos  angit,  quod  aniuiaruni  perditionem  ruinanique  cerni- 
mus,  et  nobilissimi  Regis  gloriain  labefactari.  Nam  quo  pacto  tolei-andum  est 
Clericorum  judices  laicos  esse  factos  ?  Pastorum  causas  oves  cognoscere  ?  Siccine 
regale  genus  et  sacerdotale  sumus  ?  Non  explicabimus  bonoris  causa,  quantum 
diniinuta  est  in  Galba  sacerdotalis  auctoritas.  Episcopi  norunt,  qui  pro  nutu 
saecularis  potestatis  spiritualem  gladium  nunc  exercent,  nunc  recludunt.  Piassul 
vcro  Romanus,  cujus  parochia  orbis  est,  cujus  provincia  nee  oceano  clauditur,  in 
regno  Francia;  tantum  jurisdictionis  liabet,  quantum  placet  Parlamento.  Non 
sacrilegum,  non  parricidam,  non  b;tre(icum  punire  peruiittitur,  quamvis  Ecclesi- 
asticum,  nisi  Parlanienti  consensus  adsit ;  cujus  lantam  esse  auctoritatem  nonnulli 
existiiiiant,  ut  censuris  etiam  nostris  praecluderc  aditum  possit.  Sic  judex  judi- 
cum  Romanus  Pontifox  judicio  Parlamenti  subjectus  est.  Si  hoc  admittimus, 
monstruosam  Ecclcsiain  facimus,  et  hydram  niultorum  capitum  iutroducimus,  et 
unitatem  prorsus  exstinguimus.  Periculosa  Iijec  res  esset,  venerabiles  fratres, 
qua;  bierarchiam  oninem  confunderet.  Nam  cur  Regibus,  cur  aJiis  Prssulibus 
sui  subditi  pareront,  cum  ipsi  superiori  suo  non  pareant.  Quam  quisque  legem 
in  aliura  statuit,  earn  sibi  servandam  putet.  Vercndum  est,  ne  pi-ope  adsit,  quod 
ad  Tbessalonicenses  (2  Tbess.  ii.  3)  significare  videtur  Apostolus,  quia  post 
discessionein  revelahitur  homo  j)^ccaii.  Adventum  quippe  Antichristi  sollicitant, 
qui  discessionem  a  Romana  Ecclesia  qu«runt,  qualem  prse  se  ferre  videntur, 
qua»  sub  obtentu  Pragmaticae  Sanctionis  tieii  dicuntur.  Sed  credimus  ba;c,  ut 
ante  diximus,  Regi  vestro  incognita  esse,  cujus  natura  benigna  est,  et  inimica 
mali.  Docendus  est  et  instruendus,  ne  pestem  banc  in  suo  regno  debacchari 
amplius  et  animas  interficere  sinat=  Vos  Episcopi  luceruK  estis  ardentes  coram 
60,  et  candelabra  lucentia  in  dorno  Domini :  sic  lucete,  ut  lux  vestra  tenebras 
omnes  ac  caligines  Pragmatics  Sanctionis  ex  nobili  et  christianissima  Francorum 
gente  depellat ;  solunique  lumen  sobs,  id  est  veritatis  splendor  et  Veritas  eluceat. 
Quod  si  Rex  vester  opera  vestra  fecerit,  et  vos  mercedera  Propbeta;  recipietis  a 
Domino,  et  ipse,  par  suis  progenitoribus  majorque,  per  omnes  orbis  Ecclesias,  et  in 
Romana  potissimum,  jure  merito  et  erit  et  vocabilur  Christianissimus. 

^*  M.  Jo.  Dauvet  Procuratoris  generalis  protestatio  nuUitatis  et  appcllatio  ad 
f'uturum  Concilium  contra  orationem  Pii  II.  Pont,  babitam  in  Conventu  Mantuano, 
comminationes  ejusdeui  et  censuras  publicatas  in  Carolum  VII.  Regem  Francorum 
dd.  10  Febr.  1460  (namely,  more  Gallicano,  i.  e.  1461)  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez 
de  I'co-lise  Gallicane,  chap.  13,  no.  10,  and  in  Richerii  hist.  Concill.  generall.  lib. 
IV.  P.  I.  c.  1.  The  king  admonishes  the  Pope,  ut  rem  ipsam  maturius  atque 
brevius  digei-at  et  consulat,  —  ut  cum  sacris  generalibus  Conciliis  pacem  ibveat. 
He  then  calls  on  him.  Concilium  plenarium  orbis  congregare  in  loco  tuto  ac  libero. 

Quod  etiam  bic  maxime  necessarium  esse  videtur  pro  succurrere  tidei  oitho- 

doxEB  :  nam  licet  plura  bine  inde  invocentur  auxilia,  et  diverse  pecuniarum 
summte  variis  modis  hujus  rei  prastextu  hactenus  petitaj  et  collectaj  sint,  parvum 
tamen  aut  nullum  efficax  adversus  invasores  christians  religionis  —  prtestatur,  dura 
differtur  nimium  plenarii  Concilii  provisio.  —  Et  jam  tempus  decem  annorum 
etfluxuni  dudum  est,  in  quo  secundum  instituta  magnfe  Synodi  Constantiensis 
ipsum  Concilium  debebat  celebrari.  Illis  vero,  quEe  in  prafato  Concilio  determi- 
nabuntur.  Rex  devoto  et  benigno  animo  acquiescere  paratus  erit.  — Si  sauctissimus 
Dominus  noster  celebrationem  plenarii  Concilii  in  loco  libero  —  faccre  recusaverit, 
aut  nimium  distulerit ;  volens  ipse  Dominus  noster  Rex,  quantum  in  eo  erit, 
necessitati  fidei  ortbodoxas  et  universa;  Ecclesia^  succurrere,  intendit  alios  Princi- 
pes  Christianos  exhortari,  ut  omnes  unanimitcr  universalem  Ecclesiam  in  plenario 
Concilio  congregari  laborent. 

3*  John  Godefroy,  bishop  of  Arras,  was  appointed  by  the  Pope  to  persuade  Louis 
to  the  step  (Gobellinus,  lib.  VII.  p.  183)  :  Pius  then  in  a  letter,  dd.  26  Oct.  1461 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  II.  225 

showed  no  disposition  to  compel  the  Parliament  to  retract  their  re- 
sistance to  the  measure ;  and  the  only  consequence  was  that  the 
French  church  was  left  in  a  fluctuating  and  uncertain  state.-^*^     All 


(.Mnecs  Sylvii  Ep.  401,  and  in  Raynald,  1461,  no.  113,  where,  however,  the 
bes;innin^  is  wanting),  urges  the  king  to  act  at  once,  and  as  early  as  dd.  27  Nov. 
1461,  received  tiie  answer  (1.  c.  Ep.  402,  in  Raynald,  1.  c^no.  118)  :  Pragmalicain 
a  regno  nostro  —  per  praiscntes  peUinms,  dejiciinus,  stirpitusque  abrogaiuus,  et 
quam  qiialeinve  ante  Pragmaticae  ipsius  editionem  circa  Ecclesiarum,  beneticio- 
rum,  aliariiniqiie  reruni  spiritualima  dispositionein,  censuram,  nioderationcni  in 
regno  noslro  —  (ui  prsedecessores  Martinus  V.  et  Eiigenius  IV.  Romani  Pontiiices 
habebant  et  excrcebant,  talem  eandemque  nostro  adjutori  beatissiino  Petro,  tibique 
successori  ipsius  reddinius,  pra'stamus  et  restituiiiius  cum  sununo  iinperio,  cum 
judicio  libero,  cum  potcstatc  non  coarctata.  Tu  eniin  cum  scias  quid  auctoritate 
divinitus  tibi  tradita  possis,  quas  pro  regni  nostri  et  Ecclesiarum  in  eo  tranquillitatc 
postulabimus,  non  negliges  res  necessarias,  poterisque  semper  quod  optimum  f'uerit 
judicare.  In  gratitude  for  his  services,  the  Pope  made  the  bishop  of  Arras  cardi- 
nal (Gobell.  p.  1S4).  He  (tlie  cardinal)  began  now  to  write  concerning  the 
niattei-  of  Sicily  :  he  states  that  only  by  yielding  the  point,  the  Pope  regis  animum 
placari  posse,  et  Pragmaticam  Sanctionem  certissime  sublatura  ii'i.  Louis  had  said 
distinctly  to  the  Episc.  Interamnensis  :  ita  demum  Pragmaticae  Sanctioni  tinein 
imponei'e,  si  de  regno  Siciliae  ei  mos  gereretur  (1.  c.  p.  186).  Soon  after  this, 
A.  D.  1462,  a  French  embassy  appeared  at  the  papal  court  to  announce  formally 
the  abolition  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  which  occasioned  great  rejoicings.  As  to 
Sicily,  however,  the  Pope  was  not  to  be  moved  (1.  c.  p.  187  seq.).  Equally  inef- 
fectual was  an  angry  lettei-  from  Louis,  and  the  threat  that  all  the  French  would 
withdraw  from  Rome  (Gobell.  lib.  VIII.  p.  207). 

^'^  See  in  general  the  bull  Priinitiva  of  Leo  X.,  below,  §  134,  note  18.  The 
change  in  tlie  king's  feelings  is  evident  from  the  following  ordinances  :  dd.  17 
Febr.  1463  (i.  e.  1464)  in  the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'cgl.  Gall.  chap.  22,  no.  21 : 
Pius  Papa  modernus  bona  Prslatorum  et  virorum  ecclesiasticorum  decedentium, 
tam  sfficularium  quam  regulaiiuiii,  qua  nonnulli  spolia  defunctorum  appellant, 
necnon  dimidiam  partem  tructuum  tam  beneficiorum  incompatibiliuin,  quse  dicti 
viri  ecclesiastici,  et  illorum,  qua;  in  commendam  obtinent,  ac  etiam  certam  portio- 
nem  seu  quotam  bouorum  et  personarum  sscularium,  tam  mobilium  quam  non 
mobilium,  ejus  Cameras  Apostolicie  per  certas  ejus  constitutiones  seu  literas,  a 
paucis  diebus  ut  dicitur  apud  Romam  editas,  Apostolica  esse  statuit  et  decrevit. 
As  the  consequence  of  this  must  be  oppi-ession,  poverty,  and  suffering,  and  the 
rights  of  the  crown  were  in  dangei-,  the  king  orders,  ut  subsidia  et  onera  praemissa, 
ac  alia  similia,  quae  Collectores,  Subcollectores,  atque  alii  Otficiarii  seu  Commissarii 
Romanorum  Pontificum  —  levare  et  exigere  mitterentur,  minime  levabuntur, 
colligentur,  aut  exigentur.  All  magistrates  were  to  take  cai-e  that  every  infringe- 
ment of  this  order  should  be  punished,  dd.  13  Aug.  1464,  1.  c.  no.  22  :  As  this 
order  was  not  universally  obeyed,  however,  and  many  of  the  clergy  paid  their 
taxes,  as  plusieurs  s'efforcent  par  bulles  et  commissions  Apostoliques,  proceder  par 
excommunimens,  fulniinations,  et  censures  ecclesiastiques,  et  privation  de  benefi- 
ces contre  les  gens  d'Eglisc  de  nostre  dit  Royaume,  qui  refusent,  ou  different  de 
payer  les  despoUilles  des  trespassez,  et  la  moytie  des  benefices  incompatibles,  et 
ties  coramandes  ;  the  king  commands,  que  ausdits  Commissaires  ou  Executeurs  ne 
soit  obey  :  mais  leur  soil  prohibe  et  defendu  de  faire  lesdites  exactions,  snr 
peine  de  confiscation  de  corps  et  de  biens,  et  de  bannissement  de  nostre  Royaume. 
So  too  he  forbids  his  subjects  to  pay  their  demands  under  a  penalty  of  exile  and 
confiscation,  dd.  10  Sept.  1464,  1.  c.  no.  23  :  Although,  according  to  the  laws  of 
the  French  church,  no  giaces  expectatives  were  allowed  to  be  granted,  yet  depuis 
I'obeyssance  par  nous  faicte  ii  feu  nostre  sainct  Pere  le  Pape  puis  dernierement  et 
n'agueres  trespasse  they  had  been  granted  en  si  grand  et  excessif  nombre  et 
multitude  et  k  toutes  manieres  de  gens,  tant  estrangers  et  non  lettrez,  qu'autres 
personnes  quelsconques,  que  la  chose  est  venue  k  telle  confusion,  qu'a.  peine  y 
avoit  homme  d'Eglise  en  nosdits  Royaume  et  Dauphine,  qui  ii  cause  d'icelles 
graces  se  peust  dire  seur  en  I'assecu ration  d'aucun  benefice,  k  I'occasion  des 
Antiferri,  et  autres  clauses  et  prerogatives,  qui  ont  este  mises  en  icelles  graces 

VOL.  III.  29 


226  Third  Period.     Div.V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

these  political  embarrassments  lamed  tlie  efforts  of  Pius  against  the 
Turks.  His  strange  attempt  (in  which,  however,  he  was  still  imitating 
the  old  popes)  to  convert  the  Sultan  Mahmoud  to  Christianity  in  a 
long  letter  (14G1),''''  was  of  course  unsuccesstul.  At  length  he  resolved 
to  lead  on  the  crusade  himself;  but  even  this  announcement  (1463),3'^ 

expectatives,  diversitez  de  regies  de  Chancellerie  Apostolique  derogatoires  k  droict 
coiuinun,  et  autrenient.  By  this  means  nmch  money  had  gone  out  of  the  country; 
the  applicants  became  poor ;  the  lives  of  those  who  were  in  possession  of  the 
benefices  were  endangered  ;  and  unknown  strangers  were  often  introduced  into 
them.  Tlie  king,  therefore,  forbids  his  subjects,  que  d'oresenavant  ils  n'aillent, 
n'envoyent,  soit  par  bulles  (par  billets),  lettres  de  change  n'autres  moyens 
quelsconques,  querir,  potarchasser,  ne  obtenir  en  Cour  de  Rome  graces  expecta- 
tives;  further,  qu'aucun  d'eux  voysent,  ou  envoycnt  en  ladite  Cour  de  Rome  pour 
avoir,  n'obtenir  quelcpies  Eueschez,  —  ou  autres  benefices  electifs,  sans  premiere- 
nient  avoir  nos  vouloir  et  consentement  de  ce  faire,  le  tout  sur  peine  d'encourir 
nostre  indignation,  de  perdre  les  deniers,  dont  leurs  procureurs  —  seroyent  trouvez 
saisis  par  bulles,  lettres  de  change,  ou  autres  pour  porter  et  envoyer  en  ladite  Cour 
de  Rome  a  la  cause  dessusdite,  et  d'amende  arbitraire  envers  nous.  As  to  those 
who  might  already  have  received  these  gi-atias  expectalivas,  the  authorities  were 
chai-ged,  qu'ils  les  contraignent  k  eux  en  desistcr  et  departir  ;  et  k  revoquer,  faire 
casser  et  annuler  a  leurs  despens  tout  ce  qu'ils  auroyent  fait  au  contraire.  That 
this  did  not  prevent  the  evil  complained  of  is  seen  from  the  representation  df  the 
parliament  to  the  king,  A.  D.  1465  (not  1461,  see  §  17,  laquelle  loy  —  the  Prag- 
matic Sanction — a  este  gardee  jusques  puis  quatre  ans,  et  par  le  terns  de  vingt- 
deux  et  vingt-trois  ans  a  dure),  given  in  a  Latin  translation  by  Franc  Duarenus 
de  sacris  ministeriis  et  beneficiis.  Paris.  1551.  p.  332  seq.,  and  thence  by  Flacius 
in  the  Catal.  test,  verit.  no.  179,  in  the  original  French  by  Jean  dii  Tillet  in  the 
Memoire  sur  les  libertez  de  I'Eglise  Gallicane  in  his  Recucil  des  Roys  de  France, 
a  Paris.  1607.  4to.  P.  III.  p.  339  :  In  the  introduction  they  speak  of  the  cassation, 
que  Ton  dit  avoir  este  des  decrets,  constitutions  et  ordonnances  appellees  la  Prag- 
matique  Sanction,  a  proof  enough  that  tliis  was  not  acknowledged  by  the  parlia- 
ment. §  72  :  Et  par  experience,  qu£e  est  rerum  magistra,  soit  advise  et  considei-e 
a.  I'evacuation,  qui  a  este  si  excessive  depuis  la  cassation  de  ladite  Pragmalique, 
que  par  experience  Ton  cognoisse  et  appare,  comment  ce  Royaume  est  presque 
tary  (drained)  d'or  principalement :  tellement  qu'il  n'est  demoure  que  monnoye. 
In  the  following  sections  follows  a  calculation  of  the  immense  sums  which  have 
been  cariied  to  Rome  since  the  annulment  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  tempore  Pii 
et  de  present  for  Aimates,  gratias  expectalivas,  etc.  ;  and  an  account  of  the  ruin 
brought  on  the  churches  by  these  proceedings. 

'^''  Which  see  in  JEnece  Sylv.  Ep.  410,  and  in  Raynald,  1461,  no.  44  seq. 

^«  dd.  22  Oct.  1463,  sec  JEn.  Sylv.  Ep.  412,  partly  also  in  Raynald,  1463,  no. 
29  seq.  e.  g.  Et  quis  erit  Christianorum  tam  feri,  tarn  lapidei,  tam  ferrei  pectoris, 
qui  audicns,  Romanum  Pontificem  b.  Petri  successorem,  Domini  nostri  Jesu 
Christi  vicai'ium,  aUernse  vita?  clavigerum,  patrem  ac  magistrum  universorum 
fidelium  cum  sacro  senatu  Cardinalium  Clerique  muliitudine  in  helium  pergere 
pro  tuenda  religione,  libens  domi  remaneat .'  JEt  qua'  poterit  excusatio  quemquam 
juvare  :  senex,  debilis,  aegrotus  in  expediiionem  pcrgit,  et  tu  juvenis  sano  ac 
robusto  corpore  domi  delitesces  .'  Summus  sacerdos,  Cardinales,  Episcopi  praelium 
petunt,  et  tu  Miles,  tu  Baro,  tu  Comes,  tu  Marchio,  tu  Dux,  tu  Rex,  tu  Impe- 
lator,  in  tedibus  propiiis  otiaberis  .'  Siccine  perverti  hoiiiinum  officia  patieris,  ut 
quae  sunt  Regum  sacerdotes  agant,  quae  nobilitati  convcniunt,  subire  Clerum 
oporteat  ?  Necessitas  ire  nos  urget,  quia  non  possumus  alio  pacto  pro  divina;  legis 
defensione  Christianorum  aninios  commovere.  Utinam  hoc  modo  commoveamus  ! 
After  announcing  the  full  absolution  accorded  to  all  who  shall  accompany  this 
crusade,  or  contribute  to  if,  with  the  assurance  :  Non  dubitantes,  quin  aniniiE 
illorum,  quos  ad  hoc  bellum  proficisci  bona  mente  contigerit,  cum  beatissimis  ss. 
Patrum  et  Angelorum  Dei  spiritibus  poit  banc  vitam  in  ca-lestibus  sedibus  collo- 
centur,  et  consortes  imperpetuum  Chiisti  f.ictaj  ;tterna  felicitate  fruantur ;  he 
says  :  In  tanto  Christianas  religionis  discrimine,  quantum  a  Turcis  imprassentiarum 
cernitur  imminere,  nulli  dubium  esse  debet,  quin  Christiani  onmes,  tam  Reges  et 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  132.     Pius  II. 


227 


which  once  would  have  arrayed  all  the  sovereigns  and  nations  of 
Christendom  at  his  side,  could  now  only  bring  together  a  useless 
rabble.^'J  Pius  determined  to  accompany  the  Venetian  fleet,  but  died 
before  he  could  embark  at  Ancona,  Aug.  15,  1464.  His  successor, 
Paul  11.,''"  began  his  career  with  the  most  fl;igrant  desertion  of  the 
conditions  pre^scribed   before  the   choice.^i     He  continued  to  amass 


Principes,  quam  alii  potentatus,  et  piivati  homines  ad  deiensionem  catholica;  fidei 
et  sanctse  leo-is  evangelical  juxta  possibilitateni  suam  cum  bonis  et  corponbus  suis 
de  necessitate  salutis  viriliter  assurgere  et  indesinenter  assistere  teneantur.  Ea- 
propter  fideles  ipsos  Jesu  Christi  cultores  universes  et  singulos,  ciijuscumque 
status  et  conditionis  fuerint,  sive  pontificali,  sive  imperatoiia,  vel  regah  prsfulge- 
ant  di<rnitate  harum  serie  monenius  ac  lequiiimus,  et  in  vim  promissionis  tactae 
in  sacn  susceptionc  baplismi  et  in  vim  juramenti  prajstiti,  cum  dignitatum  suarum 
infulas  susceperunt,  et  per  obedientiam  nobis  debitam,  eis  et  eorum  singulis  man- 
damus, ut  banc  sanctain  expeditionem,  ad  quam  profecturi  sumus  non  sine  maximo 
corporis  nostri  dispendio,  modis  quibus  possunt  quam  celerrime  adjuyare,  et  promo- 
vere  festinent :  ab  illo,  cujus  causa  agitur,  exuberantia  susceptun  praemia  et  in 
prsesenti  vita  et  in  futura  :  negligentes  autem  negligentur,  et  in  extrenio  judicii 
die  minime  inter  illos  invenientur,  quibus  dicturus  est  Dominus  :  vemte,  benedicti 
patris  mei,  fercipite  regnum,  etc. 

39  Vita  Pii  II.  per  Joh.  Anton.  Campanum  Episc.  Aprutinum  (in  Miiratorii 
Scriptt  Rer  Ital  HI.  II.  p.  990)  relates  that  Pius  was  sick  at  his  departure  from 
Rome-  Supra  Ocriculum  maxima  consternatus  est  obvia  Crucesignatorum  mulU- 
tudine!  quos  morre  impatientes  retinere  Carvajalius  (the  cardinal  who  had  been 
sent  for  the  purpose)  minime  poterat,  et  agmine  quum  reverterentur  nee  rapmis 
abstinebant:  quocirca  Medici  aversari  eo  spectaculo  ilhus  oculos,  obduci  lectica- 
velum  perpetuo  itinere,  causati  ventos,  jusserunt.  Jacobi  Card.  Papieiisis  Com- 
ment lib.  I.  (appended  to  GobeUini  comin.)  p.  357  :  Contluxerat  eo  loci  turba 
multa  ex  variis  gentibus  :  non  satis  considerate  domo  egressa.  Etemin  cum  eos 
solos  evocasset  Pius  peccatorum  proposita  venia,  qui  vel  annum,  vel  anni  dimidium 
suo  stipendio  in  exercitu  militarent :  —  illi  tamen  nescio  quo  inconsulto  zelo  com- 
pulsi  veniendum  statuerant,  credentes  stipcndiuin  ac  victum  ministrante  Pontitice 
non  defuturum.  Cum  autem  non  invenirent,  qua?  sibi  animis  tinxerant,  —  venditis 
armis  regrediebantur  in  patriam.  Quorum  nihilominus  misertus  ille,  ne  ommno 
frustra  venisse  se  angerentur,  decreti  sui  eos  participcs  fecit  (namely,  according 
to  Platina,  p.  750  :  absolutos  peccatis  in  patriam  remisit).  Li-ant  vero  inter  hos, 
qui  consideratius  venientes  tolerare  ad  diem  pra;tinitam  militiam  possent.  Horum 
erg;o  traducendorum  causa  naves  Venetorum  duas  dies  jam  inuKos  in  horas  sin- 
g-ulas  expectabat :  sic  enim  illi  facturos  se  ante  receperant :  sed  cum  ex  diutius 
tardarent  quam  oporteret,  qui  superfuerant  crucesignati  mora;  impatientes  cater- 
vatim  abibant,  ita  ut  non  multo  post  appulsis  jam  navihus  miles  non  supei-esset, 
qui  illis  posset  imponi.  Ea  res  causa;  quoque  plurimum  acceleranda;  mortis  Pio 
dedit,  dolente  eo  ac  supra  modum  tristante,  quod  retineri  in  earn  horam  non 
potuissent. 

"0  Platina,  whom  he  treated  with  severity,  returns  it  in  his  Vifis  Pontiff.  — 
Besides  him,  Michael.  Cannesius  de  Viterbio  and  Caspar  Veronensis  have  written 
the  life  of  this  Pope  (in  Muratoni  SS.  Rer.  Ital.  HI,  II.  p.  993  seq.)  Important 
for  the  history  of  his  reign  are  also  Jacobi  Piccolommet  Card  Pap^ensis 
(t  1479)  Rerum  suo  tempore  gestarum  commentarn,  libb.  Vll.  (trom  1404  -  14by) 
appended  to  GobeUini  comra.  Frf.  1614.  p.  348  seq. 

41  To  the  conditions  which  had  been  imposed  on  Eugenius  IV.  (see  §  131, 
note  3)  various  others  had  gradually  been  added  ;  comp.  the  capitulation  o  Pius 
II  in  Raynald,  1458,  no.  5.  Those  sworn  to  by  the  cardina  s  previously  to  the 
choice  of  Pius  II.,  see  in  Jacobi  Card.  Papiensis  comm.  lib.  II.  p.  371  :  Jura- 
bat  vovebatque  Deo  sanctisque  Apostolis  Petro  et  Paulo,  quisquis  Pa  rum  ad 
Pontificatum  esset  assumptus,  inchoatam  expeditionem  m  Turcos,  quantum  Ro- 
mans Ecclesis  paterentur  opes,  continuare,  proventumque  aluminis  ad  earn  rem 
integrum  adhibere  ;  lapsos  etiam  curialium  nostrorum  mores  ad  Patrum  discipll- 


228  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

money  for  the  war  with  the  Turks,  but  without  taking  any  active 
steps.  Germany  was  himed,  not  only  by  tlie  indolence  of  the  emperor 
and  the  slowness  with  which  the  Diets  assembled,  but  also  by  the 
calls  of  the  Pope  to  war  against  the  heretic  king  of  Bohemia,  George 
Podiebrad."*-  The  adventurous  pilgrimage  of  the  emperor  to  Rome 
(14G8)  only  added  one  to  the  number  of  useless  negotiations.'^-'     In 

nam  rcstringere  ;  Curiam  porro  ipsara  de  provincia  in  provinciam  sine  plurium 
ex  Patribus  —  assensu  —  non  transferre  ;  Concilium  generals  Christianorum  intra 
tiienniiim  cogere,  in  quo  et  Piincipes  SKculi  ad  tuendam  religionis  causam 
accenderentur,  aegrfecjue  partes  Ecclesia;  communi  medicamento  sanitatem  recipe- 
rent ;  Cardinales  non  ante  creare,  quam  ii  qui  creati  jam  haberentur,  intra  viginti 
quatuor  esscnt  reducti,  majoremquc  hoc  nuinero  non  pati  in  Ecclesia  esse  \ 
neminem  quoque  assumcre,  qui  non  trigcsimum  annum  excedcret,  quique  non 
professus  essct  vel  pontiticiuni  jus,  vel  civile,  vel  literas  sacras  ;  nee  nisi  unum 
eumque  hujus  generis  hominem  de  cogiratione  sua  eligere  ;  in  omnibus  autem 
eligendis  sententias  Patrum  non  tacitas  in  aurem,  ut  ante,  sed  ex  subselliis  ad 
declinandos  errores  palam  accipere  ;  de  majoribus  insuper  committendis  sacerdotiis 
non  nisi  in  Consistorio  sententiis  auditis  decernere ;  jus  ad  oa  nominandoi  um 
nulli  omnino  permittere  ;  diplomata  etiam  non  dare,  quibus  ad  alicnum  arbitrium 
eadem  se  collaturum  promitteret ;  si  qua  essent  antea  data,  uno  edicto  adimcre  ; 
non  destituere  sede  sua  Episcopum  qucinquam  Abbatemve  postulalione  ulla  prin- 
cipum,  nisi  et  talionem  ex  juris  forma  in  se  ante  reciperent,  auditique  rei  solemni 
judicio  essent ;  non  Cardinalem,  remve  suam  apprehendcre,  nisi  ex  Patrum 
sententiis  ;  non  damnare  etiam,  nisi  ex  synodali  constitutione,  cujus  est  initium 
PrcBsul ;  nil  pori-o  ex  omni  Ecclesis  patriuionio,  quod  paulo  insignius  esset,  in 
quemquam  distraliere,  aut  ejus  censum  minuere,  nisi  et  assenserint  Patres,  et 
conccssioni  subscripserint ;  iisdem  quoque  non  consulentibus  nulli  non  subdito 
bellum  ini'ei-re,  aut  ad  inferendum  i'cedus  quodquam  inire  ;  testamenta  defuncto- 
rum  Curialium  libera  sinere  :  portoi'ia  nova  nulla  induccre,  nee  Vetera  augere  ; 
Principi  Potentatuive  tributum  de  Clericis  sine  ratione  nullum  concedere  ;  arcium 
custodes  jurejurando,  vadimoniisque  adigeie  de  iis  vacante  Sede  CoUegio  repo- 
scenti  tradendis ;  eas,  quas  essent  momenti  majoi'is,  solis  Clericis,  qui  tamen  suae 
cognationis  non  essent,  committeie  ;  eundem  vero  et  arcis  custodem  et  praesidem 
civitatis  non  facere  ;  Prsesidibus  provincia  decedentibus  administratorum  omnium 
judices  dare  ;  ducem  ecclesiastici  exercitus  ex  suo  genere  non  constituere  ;  nil 
in  diplomatibus  factum  dicere  ex  fratrum  consilio,  quod  ad  verum  consulentibus 
eis  decretum  non  esset ;  demuni  primo  quoque  mensium  omnium  Consistorio 
imperare  has  leges  ad  innovandam  memoriam  ex  scripto  pi'aesenti  se  recitari. 
Additum  et  his  est,  ut  bis  quotannis  per  Calendas  Decembres  Majasque  Patres 
seorsum  a  Pontitice  convenientes  cognoscerent  inter  se,  an  servata;  ills  judicaren- 
tur :  id  si  minus  factum  intelligerent,  charitate,  qu*  filiis  in  parentes  est  debita 
usque  ad  tertia  rcmemorationis  officia,  transgressionis  et  perjurii  ilium  monerent, 
ad  sei-vandunique  precarentur.  The  flatterers  of  the  Pope  now  persuaded  him, 
indio"num,  vicariam  Christi  potestatcm  humanis  conditionibus  subdi ;  ipsumque 
non  tarn  sui  arbitrii,  quam  aliense  moderationis  ministrum  videri  ;  qua?rendam 
libertatem  esse,  idque  agendum,  ut  auctoritatem  Ecclesiae  apud  se,  non  Cardinales 
esse  omnes  agnoscerent.  By  their  advice  he  adopted  the  following  expedient ; 
novas  qucedam  leges  quasi  ex  persona  Patrum  scribuntur,  quarum  erat  obtentus, 
quod  priores  ilia;  cognoscebantur  inutilcs,  induxisse  eos  lias  novas,  quibus  tantum 
obnoxium  esse  Pontificem  vcllent.  The  cardinals  were  prevailed  upon  to  sub- 
scribe, partly  by  persuasion,  partly  by  force  ;  only  one,  Carvajal,  persisted  in  his 
opposition. 

^2  He  was  excommunicated  and  deposed,  December  23,  1-466,  and  the  German 
princes,  together  with  the  kings  of  Poland  and  Hungary,  called  upon  to  carry  the 
.sentence  into  effect,  see  Mil  tier's  Reichstagstheatrum,  Th.  2,  S.  263  ff.  The 
war  was  at  length  begun  by  Matthias,  king  of  Hungary,  A.  D.  1468,  who  had 
made  peace  with  the  Turks  for  the  purpose.     Muller,  S.  311  ff. 

"^  An  account  of  it  in  Jacobi  Card.  Papien.fis  comm.  lib.  VII.  p.  438  seq. 
Moller,  Th.  2,  S.  319  ff. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  133.     Sixtus  IV. 


229 


Italy  the  long  negotiations  with  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  who  demanded 
an  abatemein  of  the  customary  tribute,  ended  in  open  war,44  A.  D. 
1469.  In  France  the  eflbrts  of  the  Pope  to  procure  the  formal  an- 
nuhnent  of  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  were  foiled  by  the  firmness  of 
the  Parliament  (1407).'^ 


*§>  133. 

SIXTUS  IV.  (9  Aug.  1471  to  12  Aug.  1484),  innocent  viii.  (29  Aug, 
1484  to  25  July,  1492),  Alexander  vi.  (U  Aug.  1492  to  18  Aug. 
1503). 

See  Stephanus  Infessura  (Senatus  Populique  Romani  Scriba  s.  Cancellarhis  about 
1494)  Diarium  Romano:  urbis  from  1294  -  1494  in  Eccardi  Corpus,  hist.  med. 
cEvi,  T.  I.  p.  1863,  and  in  Muratorii  Scrippt.  Rer.  Ital.  Ill,  II.  p.  1109;  in 
the  last  several  passages  are  omitted  which  might  have  given  offence. 

Johannes  Burchardits  (of  Strassburg,  ca?remoniarum  Magister,  from  150.3  bishop 
of  Horta,  f  1506)  Diarium  CuricB  RomanoB  from  1484  - 1506.  Fragments  of 
the  work  "-iven  by  Leibnitz  in  the  Specimen  hist,  arcana  s.  anecdota:  de  vita 
Alex.  VI.  PapcB.  Hannovera?.  1696.  4to.  A  fuller,  but  very  inaccurate  extract 
from  the  part  relating  to  Alexander  W.Eccard,  corpus  histor.  medii  avi  T.  II. 
p.  2017  seq.  An  account  of  the  whole  work  in  the  J^Totices  et  Extraits  des 
Mss.  de  la  Bihl.  du  Roi.  T.  I.  p.  68  seq.  The  best  Ms.  extract  is  that  in 
Munich,  see  Paul  us  Sophrouizon.  Bd.  6.  Heft.  1.  S.  1.  Mittheilungen  aus 
dem  Carlsruher  Ms.  ebendas.  S.  6  ff.  Bd.  8.  Heft  6.  S.  96  ff. 

The  state  of  morals  amongst  the  cardinals  may  be  judged  of  by 
the  series  of  popes  who  now  followed,  and  whose  lives  were  marked 
by  the  most  undisguised  profligacy  and  wickedness.  Sixtus  IV.  be- 
gan indeed  with  urging  on  the  war  against  the  Turks,  as  energetically 
as  his  predecessor  had  done,  and  with  as  little  success.^  But  his  chief 


*»  Platina  in  vita  Pauli,  p.  773.  Jac.  Card.  Pap.  comm.  lib.  IV.  p.  393  seq. 
lib.  V.  p.  403  seq. 

■•5  The  Cardinal  Jean  Balue,  who  was  sent  to  France  on  this  mission,  obtained 
the  wished  for  edict  from  the  king  without  difficulty  ;  but  when  he  brought  it  to 
the  parliament  to  be  registered,  it  was  openly  opposed  by  Jean  de  sainct  Remain, 
Pi-ocureur  general  du  Roi :  the  parliament  rejected  the  edict,  and  the  university 
appealed  to  a  general  council ;  comp.  the  Chronique  scandaleuse  in  the  Memoires 
de  Phil,  de  Comines  ed.  par  Lenglet  du  Fresnoy.  T.  II.  p.  66.  Preuves  des 
libertez  de  I'eglise  Gall.  chap.  13,  no.  11.  Rulai  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  T.  V.  p. 
684  seq. 

'  See  the  Vita  Sixti  IV.  (probably  by  Platina)  in  Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital. 
Ill,  II.  p.  1056  :  Celebrata  coronatione  ad  rem  ecclesiasticani  christianamque  com- 
pon'endam  animum  adjicit.  Concilio  itaque  tantam  rem  indigere  arbitratus,  ad 
Lateranum  se  id  habiturum  ostendit,  quo  helium  Turcis  indici  commodius  posset, 
quemadmodum  Pius  Pontifex  instituerat,  si  ei  vivere  licuisset.  At  vero  dum  hac 
de  re  maturius  consultaretur,  Imperator  rem  Christianam  in  magno  discrimine 
cernens,  Pontificem  rogat,  ut  Utinum  habendi  Concilium  locum  idoneuni  deligat. 
Sed  Pontifex,  quum  videret  Mediolanensium  Ducem,  aliquotque  populos  et  Itahae 
Principes  id  nequaquam  approbaturos :  quumque  etiam  proventus  suos,  belli 
nervos,  absente  Curia,  imminui  videret,  non  sine  suspicione  tumultus,  si  ab  urbe 


230  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409—1517. 

ambition  was  to  exalt  his  low-born  family,  and  to  this  end  he  allowed 
himself  to  be  led  on  by  his  nephew  Girolamo  Riario,-  to  steps  which 
made  still  worse  the  distracted  state  of  Italy,  whilst  they  stained  his 
own  name,  and  hindered  every  nndertaking  against  the  Turks.  He 
began  with  sanctioning  the  conspiracy  of  the  Pazzi  against  the 
Medici  at  Florence,  1478;^  and  on  its  failure,  in  revenge  for  the 
death  of  certain  ecclesiastics  who  had  been  engaged  in  it,  he  bent  all 
the  force  of  his  spiritual  arms  against  Florence,  and,  in  conjunction 
with   Naples,  of  his  temporal   arms  also.'*     The  universal  feeling  of 


discederet,  Mantuain  primo,  mox  Anronam  proponit,  quo  Iniperatoi-  venire  coin- 
mode  poterat. —  Voriiin  quuni  hac  dcliberatione  rem  in  longuin  proti-ahi  viderct, 
Patruni  consensu  Lpoatos  decernit,  Ressaiioneni  Nica'num  in  Galliain,  Ilodericuin 
Borgiani  Vicecancellariuin  in  Hispaniam,  Marcuni  Barbum  in  Germaniani  Panno- 
niasque. — Oliveriuiu  Carafiiin  Neapolitanum  Cardinalem  classi  inaritiiiia;  in  Tui--- 
cas  pra'fecit  maj;na  cum  impensa.  All  without  effijct.  The  emperor,  after  many 
consultations,  havino-  desired  a  new  one  at  the  Diet  in  Augsburg,  1473,  and  re- 
quested that  a  papal  legate  might  be  appointed  for  the  purpose,  the  Cardinalis 
Senensis  said  in  the  consistory  (see  Jacobi  T^olaterrani  Diarium  Rom.  in  Mura- 
torii  Scriptt.  Rer.  Ital.  XXIIl.  p.  94),  nullius  sibi  usus  eam  missionem  videri : 
conventus  illorum  esse  inanes  :  decem  inti-a  non  multos  annos  habitos,  quorum  non 
sit  fructus  perceptus  :  hoc  autem  incommodi  nunquam  deesse,  quod  populorum  de 
nobis  innovantur  lamenta  :  etenim  magnis  appai'atibus  Principes  —  ad  illos  acce- 
dere,  eoi-umque  sumtuum  ferendorum  causa  tributa  suis  imponerc,  atque  identidein 
dicere,  imperio  Romani  Pontilicis  se  proficisci,  et  adjuvari  profeclioncm  necessa- 
rium  esse:  ita  miseras  plebes  non  suorum  Principuni,  sed  nostras  injurias  la- 
mentari. 

^  According  to  A^'icol.  Macchiavelli  hist.  Florent.  lib.  VII.  the  two  brothers, 
Girolamo  Riario,  count  of  Imola,  and  Pietro  R.,  Cardinal,  were  the  Pope's  sons. 
Of  them  both  see  Rajih.  Volaterranus  Anthrop.  I.  XXII.  below. 

•^  An  account  of  the  whole  matter  in  the  Excusatio  Florentinorum  per  D.  Bar- 
thol.  Scalain  dd.  10  Aug.  1478,  in  Laurentii  Medicis  magnitici  vita  auct.  Jlngelo 
Fahrnnio  (Pisis  1784.  4to.)  vol.  II.  p.  167,  in  which  the  confession  of  John.  Bap- 
tista  Montesecco,  one  of  the  papal  Condotlieri  who  had  had  a  part  in  the  transaction, 
is  given  word  for  word.  Raphael  Vohtlerranus  (-^  1521)  Commentariorum  urba- 
norum  Geographia,  lib.  V.  On  the  26th  of  Apr.  1478,  Giuliano  de  Medici  was 
murdered  in  the  church  duiing  the  celebration  of  mass  ;  Lorenzo  escaped.  The 
conspirators  were  put  to  death  by  tlie  enraged  populace,  and  the  archbishop  of  Pisa 
hung  at  a  window  of  the  palace.  Compare  Laurentii  Medicis  magnifici  vita  auct. 
Angela  Fahronio,  vol.  I.  (Pisis  1784.  4to.)  p.  58  seq.  H.  Leo's  Gesch.  b.  ita- 
lienischen  Staaten.  Th.  4.  S.  381  ff.  [IV.  Roscoe's  Life  of  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  I. 
23  seq.,  4th.  ed.  London.  1800.     Tr.] 

"  The  bull  of  excommunication,  dd.  1  Jun.  1478  (see  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  5 
seq.)  begins  with  various  charges  against  Lorenzo  de  Medici,  especially  the  mur- 
der of  ecclesiastics ;  and  then  declares,  quamvis  —  a  pra;decessoribus  nostris  in 
magnos  Principes  ob  minora  fiicinora  acriter  sasvitum  esse  conspiciamus,  —  iniqui- 
tatis  filios  Laurenlium,  Piiores,  Vexilliferum,  octo  de  Balia  antedictos,  and  all  who 
had  assisted  in  the  murder  alleged,  to  be  ci-iminis  Icesae  majestalis  reos,  sacrilegos, 
excommunicatos,  anathematizatos,  infames,  difiidatos,  intestabiles.  Further  it 
orders,  eorundem  ajdificia  in  ruinam  dari  debere,  —  nullum  eis  debita  I'eddere, 
nullumve  in  judicio  respondere  teneri,  nulli  quoque  filiorum  aut  nepotum  pra>dic- 
torum  —  alicujus  aperiri  debere  januam  dignitatis  aut  honoris  ecclesiastici  vel 
mundani.  —  Quidquid  in  bonis  tunc  inveniebatur  eorundem,  fisci  et  Reipublicae 
dominio  applicatum  fore.  The  city  and  territory  of  Florence  is  put  under  the 
Interdict.  —  The  Florentines  on  the  other  hand  consulted  all  the  most  famous 
Canonists,  who  advised  an  appeal  to  a  general  council  (see  Fabronius  I.  p.  81. 
The  opinion  of  Franc.  Accoltus  Aretinus  in  his  Consilia  s.  Responsa.  Venet. 
1573,  p.  174).    A  synod  was  then  held  of  all  the  clergy  of  Florence,  and  an  appeal 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   133.     Sixtus  IV.  231 

indignation,  however,  which  such  injustice  called  forth,  the   threats 

made  to   a   general  council  from  the  Pope    (Machiavelli  istoi-ia  fiorent.  lib.  8), 
whilst  in  a  statement  drawn  up  by  the  bishop  oi' Aiczzo,  July  23,  1478,  it  is  proved 
by  an  accurate  account  of  the  afiiiir,  and  the  confession  of  Giovan  Battista  Monte- 
secco,  that  the  Pope  was  a  party  in  the  conspiracy,  and  thereupon  his  excommuni- 
cation and  interdict  declared  null  and  void.  This  siatcnicnt  was  printed  at  the  time, 
see  Storia  della  Toscana  di  Lorenzo  Pignotfi.  T.  IV.   (Livorno,  1S20.  12rao.)  p. 
122  ;  published  again,  though  imperfect,  under  the  title  Synodus  Florcntina  contra 
Sixtum  IV.  1770.  8vo.  (the  place  not  given,  liut  somewhere  in  Italy),  and  is  found 
with  some  errors  in  K.   Malchner's  polit.  Gesch.  der  i.  J.   1478  zu  Florenz 
gehaltenen  grossen  Kirchensynode  u.  des  Zwistes  dieser  Republik  niit.  d.  rom. 
Papste  Sixt.  IV.    Rotweil.  1825.  8vo.  S.  132  tf.     Fahronius  in  Laurentii  Medicis 
vita,  vol.    II.   p.   136,  has  given  it  fiom  the  autograph.     Vie  read  here,  p.  139: 
Causam  tam  insolentis  odii,  et  inexspectataj   retributionis  in  familiam  de  Medicis, 
quas  semper  ei  et  sedi  Apostolicaj  servicrat,  nullam  invenimus,  nisi  quandam  per- 
ditam  carnis  et  sanguinis  revelationem,  qua  ob  comitem  ilium  suum  Hieronymura, 
in  cujus  manibus  nunc  Ecclesia  Dei  est,  delirat,  furit,  et  insanit.     Habet  hie  suus 
Imolam,  s.   Romans  Ecclesia"  urbem,  quam  cjecto  Thaddeo  Manfredo  se  fenere 
post  mortem  siii  Pontificis  posse  diffidebat,  nisi  vicinum  dominium   Florentinum 
aliquo  foedere  amicitia;  obligaret.     Major  autem  obligalio  inveniii  posse  non  vide- 
hatur,  quam  si  suo  beneficio  prsessent,  qui  in  ea  Republica  primates  essent :  fieri 
autem  id  sine  status  mutatione  non  poterat,  mutari  autem  status  sine  morte  Lau- 
rentii, et  Juliani  de  Medicis  impossiljile  videbatnr.  —  Hac  igitur  iinpellente  rabie 
Comes  oblitus  omnis  humani  divinique  juris,  oblitus  beneficiorum,  oblitus  condi- 
tionis  suiB,  qui  cerdo  fuerat,  stirpem   Cosmanam  delere  aggreditur,  etc.  p.  144  : 
Sic  se  res  habuit,  Christiani  lectores,  hac  de  causa,  hoc  ordine,  his  mediis  tentata 
eversio  Florentina  est.     Per  hffic  vestigia   eum.  qui  venit,  tit  vitnm  habeant  et 
abundantius  habeant,  Sixtus  secutus  est.     Sanguis  optime  de  Christiana  religione 
meritus  per  Principem  religionis  fusus,  violata  per  Pontificem  Ecclesia,  polluta  per 
summum  sacerdotem  sacra  sunt.     Et  hasc  ne  quis  ignoret  aut  excusare  possit,  con- 
firmat  aperto  bello,  et  promulgatis  censuris  coeptam  conjuralionem  sequitur.     Earn 
mulierculam  imitatur,  qua»  vento  detectum  calvitium  ut  posteriori  veste  rctegeret, 
nates  detexit.     In  cubiculo  suo,  ut  vidistis,  tractata  res  est,  suus  Comes  Pactios  ad 
necem  armavit,  suus  Cardinalis  iamiliam  ccedi,  prassentiam  sceleri  prtestitit,  suus 
exercitus  fideles  fines  nosti'os  pro  Turcis  ingressus  est.     Quis  jam   non  videat, 
delirum  senem  his  suis  promulgatis  censuris  voluisse  notam  macula,  hitum  stercore 
lavare  .'  —  Sed  ad  repellendam  sententiam  ejus  —  veniamus,  etc.  —  Finally  of  the 
murder  of  the  archbishop,  p.  1,56:   Suspensus  leno,  suspensus  parricida,  suspensus 
lusor,  suspensus  proditor,  et  id  in  ipsa  enormitate  criminis,  dum  fureret  populus  in 
proditores  patriae,  quorum  hie  erat  caput,  dum  cives  primarii  de  salute  patiiae  trepi- 
dabant.     Archiepiscopus  non  erat,  quem  popularis  ille  furor,  dum  palalium  suum 
defendit,  suspendit :  Archi'episcopi  enira  talia  non  faciunt.     Armatus  scuto  et  ense 
captus  est,  invasor  curias  retentus  :  ecquis  hunc  pro  Archiepiscopo  cognovisset,  aut 
cognitum    sacerdotaliter   tractasset  ?      Noluissemus   ipsum    Sixtum    sic   inventum 
fuisse  a  Savonensibus  suis.     Quod  si  injiciens  manum  quocumque  modo  in  Cleri- 
cnm  excommunicandus  sit,  cur  non  hi,  qui  manus  injecerunt,  excommunicantur  ! 
Quid  miser  Laurentius  vulneratus  et  confectus  dolore  interempti  fiatris,  —  de  sua 
vita,  de  suo  statu,  de  salute  patriae  anxiiis  impetitur  .•'    Quid  additur  afflicto  afflicfio, 
et  pro  medela  illati  vulnei-is  vulnus  adjungitur  ?     Estne  haec  ilia  manifesta  et  ratio- 
nabilis  causa,  pro  qua  tantam  ferri  censuram  sacri  Canones  statuei-unt .'     Est  hie 
gladius  ille  bis  acutus  ex  ore  sedentis  in  throno  procedens,  ut  laudetur  peccator  in 
desideriis  animEE  sue,   et  iniquis  benedicatur?     Maledicitur  innocens,  qui  pene 
occisus  est :  occisor,  et  proditor  patriae  bonas  niemoriffi  filius  appcllatur !     Ha;ccine 
memoria,  Sixte  Pontifex,   tuae   bonitatis  et  justitise  ?     Parricidarumne   patrem   te 
Cardinales  isti  creaverunt  ? — Perfidia  fidem,  noccntia  innocentiam,  scelus  bonita- 
tem  perdidit,  et  vis  ad  nomen  censurarum  benedictum  maledictum  existimemus  ? 
—  Cfeterum  liheiiter  hie  intelligei-emus  ab  eo,  qui  tot  tam  constanter  proponit, 
unde  nunc  maledicat,  quod  modo  benedixit.     Nonne  ilia  sua  vox  fuit,  cum  audivit 
suspensum  fuisse  ob  proditionem  Archiepiscopum  et  stipatores  :  bcnedicti  vos  a 
Domino,  qui  hominem  suspendistis  :  nrniquam  i^ohiisse?nns  prtpfecisse  eum  illi 
EcclesicE !    Nonne  etiam  mentionem  habuit  de  mittendo  Florentiam  Legato,  qui 


232  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

of  Louis  XL  of  France,^  taken  in  connexion  with  the  peace  con- 

afflictos  consolarctur  ?  Et  unde  post  tarn  repens  exorta  in  contrarium  sentcntia, 
fam  siibito  mutata  in  crudelitatem  commiseratio  ?  Nondum  erat  forsan  captus 
Joannes  Baptista  (Montesecco),  qui  sua  confessione  Sixti  occultam  voluntatem  in 
apertam  necessitateni  converteret :  vel  pendet  ab  alio,  ct  est  Vicaiius  alicujus  iiostis 
nobis  ignoti,  et  honiinis,  utir.ain  boni,  non  ejus,  qui  Ecclesiam  suam  super  finiiain 
petraiii  f'undavit.  —  p.  Ifi2.  Restat  ut  sententia  nulla  sit,  quce  nullam  habuit  judi- 
candi  causani,  i'alsuin  sit  judicium,  quod  mendacio  nilitur,  excoininunicatus  sit,  qui 
alios  excomiiiunicare  vuU  violenter  et  injuste.  Accepeiit  Spirituin  Sanctum,  non 
simoniace  sit  creatus,  qui  voceni  suam  veri  pastoris,  non  lia>retici  hominis  vult 
haberi.  —  p.  164.  Ad  altcrum  igitur  lumen,  ipsum  scilicet  Caesarem  semper 
Augustum  conf'ugimus,  id  enim  Doniinus,  ut  huic  nocti  pi-a;esset,  creavit :  Chris- 
tianissinuim  Kegcm  Francorum,  in  cujus  tutela  Christi  Ecclesia  est,  —  invocabi- 
mus  :  omnes  Piincipes  et  populos  Chiistianos  imploialiimus,ut,  quando  jam  vident, 
simoniace  creatum  Pontificem  templa,  Cardinales,  Missas  ad  homicidia  fideliuna 
exercere,  Concilium,  ad  quod  appellavimus,  amplius  non  differant,  sponsam  illius, 
in  cujus  sanguine  baptizati  sunt,  a  tanta  turpitudine  liberent. — Abeat  itaque  leno, 
casta  erit  mater,  angularem  lapidem  non  premat  petra  scandali,  etc.  On  the  21st 
of  July,  1478,  the  magistrates  of  Florence  sent  a  letter  to  the  Pope  (first  published 
by  Francis  Henri/  E^erton :  Lettre  inedite  de  la  Seigneurie  de  Florence  au  Pape 
Sixte  IV.  Paris.  Alars,  1814.  4to.,  reprinted  in  Millin  Magasin  encyclopedique. 
April,  1814,  see  P(^/!o«t,  T.  IV.  p.  117.  Walchner,  S.  159),  in  which  they  refute 
the  charges  against  Lorenzo  de  Medici.  E.  g.  Ejicere  vis  nos  e  civitate  Lauren- 
tium  de  Medicis  :  hujus  autem  voluntatis  Tuas  duas  in  Uteris  Tuis  potissimum 
causis  colligimus,  et  quod  tyrannusTioster  sit,  et  quod  publico  religionis  christiance 
bono  adversetnr.  Quo  ergo  pacto,  ut  primam  causam  primum  diluamus,  nos  liberi 
erimus  Laurentio  ejecto,  si  tuo  jussu  ei-it  ejectus  ?  Contraria  tuae  literae  loquuntur, 
quEe,  dum  liberlatem  pollicentur,  imperando  auferunt :  et,  ut  isto  te  labore  libere- 
mus,  ejicere  nos  malos  cives  Tyrannosque  didicimus,  et  administrare  rem  nostram 
publicam  sine  monitoribus.  Redi  paulum  ad  te,  beatissime  pater,  oramus  :  da 
locum  affectibus,  qui  sacrof-anctam  istam  sedem,  istam  gravitatem  et  sanctitatem 
pontificalem  adeo  decorant.  Laurentium  de  Medicis  tyrannum  clamitas  :  at  nos 
populiisque  iioster  defensorem  nostrae  libertatis  cum  ceteris,  quos  tu  arguis,  civibus 
experimur,  et  una  omnium  voce  appellamus;  parati,  in  quemcunque  rerum  even- 
tum  omnia  ponere  pro  Laurentii  de  Medicis  salute,  ct  civium  reliquorum,  in  qua 
quidem  publicam  salutem  et  libertatem  contineri  nemo  nostrum  dubitat.  Quod 
invehuntur  in  Laurentium  illte  liters  liberius,  nihil  est  quod  contradicamus  in 
praesentia  :  Veritas  ipsa  satis  contradicet  et  tua  conscientia  :  hoc  tamen  fatebimur, 
beatissime  pater,  movent  lisum  omnibus  nobis,  tam  inaniter,  ne  dicamus  maligne, 
conficta  audientibus.  —  Movet  te  fortasse,  et  de  ea  re  Laurentium  succenses,  quod 
e  furentibus  populi  armis  Raphaelem  Cardinalem,  tuuni  nepotem,  eripi  curaverit,  et 
salvum  reddiderit!  Movet,  quod  trucidato  Juliano,  fratre  saucius  ipse  divina 
potius  quam  humana  aliqua  ope  sceleratos  gladios  sacrilegosque  parricidarum  et 
mortem  evitaverit !  Si  csdi  se  passus  sit  ab  missis  a  vobis  efferatissimis  satelliti- 
bus,  si  arcem  libertatis  nostra,  publicum  Palatium,  captum  dolis  a  proditoribus 
vestris,  non  recuperassemus,  si  trucidandos  nosmet,  ac  magistratus  nostros,  et  cives 
tradidissemus  vobis  ?  nihil  modo  tecum  contentionis  haberemus. 

*  See  the  credentials  of  the  ambassador  sent  to  the  Pope,  dated  20  Nov.  1478,  in 
the  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise  Gall.  Chap.  13,  no.  12.  The  king  complains 
that  whilst  they  were  all  threatened  by  the  Turks,  the  Pope  and  the  king  of  Sicily 
were  disturbing  Italy  with  dissensions  and  wars.-  That  he  had  therelbre  been 
induced  to  assemble  the  spiritual  and  temporal  peers  of  his  realms  in  Oileans,  and 
that  it  had  then  been  resolved,  necessarium  esse  Concilium  generale  convocari,  et 
sanctissimo  Patri  nostro  Summo  Pontifici  fore  supplicandum,  ut  —  Concilium 
generale  convocari  et  tenei'i  facei-et,  —  quodque  ipse  Sununus  Pontifex  exemplo 
Christi  vellct  jjacem  pradicare,  et  cum  dicta  illusti'issima  Liga  (Florence  and  its 
allies)  pacis  unionem  inire.  That  therefore  the  king  had  sent  this  embassy,  which 
was  at  the  same  time  commissioned,  casu  quo  ipse  summus  Pontifex  prasmissa 
facere  denegaverit,  seu  plus  debito  distulerit,  vel  aliqua  in  contrarium  praemisso- 
runi,  aut  aliquid  contra  nos,  regnum  et  regnicolas  nostros  fecerit,  seu  in  futurum 
attentare  pra;sumpserit,  ad  intimandum  ct  appellationem  ab  ipso  interjectam  in  con- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  133.     Sixtus  IV-  233 

eluded  with  Florence  by  Ferdinand  of  Naples,  1480,'^  and  the  con- 
quest of  Olranto  by  the  Turks  (Aug.  4,  1480),  at  length  compelled 
him  to  yield/  Girolamo  next  coveted  the  possessions  of  the  house  of 
Este,  which  ruled  in  Ferrara.  Sixtus  forthwith  formed  an  alliance 
with'Venice,  war  was  declared  in  May,  1482,  and  Ferrara,  though 
supported  by  Naples,  seemed  on  the  point  of  falling."  But  Girolamo 
was  gained  over  by  Naples,'-*  and  Sixtus  immediately  turned  round 
and  excommunicated  Venice.^"     But  the  arms  of  the  Republic  were 


gregatione  prsdicta  Aurelianis,  et  de  novo  si  opus  fuerit  appellandum  ab  ipso 
sumino  Pontitice  male  consulto  ad  eundem  summum  Pontificein  bene  consultum, 
seu  pra-fatum  proxinnim  futuruni  Concilium  universalis  Ecclesi*.  The  embassy 
was  admitted  to  the  consistory,  Jan.  7,  1479,  see  Jacohi  Volaterrani,  a  contera- 
poiary  Secretarius  Apostolicus,  Diaiium  Romanum  in  Muratorh  Scriptt.  Rer. 
Ital.  XXIII.  p.  97  seq.,  and  threatened  distinctly,  that  if  the  Pope  did  not  yield, 
null*  vacatioues,  null*  pecuniae  sinerentur  ad  Apostolicani  sedem  ex  regno  illo 
venire  ;  or  according  to  their  declaration  in  writing,  see  Raynald,  1478,  no.  19 : 
quod  si  non  fecerit  (Papa),  eo  ipso  petit  (Rex)  congregari  generate  Concilium  in 
aliqua  civitate  regni  sui,  et  illico  Pragmaticani  indicit  Sanctionem,  quam  servari 
jubet  in  re2;no  suo  integerrime.  Postremo  Prslatos,  et  quasvis  ecclesiasticas  per- 
sonas  in  Romana  curia  degentes,  et  in  regno  suo  habentes  beneficia  ad  ipsa  bene- 
ficia  revocat,  et  per  subtractionem  fructuum  redire  compellit.  The  Pope,  it  is  true, 
did  not  yield  to  their  representations  (1.  c.  no.  20  seq.)  :  but  the  emperor  and 
Matthias  of  Hungary  also  recommended  peace,  whilst  the  Venetians  sought  a 
truce  with  the  Turks  in  order  to  help  the  Florentines  (I.  c.  no.  30). 

«  Raph.  Volat  err  anus  Geogr.  lib.  V. :  Laurentius  cumjam  periculum  imminere 
conspiceret,  ultro  decrevit  ad  Regis  hostis  misericordiam  confugere.  Itaque  — 
itinere  per  mare  Tyrhenum  facto  Neapolira  celeriter  adplicuit,  ubi  humaniter  ex- 
ceptus  supplex  veniam  petiit,  ac  cum  Rege  annul  census  pactione  transegit,  pau- 
cisque  post  diebus  incolumis  ad  suos  regressus  est,  ac  helium  dissolutum  (peace  was 
made  March  6,  1480).  Quod  factum  Pontifex  quamquam  graviter  tulit,  quod  se 
neglectum  praeteritumque  viderit:  auxiliis  tamen  destitutus  pacem  coactus  est 
facere. 

'  The  Pope  was  so  much  alarmed  at  the  taking  of  Otranto,  that  he  at  first  thought 
of  flyino-  to  Avignon;  he  then  began  to  exhort  the  Christian  powers  to  peace 
amongs? themselves,  especially  the  Italians,  and  to  call  on  them  for  help,  see  Ray- 
nald°HSi),  no.  17  seq.  Of  the  reconciliation  of  the  Florentines  with  the  Pope, 
see  Raph.  Volaterranus,  1.  c.  :  Quamobrem  oratores  XII.  ad  eum  missi,  qui 
veniam  prajteritorum  peterent  ac  populum  Florentinum  communi  causa  expiarent. 

Prffisul  caput  legationis  orationem  in  senatu  habuit,  veniamque  petiit  prajterito- 

rum.  Die  deinde  dominico  prime  Adventus  (the  3  Dec.)  anno  1480  omnes  mane 
in  porticum  basilicaj  Peti-i  conveniunt,  Pontificem  atque  Patres  prKstolantes.  Ibi 
Pontifex  pro  foribus  templi  procumbentes  ad  genua  viritim  de  more  virga  conver- 
beratos  terga  expiavit.  Ingressi  deinde  basilicani  sacrificio  interfuere,  quo  peracto 
domum  reducti  sunt  omnium  Patrum  familiis  comitantibus.  Nam  prius  urbem 
nemine  de  more  obviam  procedente  ingressi  fuerant.  This  is  more  fully  related  by 
Jacobus  Volaterranus  Diar.  Rom.  {Muratori  XXIII.  p.  113  seq.). 

8  Leo  Gesch.  b.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  3.  S.  133  ff. 

8  Amono-st  the  conditions  of  peace  (see  Jacob.  Volaterr.  in  Muratori  XXIII. 
p.  181)  was  a  stipendium  Hieronymo  Comiti  in  annos  tres  XL.  aureorum  millia. 

10  M.  Antonhis  Sabellicus  (teacher  of  ancient  literature  in  Venice,  f  1506) 
hist,  rerum  Venetiarum  Decadis  IV.  lib.  11.  (in  the  Istorici  delle  cose  Veneziane,  i 
quali  hanni  scritto  per  publico  Decreto.  in  Venezia,  1718.  4to.  T.  I.  p.  842)  :  Per- 
cusso  cum  hostibus  foedere,  tentavit  Pontifex  per  literas  Venetos  ab  aimis  revocare, 
atque  eo  suadendo  hortandoque  perducere,  ut  Ferrariensi  belloomnino  abstinerent, 
restituerentque  Herculi  ^Estensi,  qufficunque  ad  eam  diem  armis  illi  ademissent. 
(This  letter,  dd.  11  Dec.  1482,  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  19).  Patres  ea  denuncia- 
tione  moti,  etsi  certi  erant,  semipartam  victoriam  nolle  abjicere,  censuerunt  tamen, 
vol..    III.  30 


234  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

so  successful  that  their  opponents  were  forced  to  make  peace  without 
any  reference  to  the  act  of  excommunication  (Aug.  7,  1484)  ;  and 
the  vexation  at  this  hastened  the  death  of  the  despised  and  hated 
Pope  (August  12,   1484). 1'     He  was  succeeded   by  Innocent  VIII., 

Pontifici  respondendum,  ac  pcrliteras  non  illi  magis,  quam  toti  Italiae,  imo  Europeis 
omnibus  demonstrandum  :  —  Venetos  ne  injuria  quidein  lacessitos  anna  priiis 
induere  vuluisse,  quam  belli,  quod  postea  Herculi  illatuni  esset,  Pontijican  non 
solum  auctoreni,  sed  impulsarem  etiam  habuissent :  nee  turn  quidem  eos  a  pace 
multum  abhorrere,  quin  vetcri  civitalis  instituto  libenter  earn  complexuros  fuisse, 
nisi  alieno  tempore  proponeretur,  tunc  sane,  quum  jam  prope  debellatum  esset, 
ac  tain  indi^nis  conditionibus,  ut  nil  aliud  esset  illam  rccipere,  quam  Venetum, 
nomen  omnibus  gentibus  iri'idendum  exhibere.  —  Quod  ad  se  attineret,  slatutum 
esse,  bellum,  quod  semel sumnio  Pont'ifice  auctore suscepissent,  bona  ipsius  venia 
ad  exitum  perducere  :  quern  tarn  felicem  sperarent,  quam  justa  visa  esset  causa, 
propter  quam  illud  suspicere  debuissent.  Ha-c  et  alia  in  banc  sententiam  Vene- 
tus.  Pontifex  autem,  pristini  foederis  oblitus,  ubi  Venetum  in  sententia  perstare 
vidit,  interdicti  spiculiim  in  eum  detorsit.  The  bull  dd.  23  Maj.  1483,  in  Raynald, 
ad  h.  a.  no.  8  scq.  The  interdict  was  not,  however,  regarded  in  Venice.  The 
Franciscans,  wlio  attempted  it  were  sent  into  exile,  see  Marinus  Sa7iutus  ("f  about 
1535)  in  his  lives  of  the  Doges  in  Muratori  Scriptt.  rer.  Ital.  XXII.  p.  1228.  The 
Venetians  went  even  further,  see  Sixti  bulla  dd.  15  Jul.  1483  (in  Raynald,  ad  h. 
a.  no.  19) :  acccrsilis  in  eorum  ducali  Palatio  nonnullis  Praelatis  ecclesiasticis  tunc 
Venetiis  commoranlibus,  coram  eis,  ut  honestis  personis,  a  monitionibus  et  niandatis 
hujusmodi  nostiis  ad  tribunal  omnipotentis  Dei,  et  ad  id,  quod  de  proximo  celebrari 
debere  temere  affirmare  non  erubuerunt,  futurum  generale  Concilium  appellare,  et 
ut  appellatio  ipsa  per  eosdein  Pra;latos  reciperetur,  laudaretur  et  admittei-etur,  ac 
tandem  ad  nostram  deduceretur  notiiiam  piocurare,  et  Christifidelibus,  Clero  et 
populo  —  locorum  eorum  ditioni  obtemperantium,  quod  pra^textu  appellationis 
hujusmodi  —  niandatis  nostris  obtemperai-e  non  teneientur,  —  persuadere  —  non 
formidarunt.  At  the  same  time  (Sabellicus,  1.  c.  p.  858)  ad  omnes  Germaniae  et 
Galliae  Reges  oratores  miserant,  qui  illos  ad  publicum  conventum  ipsi  Pontifici  ac 
Christiano  nomini  indicendum  impellerent,  ubi  fas  esset  de  Pontificis  injuria  queri, 
fidemque  Christianorum  omnium  adversus  ilium  iraploiare. 

''  The  conditions  of  peace  see  in  Sabellicus,  1.  c.  p.  863  seq.  The  effect  pro- 
duced on  the  sick  Pope,  see  Jacobi  Volaterrani  Diarium  Rom.  in  Muratori 
XXIII.  p.  198  seq.  Stephani  Infessurce  Diarium  urbis  Romfe  in  Eccardi  Corpus 
histor.  medii  a;vi,  II.  p.  1938  :  Deinde  undecima  die  (Augusti)  accesserunt  ad  eum 
Ambasciatores  Potentiarum,putantes  forte  afferre  ei  aliquod  gaudium,  etexposuerunt 
ei,  qualiter  conclusa  esset  pax  per  totam  Italiam.  —  De  quo  ipse  multum  obstupuit, 
et  miratus  est,  quare  pax  esset  conclusa  sine  eo,  attento,  ut  ipse  dicebat,  ipsum 
debuisse  principaliter  intervenire.  Et  cum  hoc  sspius  interi-ogasset  ab  eis,  et 
audivisset,  quod  dicta  pax  esset  conclusa  adeo,  ut  non  posset  amplius  retractari, 
doluit  valde.  Et  causa  doloris  communi  omnium  exislimatione  haec  fuit,  quia 
semper  in  omnibus  operibus  suis  animum  ostendit  suum  in  hunc  tinem  et  proposi- 
tum,  ut  aliquem  statum,  potentiam  sive  dominium  acquireret  Comiti  Hieronymo. 

—  Putabat  niodo  in  hac  pacis  conclusione,  se  posse  aliquid  dicto  Comiti  acquirere. 
Et  ista  de  causa  intravit  in  talem  confcederationem,  et  pccuniam  Ecclesire  expendit. 
Sed  postquam  vidit,  se  esse  illusuni,  et  cecidisse  ab  hac  spc  ;  —  doluit  valde,  ita  ut 
tam  ex  prime  dolore  quam  ex  novissimo  infirmatus  sit  febre.  —  et  —  XII.  d.  Aug. 

—  mortuus  sit  Sixtus  IV.  In  quo  felicissimo  die  Deus  ipse  omnipotcns  ostendit 
potentiam  suam  super  terram,  liberavitque  populum  suum  Christianum  de  manu 
talis  impiissimi  et  iniquissimi  regis,  cui  nullus  Dei  tinioi',  nullus  regendi  populi 
Christian!  amor,  nulla  caritatis  et  dilcctionis  affectio ;  sed  solum  voluptas  inhonesta, 
avaritia,  pompa,  sen  vana  gloria  semper  et  continue  pra-cipne  viguit,  et  in  con- 
sideratione  fuit.  Hie,  ut  fertur  vulgo,  et  experienlia  deiiionstravit,  puerorum 
amator  et  Sodomita  fuit.  Nam  quid  fecerit  pro  pueris,  qui  serviebant  ei  in  cubiculo, 
experientia  docet,  quibus  non  solum  multorum  millium  ducatorum  donavit  reditus, 
verum  Cardinalatum,  et  magnos  Episcopatus  largiri  ausus  est.  Nam  et  non  propter 
aliud,  ut  dicunt  quidam,  dilexit  Comitem  Hieronymum,  et  fiatrem  Petrum,  ejus 
germanum,  ac  post  Cardinalem  s.  Sixti,  nisi  propter  Sodomiam.  —  Hie  avarissimus : 


Cha]).  I.     Papacij.     §  133.     Innocent   VIII.  235 

who,  in  the  face  of  the  capitulation  which  he  had  signed  before  the 
choice,^^  sought   chiefly   to  enrich  and  exalt  his   seven   illegitimate 

namque,  ut  notum  est  oiitnibus,  nullum  unquam  contulit  bcneficium  ciijuscunque 
generis,  nisi  soluta  pecunia.  —  Interduin  etiain  subliastabatur,  ut  nulla  habita 
ratioiie  peccati,  bonus  an  malus,  dignus  vol  indignus,  litoratus  an  illiteratus  esset, 
qui  plus  offerret,  beneficium  consequeretur.  Cardinalatus  quoque  ct  Episcopatus 
vendidit  intinitissinios,  de  quibus  liic  nan-are  non  expedit.  Hie  pecuniai-um  qua- 
rendarum  causa,  quas  in  bellis  et  pouipis  consuinebat,  multa  et  inexcogitata  in 
Curia  Romana  olficia  adinvenit,  et  vendidit  his,  qui  Scytliarum  vocabulo  denoniina- 
bantur  Stradioti,  Jannizari,  et  JMaaialuchi.  Hi  otTiciales  habebant  varia  exercitia 
in  Curia,  et  ex  bis  luerabantur,  et  sine  dubio  ut  ex  illis  pecunias,  quas  pro  conse- 
quendis  exposucrant,  rehabere  possent,  citra  moduni  lucrum  extorquebant.  Hie 
officia  multa  in  urbe,  non  citra  avariti.-e  causani,  perpetua  et  venalia  fecit.  —  Hie 
gabellam  novam  imposuit,  ut  fornarii  sive  pistores  pro  quolibet  sacco  grani,  quod 
macinandum  (to  grind)  mittebant,  ultra  consuetam  solulionem  ununi  grossum 
papale  solverent.  Hie  Datium  (ddzio,  tax)  sub  nomine  decimae  immoderatum 
tarn  a  Clericis,  quam  ab  Otficialibus  exigebat,  et  quidem  sine  aliqua  miseiicordia. 
Figebat  enim  praeceptum  in  ostio  Ecclesia;,  ut  intra  certum  brevissimum  spatiura 
sub  excominunicationis  et  pi'ivationis  poena  et  ultra  illam,  alias  centum,  et  alias 
quinquaginta  Ducati  solverentur:  quod  si  ita,  ut  ponebatur,  derepente  non  esset 
solutum,  Ecclesia  ipsa  erat  interdicta,  et  Canonici  privabantur.  Hie  Roms  dum 
vixit,  panis  penui-iam  semper  induxit  pecuniarum  quasrendarum  causa.  Nam 
emebat  granum  de  messibus  per  omnes  ecclesiasticas  regiones  uno  Ducato:  — 
deinde  peuuria  facta — quatuor  vel  quinque  Ducatis  revenilebat.  Aliquando  ex 
regno  Regis  Ferdinand!  granum  foetidum  et  putridum  parvo  pretio  comparabat, 
illudque  in  loco  quodani,  qui  Abundantia  vocabatur, —  non  minori  quain  tribus 
Ducatis  pro  rubio  distrahebat.  Et  quia  si'pe  contingebat,  quod  tanta  grani  multi- 
tudo  ibi  consumi  non  poterat,  inter  fornarios  distribuebat,  mandabatque  illis,  ut  sub 
certa  poena  non  possent  aliud  quam  dictum  suum  granum  consumere  seu  operari, 
pro  pretio  tamen  XL.  Carlinorum  pro  quolibet  rubio,  quod  nisi  solverent,  statin) 
carcerabantur.  Panis  vero,  qui  ex  dicto  frumcnto  iiebat,  erat  ater  foelidus  et  abo- 
niinabiiis,  et  ex  necessitate  comedebatur,  ex  quo  sa-penumero  in  civitate  morbus 
viguit.  Hie  poenas  omnes  cujuscunque  generis  ad  pecuniam  reduxit,  ita  ut,  si 
ignem  quis  meritus  fuisset,  soluta  aliqua  pecunia  liberaretur.  —  Et  tandem  tantum 
vigebat  in  eo  avaritise  vitium,  ut  non  puderet,  nee  erubesceret,  si  aliquando  Camera 
esset  debitrix  alicujus,  et  ipse  debitum  promiserit,  denegare,  et  in  sua  fide  deticere. 
et  aliquando,  quod  clarissimum  erat,  denegare.  —  Hie  literatorum  et  bonos  mores 
habentium  inimicus,  solum  illi  grati  erant  mali,  etc.  Raphael  Volaterranus 
Comm.  urban.  Anthropologia,  lib.  XXH.:  Suorum  imprimis  amantissimus  ae 
indulgentissimus  fuit,  quorum  causa  pleraque  prater  fas  jusque  et  agebat  et  con- 
cedebat.  Petrum  ante  omnes  ejusdem  Ordinis  (Franciscani)  ac  patrite,  quem  a 
puero  una  cum  Hieronymo  fratre  sibi  educaverat,  ad  Cardinalatum  usque  provexit, 
virum  alioquin  natum  perdundse  pecunia;  :  nam  biennio,  quo  tantum  postea  vixit, 
ducenta  aureorum  millia  in  luxu  victitando  solum  absumpsit,  LX.  millia  a;ris  alieni, 
argenteorum  item  CCC.  pondo  dimisit.  Decessit  tabidus  voluptate  annorum 
XXVIII.,  opificibus  maxime  desideratus,  quorum  officinas  novis  semper  lucris  et 
opibus  replebat.  Hieronymus  vero  frater,  Forolivii  Forocornelique  princeps  factus, 
post  eum  rem  omnem  Ecclesia;  administravit,  vir  ingenio  severiore  ac  voluptatibus 
prfEter  unicam  venationem  minimum  deditus.  Xistus  itaque  post  bos  fratrum  soro- 
rumque  tilios  extulit:  neque  enim  alter  propinquis  foecundior  fuit.  Enumeration 
of  these  advancements,  and  of  the  wars,  which  he  cariied  on  ad  arma  conversus, 
quibus  magis  quam  religioni  natus  fuerat.  Quum  igitur  tot  tumultibus  absumpta 
pecunia  indigeret,  nova  Collegia  primus  excogitavit,  qus  liceretur.  Account  of 
them.  Verum  haec  seu  necessitati,  seu  verius  proximis  ac  ministris  tribuenda, 
nam  eo  Pontificum  nullus  nee  animo  munificentior,  nee  in  dando  hilarior,  nee  ia 
promovendis  hominibus  promptior  repertus  fuit.  Manner  in  which  he  received 
foreign  princes,  and  adorned  Rome  with  new  edifices. 

'2  Which  see  in  Raynald,  1484,  no.  28  seq.  To  prevent  the  Nepotism  of  the 
former  Popes,  no.  30  :  ]3e  parentela  et  consanguinitate  sua  non  plures  quam  unum 
dumtaxat  qualificatum  (ad  Cardinalatum)  promovebit ;  and  no.  38  :  quod  arces  S. 


236  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

children. 13  With  Ferdinand,  king  of  Naples,  he  waged  two  wars 
till  A.  D.  1492,  and  set  up  Renatus,  duke  of  Lorrain,  as  his  rival 
for  the  crown. ^'  Though  he  continued  like  his  predecessors  to 
urge  both  princes  and  subjects  to  arm  against  the  Turks, ^'^  yet 
when  the  knights  of  Rhodes  had  given  up  to  him  Dschem  (in  the 
East  called  Zizim,  or  Zemes),  the  brother  and  rival  of  the  Sultan 
Bajessid,  A.  D.  1489,  he  preferred,  instead  of  sending  him  against 
the  Turks  at  the  head  of  an  army,  to  keep  him  prisoner,  and  so  ex- 
tort tribute  from  the  Sultan. i*^     So,  too,  with  Alexander  VI.,  the  most 

Angeli,  civitatis  vetulae,  Tiburis,  Spoleti  et  CaesenEe  non  concedet  alicui  de  paren- 
tela  sua,  nee  PrKlato,  nee  sseculari ;  sed  aliis  Pra;latis  et  ecclesiasticis  personis ; 
neque  faeiet  eundem  Castellanuni  et  gubernatorem  aliciijus  civitatis,  —  nee  Capila- 
neatum  generalein  Ecclcsiaj  nepoti,  ucc  alieui  consanguineo  suo  eoncedet. 

"  Infessura  (in  Murat.  Ill,  II.  p.  1189.  Eccard.  II.  p.  1947)  enumerates  the 
endowments  wbich  Innocent  was  reported  to  bave  promised  in  return,  pro  haben- 
dis  vocibus,  adding  :  Quare  negari  non  potest,  quin  considerata  quablate  et  vita 
Viri,  qui  juvenis  et  Januensis  est,  et  ex  pluribus  mulieribus  soptem  filios  inter 
mares  et  fceminas  habet,  —  ac  considerata  qualitafe  electionis,  qux  multo  deterior 
fuit  electione  Xisti,  quomodo  longe  pejora  et  deteriora  non  sequantur  ?  On  the 
fourtb  day  after  tlie  election  Cardinales  animo  insatiabili  et  quadam  voracitate 
inter  se  omnia  officia  sacularia  tam  urbis  quam  extra  urbem  diviserunt.  The 
promise,  omnia  officia  et  beneficia  Romana  concedere  Romanis  civibus,  was  not 
regarded.  Et  sic  in  ejus  principio  sequitur  vestigia  Xisti,  etsi  grave  est  unicui- 
que  fidem  fallere,  sed  magis  Principi.  Sed  non  est  rnirum,  si  populum  Roma- 
num  decepit,  quia  Deum  omnipotentem,  cui  in  promotione  caslitatem  vovit  et 
promisit,  et  tamen  post  septein  filios  habuit,  turpiter  fefellit  atque  decepit.  Raph. 
Volaterranus  Comment,  urban  Antbropologia,  Hb.  XXII. :  Xisti  deinde  secutus 
exemplum  quajstus  gratia  Secretariorum  collegium  instituit  pristinum  numerum 
augendo ;  Pontiticum  etiam  primus,  qui  novum  et  ipse  exemplum  introduceret 
palam  libcros  notbos  jactandi,  ac  soluta  omni  antiqua  disciplina  divitiis  eos  omnibus 
cumiilandi.     In  the  contemporary  epigram, 

Octo  Nocens  pueros  genuit  totidemque  puellas, 
Hunc  merito  poterit  dicere  Roma  patrem, 
the  number  8  refers  probably  to  Innocent,  who  was  the  eighth  of  that  name. 

'"•  Ferdinand  wished  to  have  the  annual  tribute  remitted  as  it  had  been  by 
Sixtus  IV.  The  Pope  formed  an  alliance  with  the  discontented  Neapolitan 
barons,  and  P\^rdinand  with  the  Roman  house  of  Ursini.  The  first  war  began 
1485  (Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  38,  1486,  no.  1)  :  on  the  12th  of  August,  14S6,  a  peace 
was  concluded  on  terms  favorable  to  the  Pope  (Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  13),  which, 
however,  Ferdinand  did  not  keep.  Hostilities  were  soon  recommenced  (Raynald, 
1487,  no.  9  seq.),  and  in  1489  the  Pope  deposed  the  king  from  liis  throne  ( Rayn. 
h.  a.  no.  5  seq.)  :  the  peace  of  1492  was  a  renewal  of  the  former  one  (Rayn.  h.  a. 
no.  10  seq.),  comp.  Leo's  Gesch.  d.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  4,  S.  611  ff.  S.  617  f. 

15  Raynald,  1484,  no.  60  seq. ;  1485,  no.  1  seq.  ;  1486,  no.  60  seq.  ;  14S8,  no. 
10  seq. 

'^  See  Jos.  V.  Hammer's  Gesch.  des  osmanischen  Reiches.  Bd.  2  (Pesth. 
1828.  8vo.),  S.  250  ff.  Dschem  had  tied  to  Rhodes  A.  D.  1482,  was  kept  prisoner 
in  France  by  the  knights,  and  in  1489  delivered  over  to  the  Pope,  who,  under  the 
pretext  of  making  use  of  him  in  an  expedition  against  the  Turks,  had  been  very 
urgent  to  get  possession  of  him.  Thus  he  writes  to  the  duke  of  Bourbon  (Rayn- 
ald, 1485,  no.  12)  :  Hortamur  nobilitatem  luam,  ct  quanto  possumus  studio  per 
Redemptoris  nostri  sanctissimam  passionem  requii'imus,  ut  pio  religione  animi  tui, 
et  pro  communi  omnium  salute, —  [nolueris]  pati,  ut  idem  Turci  frater  ad  alias 
quam  nostras  manus  deveniat :  nam  si  in  nostra  fuerit  potestate,  modum  et  viam 
adinveniemus,  quibus  illo  tamquam  instrumento  ad  res  niagnas  pro  religione  Chri- 
stiana et  Dei  laude  gerendas  uti  possimus.  Of  Dschem's  entry  into  Rome,  March 
13,  1489,  and  his  appearance  in  the  Consistory,  sec  Infessura  in  Murat.  Ill,  II. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     ^  133.     Alexander  VI.  237 

profligate  of  all  the  popes  (from  Aug.  11,  1492), i'''  the  great  object 


p.  1224  seq.  The  Sultan  immediately  entered  into  negotiations.  The  king  of 
Hungary  said  openly  to  tlie  papal  legate,  Angelus  Pechinolius  (see  his  account 
sent  to  the  Pope,  June,  1489,  in  Justus  Fontaninus  de  antiquitatibus  Horts  Colo- 
nic Etruscorum.  Rom.  1723.  4to.  p.  488)  :  Orator  Soldani,  qui  est  Romas,  siippli- 
cavit  Domino  sanctissimo  pro  jiai'te  istius  Turci,  quod  sua  Sanctitas  sit  contenta 
recipere  a  Soldano  ducenta  millia  Ducatorum,  et  quod  euin  det  ad  manus  Soldani, 
et  sua  Sanctitas  fuit  contenta.  Sic  misit  ununi  hominem  ad  Rhodiim  sub  praetoxtu, 
quod  pro  aliquibus  fratribus  religiosissimis  Rhodiensium  vadat  ad  Rhodum  :  sed 
inde  mutatis  vestibus  ibit  ad  Soldanum  pro  conipositione  istius  pecuniae  et  aliarum 
rerum.  —  Quantum  aulem  decent  unum  Papam  ista  facere,  sua  Sanctitas,  quaa 
prudentissima  est,  potest  melius  considerare,  et  quid  sint  dicturi  alii  Christiani 
Pi-incipes,  quando  ista  audierint.  The  legate  could  only  reply  that  the  Pope 
would  not  of  coui'se  give  up  Dschem  lor  200,000  ducats,  since  the  Sultan  had 
already  offered  600,000.  The  king,  however,  persisted  :  Doniine  Legate,  si  non 
scit  Paternitas  vestra,  scio  ego  :  et  forte,  quod  plus  sunt :  sed  de  ducentis  millibus 
ego  sum  bene  certus.  The  king  had  himself  wished  to  get  possession  of  Dschem 
to  avail  himself  of  his  help  in  the  wars  with  the  Turks  ;  but  as  it  now  appeared 
that  the  Pope  was  about  to  send  him  with  a  Venetian  tleet,  the  king  was  on  the 
point  of  making  a  treaty  with  the  Sultan,  being  convinced  (p.  484)  :  Veneti  non  in 
bellum  contra  Turcum  proticiscentur,  sed  privata  aliqua  conimoda  et  privatas 
eorum  passioncs  ulcisci  intendunt ;  and  he  said  to  the  legate,  without  disguise 
(p.  482)  :  sua  Sanctitas  vult  decimas  habere  ;  vere  non  habebitis  :  —  si  portabitis 
ilium  Turcum  per  mare,  ego  portabo  fratrem  suum,  Turcoi-um  Imperatoiem  per 
terram  in  Italiam.  In  the  mean  time,  however,  the  Sultan  first  made  an  attempt 
to  poison  both  the  Pope  and  Dschem,  Infessuru,  p.  1232  :  and  after  this  (Iiifess. 
p.  1234)  an  ambassador  appeared  at  Rome  in  his  name,  November  30,  1490,  with 
rich  presents  to  the  Pope  (amongst  them  the  lance,  with  which  Christ's  side  was 
pierced,  which  the  Pope  received  as  genuine,  notwithstanding  it  was  represented 
to  him  that  the  same  thing  was  already  exhibited  in  Paris  and  in  Nuremberg,  see 
Burcard  in  the  Notices  et  exlraits,  T.  I.  p.  94),  and  the  offer,  quod,  si  retineret 
dictum  Turcam,  pro  censu  se  daturum  quadraginta  millia  Ducatorum  pro  quolibet 
anno,  quousque  ipsum  relinuerit.  Item  obtulit  pacem  et  perpetuam  securitatem 
inter  Christianos  et  Turcas,  et  quod  Christiani  de  c*tero  possent  ire  et  redire  in 
terras  ejus  libere  et  absque  aliquo  timore.  He  stipulated,  however,  to  be  admitted 
to  audience  with  Dschem,  declaring,  se  nolle  solveie  tributum  praedictum,  nisi 
eum  oculata  fide  videret.  Et  ita  dixit  se  habuisse  in  mandatis,  ne  forte  dice- 
retur  vivus,  et  mortuus  esset.  See  concerning  Dschem,  the  abbot  Ludovicus 
Tuhero  comm.  de  lemporibus  suis  (from  1490-1522),  lib.  VI.  §  6  and  7,  in 
Schwandtner  Scriptt.  rerum  Hungaricarum.  T.  II.  p.  214  seq.  He  relates,  §  7, 
first,  the  unsuccessful  attempts  of  the  king  of  Hungary  to  get  possession  of  the 
Saracen  prince,  sperans,  si  Gemium  in  potestate  haberet,  non  solum  facile  conse- 
cuturum,  ut  Bajazethes  intra  fines  suos  sese-  contineret,  atque  invalidior  viribus 
fieret  (certo  enim  sciebat,  Gemium  a  populaiibus  studio,  ut  fit,  novarum  rerum 
valde  desiderari)  ;  verum  etiam  se  bonam  Imperii  partem  eo  facto  Turcis  ademtu- 
rum  :  quippe  arbitrabatur,  Bajazethem  fraterno  metu  nullam  pacis  conditionem  ab 
se  dictam  recusaturum.  Then  he  continues :  Non  ita  multo  post  Innocentius 
VIII.  Pontifex  Romanus  et  sibi  amplum  fore  putans,  Regem  Turcam  tributarium 
habere,  et  tanto  auro,  cujus  quidem  sacerdotes  hac  tempestate  maxime  avidi  sunt 
pofiri  cupiens,  oblata  Rhodiorum  Piincipi  dignitate,  qua  Cardinales  sacerdotes 
Romans  EcclesiK  insigniti  sunt,  agit  cum  illo,  ut  Turcam  sibi  traderet.  Rhodius, 
non  parvum  fortune  sufe  additamentum  existimans,  in  collegium  Cardinalium 
cooptari,  accepta  conditione  hominem  suae  tidei  commissum  hujuscemodi  facile 
permutat  magistratu.  Itaque  vidimus,  si  Deo  placet,  non  pecunia  modo,  quod 
jam  solemne  est,  sed  etiam  perfidia  atque  humano  sanguine  sacerdotia  apud  Chri- 
stianos parari,  si  Christiani  appellandi  sunt,  qui  nihil  praeter  nomen  habent  Christi- 
anorum. 

'7  Notwithstanding  the  urgent  admonitions  of  Leonellus  Episc.  Concordiensis 
(see  Raynald,  1492,  no.  24  seq.)  and  the  Bernardinus  Carvajal  Episc.  Pacensis 
(in  Martene  thes.  anecd.  II.  p.  1774  seq.),  all  the  cardinals,  except  five,  suffered 


238  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

of  his  schemes  was  to  heap  honors  and  riches  on  his  five  illegitimate 
children,  and  especially  on  his  favorite  Ctcsar  Borgia.!*  Charles  VIII. 
of  France  having  undertaken  to  support  the  claims  of  the  house  of 
Anjou  to  the  throne  of  Naples,  Ferdinand,  the  reigning  king,  and 
after  him  (f  25th  Jan.  1494)  his  son  Alplionso  II.  gained  over  the 
Pope  by  favors  conferred  on  his  sons,i9  so  that  he  threatened  Charles 
with  e.\communication,20  and  even   sent  for  aid  to  the  Turks.^'     But 

themselves  to  be  bribed  by  Rodericus  Borgia  to  give  him  their  votes,  and  he  now 
ascended  the  papal  ibrone  under  the  name  of  Alexander  VI.,  see  Infessura  in 
Eccard  II.  p.  2003  seq. 

"*  Thus  on  the  10th  of  June,  1493,  be  married  liis  daughter  Lucretia  to  Alex- 
ander, loi'd  of  Pesaro,  after  scpaiating  her  iioiii  her  husband,  wliom  he  contented 
with  a  large  sum  ;  celebrating  the  nuptials  with  great  festivities  in  the  papal 
palace,  and  not,  as  it  is  said,  with  the  greatest  decorum  ;  see  Infessura  in  Eccard 
II.  p.  2011  seq.  Infessura  remarks  :  Alexander  consuetudinem  jam  ctcptam  per 
Innoccntitim  de  maritanda  prole  foeminina  prosecutus  est  et  ampliavit.  Incumbit 
igitur  Clerus  omnis,  et  quidem  cum  diligentia  circa  sobolem  procreandam,  Itacjue 
a  majori  usque  ad  minimum  concubinas  in  tigura  matrimonii,  et  quidem  publico 
attinent.  Quod  nisi  a  Deo  provideatur,  transibit  ha'c  coi-ruptio  usque  ad  Mona- 
chos  et  Religiosos,  quamvis  Monasteria  urbis  quasi  omnia  jam  facta  sint  lupanaria, 
nemine  contradicentc.  Raphael  Volaterranus  comm.  ui-b.  Anthropologia,  lib. 
XXII.  :  Alexander  deinde  nihil  prius  habuit  quam  Innocentii  exempio  sues 
nothos  honoribus,  verum  longe  majoribus  extollere,  quando  jam  res  haec  honori  et 
gjoi'iae  coepit  esse.  Itaque  Liicretiain  filiam  prius  Jo.  Sforti*  Pisauriensi  Pi-incipi 
locavit,  deinde  abdicatam  (forsaken  by  her  husband,  see  Machiavelli  hist. 
Fragmente,  translated  by  Leo,  S.  114)  Aloisio  Aragoni  Alfonsi  Regis  liJio  notho, 
quo  demum  interfecto  Alfonso  Estensi  Feriarias  Duci,  cum  quo  adhuc  perseverat. 
Ex  filiis  vero  alterum  minoreni  natu  in  regno  Sicilia;  Pi-incipem  fecit  (see  note 
19)  alium  CcBsarem  Cardinalem  (1493.  Ludov.  Tubero,  lib.  VIII.  §  15:  vix 
puberern  Cardinalem  designavit,  ementitus,  non  ex  se  genitum  esse,  sed  ex  viro, 
cujus  uxorem,  quod  satis  constat,  ipse  adulteraverat),  majorem  quoque  in  Hispania 
ducem  (John  Borgia  of  Arragon,  duke  of  Gandia,  to  whom  he  fui-thermore  gave, 
1497,  the  dukedom  of  Benevento,  see  Burchardus  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2081). 

'^  Leop.  Ranke's  Gescbichte  der  romanischen  u.  germanischen  Volker 
from  1494  to  1.535,  Bd.  1  (Leipz.  and  Berlin.  1824),  S.  30.  Leo's  Gesch.  v. 
Italien.  Tli.  5,  S.  71  ff.  Thus  Giuffredi  Borgia  mariied  a  natural  daughter  of  king 
Alphonso,  and  received  the  principality  of  Squillace  as  her  dower. 

^°  Of  the  Pope's  attempts  to  prevent  Charles  fi-om  interfering  in  the  affairs  of 
Italy,  see  Raynald,  1494,  no.  15  seq.  After  Alexander  had  bestowed  Naples  on 
Alphonso,  the  French  ambassador  appealed  in  the  Consistory  to  a  general  council ; 
the  Pope,  on  the  other  hand,  maintained  his  right  to  decide  the  matter,  1.  c.  no. 
18,  and  threatened  to  follow  the  example  of  Pius  II.  in  Mantua,  who  had  punished 
a  similar  appeal  with  the  anathema  (1.  c.  no.  20). 

'^  In  July,  1494,  the  Pope  had  a  meeting  with  Alphonso,  king  of  Naples,  in 
Vicovarium,  after  which  both  of  them  sent  embassies  to  the  Sultan  ( Burchardi 
Diarium  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2047,  and  Raynald,  1494,  no.  21).  The  papal  ambas- 
sador was  taken,  however,  and  the  instructions  found  upon  him.  These,  with 
five  letters  of  the  Sultan  to  the  Pope,  see  in  Burchardi  Diarium  in  Eccard  II. 
p.  2053  seq.,  and  in  the  Memoires  de  Phil,  de  Comines,  nouvelle  edition  par 
Messieurs  Godefroy,  augmentee  par  M.  I'Abbe  Lenglet  du  Fresnoy.  T.  IV.  P. 
II.  (Londres  et  Paris.  1747.  4to.)  p.  47  seq.  The  five  letters  of  the  Sultan  are 
also  in  the  Fundgruben  des  Orients,  Bd.  5  (Wien.  1816.  fol.),  S.  183  (all  these 
editions  from  different  Mss.).  The  papal  instructions,  dated  June,  1494,  encharge 
the  Nuntio,  George  Bocciardo,  Magnus  Turca,  to  explain  to  the  Sultan  Bajazet, 
qualiter  Rex  Francia?  properat  cum  maxima  potentia  terrestri  et  maritima  —  hue 
Romam  veniens  eripere  e  manihus  nostris  Gem  Sultan,  fratrem  Celsitudinis  suaj, 
et  acquirere  Regnum  Neapolitanum,  —  sed  etiam  in  Graciam  transfretare,  et 
patrias  Celsitudinis  suae  debellare.  —  Et  cum  nobis  opus  sit  resistere,  —  cogimur 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     %  133.     Alexander  VI.  239 

on  Charles'  appearance  at  Rome  (Dec.  31,  1494),  the  Pope  at  once 
deserted  to  him,  delivering  into  his  custody  the  prince  Dschem, 
whom,  however,  he  soon  after  provided  for   by  poison,  that  he  might 

ad  subsidium  praefati  Sultan  Bajazet  recurrere,  sperantes  in  amicitia  bona,  quam 
ad  invicem  habemus,  quod  in  tali  necessitate  juvabit  nos  :  quem  rogabis,  et  nomine 
nosti-o  exhortabcris,  ac  ex  te  persuadebis  cum  omni  instantia,  ut  ()laceat  sibi  quam 
citius  mittere  nobis  Ducatos  quadrafjinta  millia  in   auro   Venetos   pro   annata  anni 
prajsentis,  quce    tiniet  ultimo  die  Novembris  venturi    (the    annual    sum    paid  for 
Dschem).      As  the  help  of  the   Venetians  was  very    important,    persuadebis  et 
exbortaberis    Majestateni   suam,   quam   teneinur  certioreni   reddere   ob  veram  et 
bonam  amicitiam,  quam   habemus  ad  inviccin,   ne  patiatur  aliquod  interesse,  ut 
statim  mittat  unum  Oratorem   ad   Dominium    Venetorum  :  —  quos   exhortetur  et 
adstringat,  quod  pro  quanto  cari  pendant  amicitiam  suam,  dcbeant  esse  adjumento 
et  defensioni  nostrae  et  Regis  Alfonsi  terra  marique.  —  Denotabis  pariter  magno 
Turco  adventum  Oratoris  niagni  Soldani  (the  Sultan  of  Egypt)   ad  nos  cum  litteris 
et  muneribus,  quK  transmisit  nobis,  —  et  promissiones,  quas  nobis   fecit  de   magno 
thesauro,  ac  de  mullis  aliis  rebus  (for  the  delivei'y,  namely,  of  Dschem)  :  signi- 
ficabis  Majestati  sua  intentionem  nostram,  in  quantum  sibi  promisimus,  firmiter 
tenebimus,  et  nunquam   contraveniemus  in  aliqua  i-e  :  imo  nostra:  intentionis  est 
accrescere  et  meliorare  nostram  bonam  amicitiam.     Bene  gratuni  nobis  esset,  et  de 
hoc  multum  precamur  et  hortanun-  D.  Serenissimum,  quod  pro  aliquo  tempoie  non 
impediat  Hungarum,  neque  in  aliqua  parte  Christianitatis,  et  maxime  in  Croatia  et 
civitatibus  Ragusis  et  Leguiffi  :  quod  faciendo  et  observando  nos  faciemus,  quod 
Hungarus  non  inferat  ei  aliquod  damnum,  et  in  hoc  Majestas  sua  habebit  compas- 
sionem  complacendi  nobis,  attento  maxime   motu   Francorum,   et   aliorum   Princi- 
pum.     Quodsi  in  bellando  perseveraret,  habcat  pro  comperto  sua  Magnitude  quod 
in  ejus  auxilio  essent  quam  plures   Pi-incipcs   Christiani,   et  dolerct   Majestatera 
suam  non  fecisse  secundum  consilium  nostrum,  quod  damns  sibi  primo  ex  officio, 
quando  simus  pater  et  dominus  omnium  Chi'istianorum,   postea  dcsideramus  quie- 
tein  Majestalis  suae   ad   bonam   et  mutuam   amicitiam  :  quoniam  si  aliter  Majestas 
sua  statueret  prosequi  et  molestare  Christianos,  cogeremur  rebus  consulere,  cum 
aliter  non  possemus  obviare  maximis   appaiatibus,   qui   fiunt  contra   Majestatem 
suam.     In   the   answers  of  the   Sultan,   all  dated  September  15  and  18,  1494,  the 
following  remarkable  things  are  found.     In  the   fourth  :  Notum   sit  Tuo  supremo 
Pontiticio,  quemadmodum   Rev.    Dominus  Nicolaus  Cibo  Archiepiscopus  Arela- 
tensis   est  dignus  et  tidelis  homo.  —  Hujus  igitur  rei   causa  justum   est  a  vobis 
decerni,  majori  in  ordine  ipsum  esse  debei-e  :  unde  et  rogavimus  dictum  supremum 
Pontificem   (Innocentium   VIII.),   ut    facerct  ilium   Cardinalein,  et    assensus  est 
nostrae  petitioni.  —  Verum  quia  non  erat  tempus,  id  est  Septembris  mensis,  non 
sedet  in  ordine  suo.  —  Ea  de  causa  scribimus  et  rogamus  Tuam  Magnitudinem, — 
•  ut  adimpleat  ipsi  Tuum  Pontificium,  videlicet  ut  faceret  ipsam  perfectum   Cardi- 
nalem.      In  the  fifth  :   Inter  alia  mibi  retulit    ( Georgius  Bussardus),   quomodo 
Rex  Franciae  animatus  est  habere  Gem  fratrem  nostrum,  qui  est  in  manibus  vestry 
Potentiae  ;  quod  esset  multum  contra  voluntatem  nosti-am,   et  vestrae   Magnitudini 
sequeretur  maximum  damnum,  vosque  et  omnes  Christiani  paterentur  detrimen- 
tum.     Idcirco  una  cum  prsedicto  Georgio  cogitare  coepimus  :  pi'o  quiete,  utilifate 
et  honore  vestrae  Potentias,  et    adhuc  pro  mea   satisfactione    bonum    esset,  quod 
dictum  Gem  meum  fratrem,  qui  subjectus  est  morti  et  detinetur  in  manibus  vestrae 
Magnitudinis,  omnino  mori  faceretis,  quod,  si  vita  careret,  esset  et  vestrae  Potentiae 
utile,  et  quieti  commodissimum,   mihique   gratissimum.     Et  si  in  hoc  Magnitude 
vestra  contentabit  complacere  nobis,  prout  in  suaprudentia  coniidimus  facere  velle, 
debet  pro  meliori  Sua;  Potential,   et  pro   majori   nostra  satisfactione,  quanto  citius 
poterit,  illo  meliori  modo,  quo  placebit  Vestra?   Magnitudini,  dictum  Gem  levari 
facere  de  angustiis  istius  mundi,  et  transferri  ejus  animam   in  alteram  sceculum, 
ubi  meliorem  habebit  quietem.     Et  si  hoc  adimplere  faciei  Vestra  Potentia,  et 
mandabit  nobis  corpus  suum  in  qualicumque  loco  citra  mare  nostrum  ;  promitti- 
mus  Nos  Sultan  Bajazet  suprascriptus  in  quocumque   loco  placuerit  Vestra;  Mag- 
nitudini  Ducatorum    trecenta   millia   ad   emenda   tiliis  suis   aliqua  dominia,   quae 
Ducatorum  trecenta  millia  consignare  faciemus  illi  cui  ordinabit  Vestra  Magni- 
tudo,  antequam  sit  nobis  dictum  corpus  datum,  et  per  vestros  meis  consignatum. 
Adhuc  promitto  Vestrae  Potentiae,  quod  vita  mea  comite  et  quamdiu  vixero,  habe- 


240  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

not  forfeit  the  promised  price  of  his  death  from  the  Sultan.^^  In 
March,  1495.  tlie  Pope  again  formed  an  alliance  with  the  emperor 
and  the  king  of  Spain,  in  order  to  drive  the  French  out  of  Italy.--' 
It  was  not  long,  however,  before  he  qnarrelled  with  the  new  king  of 
Naples,  Frederick,  the  brother  of  Ali)honso  II.,  on  account  of  his 
refusal  to  coinj)ly  with  the  insolent  demands  of  Cajsar  Borgia,^'*  and 
once  more  made  overtures  to  the  king  of  France,  Louis  XII.  Nothing 
was  now  impossible  at  Rome.  The  cardinal  Cfcsar  Borgia  was  re- 
leased from  clerical  vows,--^  and  Louis  XII.  divorced  from  his  queen.-^ 

bimus  semper  bonam  et  magnam  smicitiam  cum  eadem  Vestra  Alagnitudine  sine 
aliqua  deceplione,  et  eideni  faciemus  omnia  bencplacita  et  gratias  nobiles.  The 
Sultan  promises  also  (o  molest  the  Christians  no  further,  and  confirms  all  these 
promises  by  a  solemn  oath. 

-^  Burchardus  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2066,  more  correct  in  Raynald,  1495,  no.  12  : 
Fei'ia  quarta,  vigcsima  quinta  Februarii  Gem,  frater  Magni  Turca",  qui  nuper 
Regi  Francorum  per  sanctissimum  Dominum  nostrum  ex  pacto  et  conventione 
inlei'  eos  stipulatis  fiierat  consignatus,  in  civitate  Neapolitana  et  castro  Capuano 
ex  esu  sivc  potu  natur;i!  suaj  non  convenienti  vita  est  functus,  cujus  cadaver  delude 
ad  instantiam  et  preces  magni  Tuicae  eidem  magno  Turcaj  cum  tota  defuncti 
familia  niissum  est,  qui  propterea  dicitur  magnam  pccuniarum  summam  persol- 
visse  seu  donasse,  ot  familiam  ipsam  in  gratiam  recepisse.  Ludoviciis  Tubero 
(see  note  16),  lib.  VI.  §  7,  in  Schwandtner  II.  p.  216  :  Mortuo  Innocentio  Alex- 
ander, Ponliticatuin  pecunia  adeptus,  Gemium  in  Caroli  VIII.  Francorum  Regis, 
tunc  Neapolitanum  rcgnum  petentis,  coactus  —  permisit  potestatem,  dato  ei  prius 
veneno  baud  quidem  prffisentaneo,  sed  quod  ad  occultandam  facinoris  invidiam 
aliquot  diebus  mortem  proti'aheret.  Ferunt  autem,  hunc  Pontiticem  adeo  deplorata 
vita,  atque  ad  extrcmum  perditum  fuisse,  ut  onuiia  sacra  pretio  venderet.  Quos- 
dam  insuper  Cardinales  divitiis  notos  veneno  sustulisse  dicitur,  quo  eorum  pecuniis 
Iiberoi-um  suorum  ex  adulterio  susceptorum  Ibrtunam  augeret.  Quare  ejus  aetata 
per  totum  fere  Christianum  orbem  hi  versiculi  passim  decantabantur  : 
Vendit  Alexander  claves,  Altaria,  Christum  : 
Emerat  ista  prius,  vendere  jure  potest. 
Undc  omnibus  persuasum  est,  ipsum  Pontiticem,  qui  verius  Carniiicis  nomen  obti- 
nere  debuit,  Venctis  quoque  non  solum  consciis,  sed  ctiam  internuntiis,  propter 
simultatem,  quam  cum  Rege  Carolo  babebant,  ingentis  pecunias  pactione  ad  hoc 
scelus  a  Bajazethe  esse  inductum,  qui  quidem  in  secui'itatem  suam  —  fratrem  e 
medio  tolli  magnopere  optabat.  Atque  in  hunc  maxime  modum  Christiani,  Turcis 
prEesertim  linitimi,  a  quibus  minime  oportuit,  pene  proditi  sunt.  Nam  Bajazethes, 
domestico  mctu  libcratus,  statim  animo  consilia  volutare  cai-pit  Chi'istianos  aperte 
oppugnandi,  atque  opportunitatc  rerum  gei-endarum,  quae  ad  illam  diem  haudqua- 
quam  patuerat,  uti.  Comp.  Hammer's  Gesch.  des  osman.  Reiches.  Bd.  2, 
S.  277. 

^^  L.  Ranke's  Gesch.  der  roman.  u.  german.  Bolker  v.  1494-1535,  Bd.  1,  S. 
62  ff.     Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien.  Th.  5,  S.  96  ff'. 

^  John  Borgia  was  murdered  four  weeks  after  he  had  been  made  duke  of 
Benevento  (see  note  18),  as  is  expressly  related  by  Lud.  Tubero,  lib.  VIII.  §  15, 
Machiavelli  {•f  1527.  Hist.  Fragmente  von  Nicolo  di  Bernardo  dci  Machiavelli, 
translated  by  H.  Leo,  Hannover.  1828.  8vo.  S.  115)  and  Guiccinrdini,  lib.  III., 
by  order  of  his  brother,  Cassar  Borgia,  whose  object  it  was,  from  this  time  forward, 
to  free  himself  from  the  trammels  of  his  ecclesiastical  character,  and  to  take  his 
brother's  place.  Thus  he  demanded  of  king  Fredei'ick  his  eldest  daughter  to  wife, 
and  the  principality  of  Tarentum  as  her  dowry  ;  see  Machiavelli,  1.  c.  S.  159. 
Guicciardini,  lib.  IV.     Ranke,  S.  169  ff. 

^  Burchardus  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2096  :  Feria  sexta,  decima  tertia  Augusti 
(1498),  in  secreto  Consistorio  Doininus  Cardinalis  Valentinus  proposuit,  se  ab 
ineunte  wtate  inclinatuni  semper  fuisse  statui  ssculari,  sed  .Sanctissimum  Domi- 
num nostrum  voluisse,  ut  se  daret  statui  ecclesiastico,  et  ad  Ordinem  se  promoveri 


Chap.  I.    Papaci/.     §   133.     Alexander  VI.  241 

In  gratitude  the  latter  created  Caesar,  duke  of  Valentinois  (1498),  and 
furnished  a  large  army  to  enable  him  to  subdue  one  by  one  the  power- 
ful vassals  of  the  territories  of  the  church,  and  from  their  possessions  to 
form  for  himself  a  principality.-'  At  the  same  time  Naples  was  conquered 


Diaconatus,  cnjus  vohmtati  se  opponere  visum  non  est.  Cum  auteni  omnis  ejus 
voluntas  ct  incliiiatio  sit  acihuc  ad  statum  saecularem,  supphcavit,  S.  D.  IN.  digna- 
retur  cum  singulari  dementia  proseciuendo  sccuin  dispensare,  ut  diimssis  liabitu 
et  dignitate  ecclesiastica  lieeat  ei  redire  ad  saculum,  ac  matnmomum  contrahere. 
Et  Reverendissimos  Dominos  Cardinales  rojravit,  quatenus  hujusmodi  dispensationi 
consenti.e  vellent,  et  cum  eo  S.  D.  N.  supplicare. -Cardinales  omnes  com.nu- 
niter  concordi  voto  remiserunt  dispensationem  hujusmodi  arbitno  et  voluntati  ejusdem 
S  D  N  Lud.  Tubero,  lib.  VIII.  §  15,  in  Schwandtner  II.  p.  282  :  Hoc  panicidio 
(the  murder  of  liis  brother,  see  above,  note  24)  admisso  Caesar  Cardmalatu  quern 
a  patre  ultro  oblatum  non  reli^ionis  studio,  sed  spe,  ut  plerique  laciunt  opulentio- 
ris  fortuna;  acceperat,  sese  sponte  abdicavit,  palam  professus,  se  a  Pontihcc  proge- 
nitum,etob  id  tanto  nequaquam  idoneum  sacerdotio :  sque  ac  majus  flagiUum 
asset  ille-itime  natum  summum  sacerdotium  obtinere,  quam  sacns  Deoque  dicatis 
pecuniis,  ac  in  hospitalitatem  absumendis  abuti,  atque  his  ipsis  regna,  pulsis  justis 
Sus  per  nefas'^parare.  Immediately  after,  A.  D.  1500,  the  Pope  appointed 
him  Capitaneus  Generalis  et  Confalonerius  S.  Romans  Ecclesis,  Burchard,  p. 
2115. 

26  Louis,  duke  of  Orleans,  succeeded  his  cousin,  Charles  VIII.,  in  April,  1498. 
Ludov.  Tubero,  lib.  VII.  §  14,  in  Schwandtner  II.  p.  254:  Qui  (Ludov.cus 
Aurelianensis)  quidem  una  cum  regno  uxoiem  etiam  ipsius  Regis  in  matrimonium 
accepit,  prima  conjuge  novo  inter  Christianoi  exemplo  repudiata,  apud  quos  sane 
coniigium  non  nisi  morte  alterius  dirimitur.  Ferunt  autem,  Aurelianensem  hoc 
consilio  tantum  facinus  Alexandre  VI.  Romano  PonUfice  annuente  adnusisse,  ne 
scilicet  a  Francorum  regno  Armoricag  civitates,  quas  gentes  nunc  Britones  vocant, 
ad  imperium  et  jus  Anna;  uxoris  Caroli  spectantes,  deficerent,  si  ilia  ahum  virum 
sibi  matrimonio  adjungeret.  Hsc  enim  mulier,  nulla  in  domo  paterna  virili  sobole 
superstite,  Britonum  regionem  hsereditario  jure  obtinebat.  Nee  mirum,  si  tales 
nuptire  ab  Alexandre  VI.  Romano  Pontitice  permissae  sunt;  cum  et  ipse  Alexan- 
der filiam  suam,  ex  quadam  adultera  susceptam,  atque  cum  Principe  Pisauriensium 
matrimonio  conjunctam  (see  note  18),  e  viri  thalamo  adversus  leges  pontificias 
abripuerit,  atque  alii  in  matrimonium,  sola  fortunatioris  conjugii  spe,  dedent. — 
The  pretended  grounds  for  the  divorce,  and  other  circumstances  oi  the  transacUon, 
see  in  M  a  c  h  i  a  V  e  11  i '  s  hist.  Fragmente,  translated  by  Leo,  S.  154. 

27  Raph.  Volaterrani  comm.  urb.  Anthropologia.  lib.  XXII. :  Post  ejus  (John 
Borsia)  mortem  Caesar  Cardinalis  spreto  sacerdotio  ejusque  ordine,  cupidus  domi- 
nandi  se  ad  Ludovicum  Gallic  Regem  cum  magna  vi  auri  ac  suppellectilis  contu- 
lit,  ejusque  propinquam  de  Lebreto  (Charlotte  d' Albert,  sister  of  the  king  of 
Navarre)  in  matrimonium  una  cum  oppido  Valentia  accepit.  Regis  deinde  auxilio 
perpetuoque  foedere  inultum  in  Italia  sibi  ditionis  paravit,  /Emiliam  imprimis 
omnem  propter  Bononiam  ejectis  partimque  necatis  antiquis  iamihai-um  possesson- 
bus  (from  which  the  Pope  formed  for  Cassar  the  dukedoin  of  Romagna,  A.  D. 
1501)  in  Etruria  Populinum,  in  Piceno  Camerinum,  Senogalliain,  Lrbinum,  quod 
ex  omnibus  per  proditionem  cepit.  Nam  cum  ut  hospes  et  amicus  a  Guidone 
Duce  cum  exercitu  apud  Callium  exciperetur,  extemplo  dato  signo  urbem  earn 
corripuit :  inde  propere  Urbinum  invadi  mandat.  Guido  vero  cum  non  saUs  vinum 
improvisus  ad  resistendum  haberet,  ne  in  manus  hoslis  perveniret,  statim  rel.ctis 
omnibus  nocte  sequenti  paucis  comitibus  ad  sororium  suum  Mantuam  aufugit. 
Pontifex  interim  Roma  supplementa  res  agenti  mittebat,  una  tantum  cogitatione 
occupatus,  quonam  modo  eum  maximum  Principum  constitueret :  eapropter  in 
animum  induxit  proceres  urbi  finitimos  alia  atque  alia  de  causa  prorsus  omnes 
extino-uere  :  cepitque  a  Cajetanis,  vetusta  famiha,  qui  nonnul la  apud  Volscos 
oppidapossidebant,JacobumProtonotarium  ex  ea  gente  HonoraU  filium  carcere 
inclusum  necavit,  adolescentemque  unicum  Cols  hhum  famiha;  superslitem  absen- 
tem  trucidari  iussit,  Columnensium  deinde  Gallorum  auxilio  expulsorum  imperium 
omne  invasit.     Quod  reliquum  erat  cum  ad  Ursinos  anhelaret,  nee  satis  causae 

31 


VOL.    III. 


242  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

by  tlie  combined  forces  of  France  and  Spain,  with  the  connivance  of 
the  Pope  (150 1),-'"  but  in  1507  fell  to  iSpain  exclusively  ^^  During 
all  this  Alexander's  aim  was,  by  the  sale  of  benefices,  and  of  absolu- 
tion, by  the  exercise  of  the  right  of  spoil,  and  the  tribute  from  the 
Turks,  also  by  the  murder  of  wealthy  individuals  and  others  who 
stood  in  his  way,  to  get  together  as  much  as  possible  for  the  support 
of  his  luxurious  court,  and  for  his  children.-"^     At  last  his  career  was 


haberet,  occasionem  est  nactus,  quam  optanti  hominum  proinittere  nemo  potuisset, 
ipsa  dies  jam  obtulit  uhro.  Contigit  iicmpe,  ut  ipsiniet  Ur^ini  tantos  Cffisaiis 
successus  tantainque  iiiiperandi  cupidilali'in  adspicientes  sibi  quainque  amicis 
timerent,  ne  cunctis  jam  sublatis  ip4  quoque  delerentur.  Itaque  cum  his,  qui 
pari  fbniiidine  adfunebantur  una  conspiraiit.  Kiant  autem  hi  Joannes  Bentivolius, 
Joannes  Pauhis  HaHo  Perusinus,  Vilellocius  Tifernas,  Libeioctus  Firmanus,  Pan- 
dulf'us  Petrucius  Seneinis,  Baptista  Cardinalis  et  Paulus  Ursini.  Qui  omnes  prope 
Pcru-^iam  concilio  facto  contra  Ca;sarem  conjurant,  e  vestigioque  iiruptione  facta 
Urbinum  recipiunt  et  Camerinum,  cohortesque  Ca;sarianas  qua;  ad  succurrendum 
mittebantur  in  itinere  adorti  adfligunt,  aliaque  ^milice  oppida  tentare  continue 
festinant.  Pontifex  hoc  accepto  nuntio  magnopeie  commotus  omni  studio  placare 
sibi  Ursinos  imprimis  con;ibatur,  quod  facile  cunctos  ipsorum  sperabat  auctoritatem 
secuturos.  Itaque  omni  pollicitatione,  humanitate,  conditioneque  delinitos  in  suam 
sententiam  adduxit.  llli  conciliati  jam  capta  restituunt,  de  novoque  Senogalliam 
Cassaii  acquirunt,  ubi  Paulus  et  Giavinas  dux  Ursini,  Vitellocius  et  Liberoctus 
una  convenerunt.  Cajsar  igitur,  qui  Forocornelii  se  continebat,  opportunum  tern- 
pus  se  vindicandi  ratus,  eo  cum  exercitu  Vasconum  de  improviso  proficiscitur ,  illi 
obviam  inermes  procedentes  veniam  petunt  praeteritorum  ;  humaniter  excepti  sunt, 
ciistodisque  interim  clam  adhibifs,  ne  fugere  possent.  Itaque  jam  deducendi 
officio  functi  cum  discedere  vellent,  simulatione  simul  colloquendi  restare  jussi 
sunt.  Cum  in  conclave  venissent,  extemplo  clausa  janua,  et  a  militibus  ad  hoc 
ordinatis  capti  Vitellocius  et  Liberoctus  eodem  die  strangulati,  panels  post  diebus 
reliqui  (Dec.  1502,  Jan.  1-503).  Nee  mora,  Perusia  Tifernumque  ejectis  Vitelliis 
ac  Balionibus  Pontifici  sese  dediderunt.  Pontifex  interea  RoniEe  ubi  per  nuntium 
celerem  noctu  captos  hos  esse  accepit,  Cardinalem  Ursinum,  quern  multa  prius 
blanditia  speque  securum  reddiderat,  mane  hortatur  ad  Palatium  venire,  fingitque 
Columnenses  prope  urbem  adesse,  pontesque  cepisse.  Ille  ci-edulus  ul)i  obtempe- 
ravit,  capitur  et  in  molem  Hadriani  conjicitur  cum  Abbate  Alviano  Ursinarum 
parlium.  Praesul  vero  Florentinus  et  Jacobus  Sanctacrucius  eadem  hora  capti  in 
Palatio  sunt  custoditi.  Sanctacrucius  postera  die  dimissus  vadibus  datis,  consenti- 
ente  Cardinale,  ad  oppida  Ursinorum  Pontifici  adsignanda :  ipse  vero  Cardinalis 
paucis  post  diebus  est  elatus,  causa  mortis  oumibus  facile  judicata  ( Burchardus  ia 
£ccar(Z  II.  p.  2150  :  biberat,  ut  vulgo  asstimabatur,  calicem  ordinatum,  et  jussu 
Papse  sibi  paratum.  —  Papa  commisit  socio  nieo,  ut  haberet  curam  funeris  defuncti. 
Ego  nolui  interesse  :  nolui  enim  sapere  plusquam  oportet).  Comp.  Guicciardini, 
lib.  IV.  Ranke's  Gesch.  der  roman.  und  ijerman.  Volker.  Bd.  1,  S.  173  ff.  201 
ff.     Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien.  Th.  5..  S.  133  ff.   147  ff. 

=w  Ranke,  S.  179.     Leo,  Th.  5.  S.  141  ff. 

29  Ranke,  S.  195  ff.  207  ff.     Leo,  Th.  5.  S.  157  ff. 

^  In  1502  a  letter  was  sent  from  Germany  to  Rome,  addressed  to  Sylvius 
de  Sabellis,  who  had  been  plundered  by  the  Pope,  which  is  given  by  Bur- 
chardus in  Eccard.  11.  p.  2144  seq.  Sylvius  is  exhorted  to  make  no  more 
applications  to  the  Pope.  Hasc  tibi  in  publicis  Principum  conventibus  enar- 
randa,  hsc  committenda  pluribus  exemplis  atque  per  omnium  manus  tradenda 
sunt  et  disseminanda  :  fiustra  quei-i  Christianam  religionem  de  Mahometo  anti- 
quo  ejus  hoste,  —  cum  iste  novus  INIahometus  omni  criminum  foeditafe  ilium 
longe  superaverit :  —  venisse  tempora,  quibus  jam  Antichristus  —  appareat, 
neque  enim  nllum  omruno  unquam  nasci  aut  excogitari  potuisse,  qui  apertior 
Dei  hostis,  Christi  oppugnator,  tidei  et  religionis  subversor  invenirefur.  Jam 
beneticia  et  dignitates  ecclesiasticas  —  publica  venditione  dissipari,  et  illis  so- 
lummodo  cedere,  qui  apcrta  emptione  plm  peciiniarum  quam  caeteri  largiuntur. 
—  Omnia  jam  apud  Pontificem  esse  venalia,  dignitates,  honores,  matrimoniorura 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  133.     Alexander   VI.  243 

worthily  closed  by  poison  which  he  had  destined  for  a  cardinal,  on 
whose  fortune  he  had  designs  (18  Aug.  1503).3' 

copulas,  eorundem  solutione-i,  divortia  et  repudia  uxoruni.  —  Nihil  esse  jam  sce- 
leruin  aut  fldn;itiorum,  quoi  uoa  Roinai  puldice  el  in  l'oii',iticis  domo  coiiuiiittatur  : 
superatos  esse  Scytlias  latrociiiiis,  Poerias  pei-tidia,  iminaiiitate  et  sajvitia  Nerones 
et  Cajos  :  nam  ca,'des,  rapinas,  stupra,  et  incestus  refei-re,  innumeri  et  intiniti 
prope  operis  foret.  —  Long  urn  esset  prosequi,  —  qui  vel  interfecti,  vel  vulnerati, 
vel  vivi  in  Tiberim  dejecti,  aut  veneno  consumpti  sunt:  quoruiii  cum  sit  intinitus 
numerus,  et  in  dies  crescat  pernicies  ;  —  neiuo  in  urbe  est  etiam  private  fortuna;, 
qui  sibi  et  suis  jam  non  tinieat.  Quia  horrenda  Hbidinuni  monstra  enarrare  non 
formidet,  quaj  aperte  jam  in  iliius  domo  et  spi-eta  Dei  atque  hominum  reverentia 
committuntur ;  quot  stupra,  quot  incestus,  quot  filiorum  et  filiarum  sordes,  quot 
per  Petri  Palatium  meretricum,  quot  lenonum  greges  atque  concursus,  prostibula 
atque  lupanaria.  Feria  Novembris  soleninibus  omnium  sanctorum  cerimoniis 
dedicata  quinquaginta  meretrices  ui'banae  ad  convivium  in  Palatium  vocata;  fisdis- 
simum  et  detestabilissimum  spectaculuin  pra-buere  :  et  ut  ad  irritandum  exempla 
non  deessent,  aclitata  est  sequentibus  diebus  in  publicum  spectacukim  equa,  qua; 
spectante  cum  filiis  Ponlilice  intromissos  admissarios  nimio  Veneris  ardore  concita- 
tos  in  furorem  et  rabiem  converteret  (see  an  account  of  these  enormities  by  Bur- 
chardus,  p.  2134).  Nihil  esse  jam  auri,  quod  non  ex  omnibus  populis  Chriitianis 
ad  filiorum  luxum  summa  aviditate  conquiratur.  Propo-itum  est  in  Turcas  bellum 
publicare  :  ob  earn  speciem  per  omnes  urbis  basilicas  preces  indicia;,  et  venditae 
exteris  civitatibus  erratorum  indulgentiae  :  ut  scilicet  ex  hac  conquisitione  largos 
sumptus  suppeditarent,  ut  esset,  unde  filia  Pontificis  gemmis  atque  auro  onerata, 
pompam  et  Romans  Ecclesia;  tributa  secum  trahens,  luxu  inaiidito  ad  niaritum 
accedcret ;  unde  bellum  antiquis  civitatibus  et  veris  Dominis  inferretur.  Pulsos 
esse  sedibus  vetei-es  incolas,  maximam  urbis  nobilitatem  proscriptiono  atque  exilic 
ablegatam,  antiquos  Latii  domiuos  suis  fortunis  et  possessionibus  privates,  ut  ex 
eorum  cladibus  Ponlificis  iidem  filii  et  nepotcs,  ex  incestuoso  partu  adhuc  in  cunis 
vagientes,  ad  regna  et  opes  promoverentur. 

''  Guicciardini,  lib.  VI.  Ludov.  Titbero,  lib.  VIII.  §  1.5,  in  Schwandtner  JI. 
p.  283.  Petrus  Bembus  (cardinal,  f  1547)  hist.  Venet.  lib.  VI.  p.  218.  Comp. 
Paul  us  im  Sophronizon,  Bd.  8.  Hett.  -5.  S.  8  ff.  Of  Alexander's  character,  see 
Rapli.  Volaterranus  Anthropol.  lib.  XXII.  :  In  Alexandi-o,  ut  de  Annibale 
Livius  scribit,  Eequabant  vitia  virtutes.  Inei-ant  nanique  ingenium,  ratio,  cogita- 
tio,  memoria,  diligentia,  eloquentia  vero  qusdam  naturalis,  et  ad  persuadendum 
apta,  ut  nemo  rem  cautius  propcneret,  aut  acrius  defensitaret,  seu  quovis  cuperet 
impelleret,  sese  ununi  omnium  aniinis  adcomrnodando :  cum  jucundis  de  remissi- 
one,  c\im  severis  de  disciplina,  cum  patrihus  de  republica  loquebatur.  Suos  adver 
sarios  placabilitate  ac  patientia  devinciebat :  nam  eorum,  qui  de  numero  Patrum 
exulabant,  quosve  suspectos  habuerat,  nihil  de  pristina  dignitate  detraxit ;  Gallo- 
rum  animos  conturaacissimos  ita  sedavit,  ut  amicissimi  discederent ;  in  tanta  proce- 
rum  Romanorum  vastatione,  quod  sane  incredibile,  nullum  in  urbe  tuniultum, 
nulla  sensimus  arma  :  omnia  ipse  obire,  paruin  in  rebus  arduis  cuiquam  fidere. — 
Idem  in  otio  solutissimus,  in  metu  constantissimus  :  nunquam  negotia  seu  legatio- 
nes  audiendas  voluptate  pranertit,  res  in  multam  noclem  protrahebat,  brevissimi 
somni  cibique.  Artes  liberales,  si  non  colebat,  admirabatur,  juris  pra!sertim  scien- 
tiam  ubi  esse  contingcret.  Salaria  doctoribus,  stipendia  militibus,  mercedem 
operariis  nunquam  est  differre,  nedum  auferre,  visus,  cujus  rci  gratia  exercitum, 
quern  magnum  sa»pe  nutriebat  ductore  filio,  fidelissimum  habuit :  brevique  tem- 
pore ac  negolio  totara  fere  .^miliam,  qu£E  tributa  non  exsolverat,  ei  subegit.  In 
annonse  diiRcultate,  quae  bis  contigit,  advecta  e  Sicilia  magna  vi  frumenti  ita  dili- 
genter  urbi  providerat,  ut  plebes  nullum  fere  sentiret  incommodum.  Has  igitur 
animi  dotes  magnis  obruerat  vitiis,  quse  narrare  non  atlinet :  tantum  referam,  quse 
vulgus  adspexit.  Si  quando  rerum  fasce  non  premeretur,  omni  se  remissionis 
generi  sine  discrimine  dedidit :  quapropter  conia;dias  Plautinas,  csteraque  ludicra 
libenter  spectavit,  frequenterque  in  Hadriani  molem  ventitabat,  ut  palam  persona- 
tos  per  eoi'um  ferias,  ac  omnes  dies  festos  si  quid  elegantius  in  hominum  genere 
per  viam  pra;teriret,  propius  adspiceret.  In  nuptiis  lilia;,  quae  ad  virum  Ferrariam 
profectura  erat,  equestres  ludos  et  venationem  in  Vaticano  extra  ordinem  dedit. 
In  urbe  gladiatorum  nunquam  licentia  major,  nunquam  populo  Romano  libertaa 


244  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.   D.   1409  —  1517. 


<§*  134. 

PIUS  III.  (22  Sept.  to  18  Oct.   1503),  julius  ii.  (31   Oct.  1503  to 
21  Feb.  1513),  leg  x.  (11  March,  1513  to  1  Dec.  1521). 

Paris  de  Grassis  (from  1504  Magister  cerenioniarum,  from  1513  bishop  of  Pesaro, 
f  1528)  Diarium  curies  RomancB  from  1504-1522.  (Excerpta  therefrom  in 
Raynald  and  Roscoe ;  from  1517  in  Mabillon  Museum  Ital.  II.  p.  587;  from 
1518-1522  in  Hofmanni  nova  Scriptorum  ac  Monument,  collectio.  T.  I. 
p.  395  seq.  Desciiption  of  the  whole  in  JK^otices  et  extraits  des  Mss.  de  la 
Bibl.  du  Roi.  T.  II.  p.  546  seq.  Perfect  Mss.  also  in  Wolfenbilttel  and  Mu- 
nich, see  Sophronizon  VI.  1.  S.  3  ff.) 

The  Life  and  Pontificate  of  Leo  the  Tenth,  by  William  Roscoe.  4  vols.  Liverpool. 
1805. 

After  Ale.Kander's  death  the  newly  formed  principality  of  Caesar 
Borgia  was  at  once  dissolved ;  the  states  of  which  it  had  been  com- 
posed submitting  again  to  their  former  masters,  or  acknowledging  the 
rule  of  the  Pope.  At  the  same  time  the  Venetians  began  to  make 
incursions  into  the  Romagna.i  The  warlike  Julius  II.  resolved  to 
restore  the  ancient  papal  sway  in  full.  He  first  wrested  Perugia  and 
Bologna  from  those  who  held  them  (A.  D.  1506).  Finding  it  less 
easy  to  compel  the  powerful  republic  of  Venice  to  give  up  its  con- 
quests, he  at  length  resolved,  though  unwillingly,  to  call  in  foreign  aid, 
and  joined  himself  to  the  League  of  Cambray  concluded  between 
France  and  the  emperor,-  assisting  them  both  with  spiritual  and  tern- 
minor.  Delatorum  magna  frequentia,  brevissimo  maledicto  poena  mortis  erat. 
Grassatorum  insuper  omnia  plena  ;  nee  noctu  tutum  per  urbem  iter,  nee  interdiu 
extra  iirbern.  Roma,  gentium  refugium,  et  arx  popiilorum  omnibus  sa'culis,  nobi- 
lis  jam  carnificina  facta  erat.  Qua?  quidem  omnia  suorum  causa,  quibus  omnia 
indulserat,  permittebat.  Ipso  quoque  Ca?sar,  dum  hsec  ei  licuere,  ea  fuit  indole, 
ut  si  ab  initio  in  bono:;  incidisset  vitffi  monstratores,  perpetuam  sibi  reique  Roma- 
na°  gloiiam  peperisset :  nam  et  in  ea  adolescentia,  quantum  perspicere  potuimus, 
nee  deliberanti  consilium,  nee  ductanti  exercitum  majorum  disciplina,  neque  ser- 
monem  habenfi  facundia  defuerc  :  eaque  demum  a  natura  liberalitate,  ut  patris 
avaritiam  scepe  palam  detcstarctur  :  a  justitia  quoque,  uti  videbatur,  niinime  abhor- 
rens  ;  quin  in  Emilia  jam  adepta  summa  aequitate  populos  regebat,  ac  judicem 
gravissimum  Antonium  Montanum  juri  dicundo  prffiposuit,  tanta  subditorum  pro- 
batione,  ut  illi  vel  defuncto  Alexandro,  quod  minime  putabatur,  in  officio  persiste- 
rent.  Verum  ut  sterile  solum  et  intemperies  coeli  bona  frugum  semina  praecipi- 
tant,  sic  et  hunc  prava  institutio,  ac  proximorum  libido  a  recta  virtutis  semita 
delorserunt,  ex  quo  seque  ac  omnem  Italiam  variis  calaniitatibus  involvit. 

'  Ranke's  Gesch.  der  romanischen  u.  gei-m.  Volker  from  1494-1535.  Bd.  1. 
S.  216,  221  ff.     Leo's  Gesch.  d.  ital.  Staaten.  Th.  5.  S.  168  ff. 

2  Ranke  Bd.  1.  S.  273  ff. ;  302  f.  The  Pope,  the  emperor,  and  the  kings  of 
France  and  Arragon,  allied  themselves  here  against  the  Venetians  (Raynald,  1509, 
no.  4.)  pro  recuperatione  sen  reintegratione  omnium  deperditorum.  —  Nee  prius  a 
prasdicta  invasione,  sen  guerra,  aut  armis  per  aliquem  eorum  desistetur,  quam 
omnino  et  integre  Apostolica  sedes  recuperaverit  Ravennam,  Cerviam,  Favenliam,  et 
Ariminum,  —  ac  omnia  alia,  quw  de  statu  et  juribtis  Ecclesias  Romance  dicti  Veneti 
occupant  et  detinent;  et —  Imperator  recuperaverit  Roveretum,  Veronam,  Paduam, 
Vicentiam,  Tarvisium,  Forumjulium,  —  necnon  Patriarchatum  Aquilegiensem, — 
omniaque  alia  Iocs  et  dominia  per  ipsos  Venetos  in  hoc  ultimo  hello  capta  et  occn- 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     ^  134.     Pius  III.  245 

poral  arms  in  the  war  against  Venice.^  To  divide  where  they  could 
not  hope  to  conquer,  or  even  resist,  the  Venetians  made  the  desired 
concessions  to  the  Pope.  Julius,  already  concerned  at  the  progress 
of  the  French  arms  in  Italy,  readily  listened  to  their  overtures  (Feb. 
20,  1510),"*  and  immediately  commenced  hostilities  against  the 
French  and  their  ally,  the  Duke  of  Ferrara.  On  the  3d  of  July, 
1510,  he  deprived  the  king  of  France  of  Naples,  bestowing  it  on 
Ferdinand,  the  Catholic,^  whilst  against  the  duke  of  Ferrara  he  issued 
a  sentence  of  condemnation  on  the  9th  of  August.^  It  was  in  vain  that 
Louis  XI.  attempted  to  intimidate  him  by  a  national  council  at  Tours, 
Sept.  1510,^  and  Germany  by  weighty  gravamina,  as  well  as  the  threat 

pata  ex  terris  et  dominiif?  domus  Austriae ;  et  pari  modo  ipse  Christianissimus  Fran- 
corum  Rex  reciiperaverit  totaliter  Brixiam,  Bergomutn,  —  et  generaliter  omnia  ea, 
qua;  fuerunt  antiquitns  de  ducatu  et  dominio  Mediolani ;  —  et  similiter  ipse  serenis- 
simus  Rex  Aragonum  reciiperaverit  ea  omnia,  qua;  ipsi  Veneti  de  regno  Neapoli- 
tano  —  quovis  niodo  abstulerunt,  —  videlicet  Tranuin,  Brundusium,  Otrantuiii  et 
Gallipolii}!.  An  account  of  the  attempt  made  by  Julius,  notwithstanding  the  treaty 
to  eflect  a  reconciliation  with  Venice,  see  in  Petrus  Bembus  (of  Venice,  Cardinal, 
•f  1547)  hist.  Veneta;  lib.  VII.  in  the  Istorici  delle  cose  Veneziane,i  quali  hanno 
scritto  per  publico  Decreto.  T.  II.  p.  260  :  Confecto  foedere  Julius  tametsi  cupidi- 
tate  ferebatur  Ariinino  Faventiaque  potiundi,  quia  tamen  et  Gallorum  Rcgem 
magna;  per  se  potentia;  multo  majorem  suo  perniissu  fieri  nolebat,  et  cum  illam 
nationem,  turn  Germanise  populos  in  possessionem  Italia;  venire,  optimseque  ejus 
partis  atque  populosissima;  dominos  fieri,  sibi  reliquisque  Italis  detrimentosum  exis- 
timabat  futurum,  ut  ab  illis  Venetos  opprimi  sineret,  adduci  prope  non  poterat. 

■*  Bembus  hist.  Venet.  lib.  VII.  p.  273:  Julius  —  prsetcr  quod  exercitum  in 
fines  reipublicK  introduxisset,  ad  illud  etiam  pertinaciter  desceudit,  ut  Lauredano 
Principi,  Senatuique  omni  Veneto,  et  civibus  singulis  aqua  et  igni  interdiceret, 
ejusque  rei  literas  omnibus  hominibus  vulgandas  proponeret  maledictorum  et  exe- 
crationum  plenas,  nisi  die  pra;stituta  non  Faventiam  modo  atque  Ai-iminum,  sad 
Ravennam  quoque  Cerviamque  sibi  tradiderint :  qua?  quidem  oppida  centum  ferme 
annos  in  reipublicte  imperio  fuerant,  neque  ullus  ea  Pontifex  Maximus  in  dubium 
revocaverat,  quin  jure  a  republica  possiderentur.  (The  bull  dated  27  Apr.  1509, 
in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  6,  threatens,  after  24  days'  interval,  not  only  the  Analliema 
and  Interdict,  but  further  (which  Raynald  omits,  but  which  we  find  in  Guicciar- 
dini,  lib.  VIII.  p.  737  seq.),  that  the  possessions  of  the  Venetians  in  all  countries 
shall  be  seized,  and  they  themselves  sold  for  slaves.)  Qua  intellecta  re  ne  plebs 
ejusmodi  Uteris,  plus  quam  tempoia  et  reipublics  difficultates  postularent,  permo- 
veretur,  Senatus  cavit,  ne  reciperentur,  neve,  qui  afTei-rent,  admitterentur :  appel- 
lavit  etiam  de  eo  futurum  Concilium,  missis  Romam  affixisque  in  templorum  foribus 
publico  expostulationis  Uteris,  missis  etiam  in  Pannoniam  ad  Thomam  Cardinalem 
Strigoniensem  :  nam  ei  propter  Patriarchatum  Constantinopolitanum,  cui  pra;erat, 
una  cum  tribus  Episcopis  Concilium  cogendi  jus  potestasque  antiquitus  erat  at- 
tributa. 

4  Bembus,  lib.  VIII.  p.  285,  291,  294;  lib.  IX.  p.  350;  lib.  X.  p.  358.  Ranke 
Bd.  1.  S.  322  ff.     Leo  Th.  5.  S.  217  ff. 

*  The  document  in  Raynald,  1510,  no.  25. 

«  See  Raynald,  1510,  no.  15. 

'  Of  which  see  the  account  of  the  imperial  ambassador  sent  to  Margaret  of 
Austria,  in  the  Lettres  du  Roy  Louis  XII.  et  du  Cardinal  George  d'Jlinhoise  (k 
Brusselle,  1712.  4  T.  12mo.)  T.  2.  p.  29.  The  chancellor  was  ordered  to  open  the 
council  (p.  32),  narranttous  les  biens  et  grans  plaisirs,  que  ledit  Seigneur  Roy  avoit 
fait  au  Pape  avant  et  aprcs  sa  Papalite  et  mesmement  pour  le  faire  eslire  Pape, 
narrant  aussi  I'ingratitude  et  la  mecongnoissance  dudit  Pape  envers  ledit  Seigneur 
Roy,  et  comme  sans  cause  ny  raison  il  avoit  rompue  I'alliance  faicte  a  Cambray 
entre  si  nobles  Princes  de  Chrestiente,  aussy  I'emotion  qu'il  avoit  fait  des  Suisses, 
et  ce  qu'il  avoit  voulu  faire  contra  Gennes,  et  la  ligue  qu'il  avoit  faite  avec  les 


246  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.   D.   1409  —  1517. 

of  a  Pragmatic  Sanction  1510:  ^  even  a  general  council  summoned 


Venitiens,  et  semblablement  ce  qu'il  faisoit  contre  le  Due  de  Ferrare  son  a  lie: 
et  leur  a  fait  donner  aucuns  articles  per  escript,  sur  lesquels  il  demandoit  leur 
advis  et  conseil.  Of  these  articles,  or  questions,  and  the  answers  of  tlie  council, 
there  are  three  texts,  the  first  in  the  collections  of  the  Acts  of  Councils  (e.  g. 
Harduin  IX.  p.  1555),  the  second  in  the  French  translation  in  JV"(C.  Gilles 
Croniques  et  Annales  de  France  (Paris,  1566.  fol.)  vol.  II.  fol.  133  b.,  the  third  in 
J.  E.  K  appens  Nachlese  einiger  zur  Erlauterung  der  Reforiiiationsgesch.  nOss- 
licheu  Urkunden.  Th.  4.  S.  490,  ail  three  given  by  Kapp  S.  470  ff.  The  council 
decides  that  the  king  has  a  right  in  self-defence  against  the  Pope  as  his  known 
enemy,  to  invade  the  territoi-y  of  tiie  church,  and  deny  the  authority  of  such  a 
pontirt";  to  the  question,  what  shall  be  his  course  afterwards,  the  first  text  has  : 
servaiuluni  esse  jus  commune  antiquum  et  pragmaticam  sanctionem  regni,  ex 
decretis  sacrosancti  Conciiii  Basileensis  desumptam  ;  in  the  third  :  appellare  in 
omnibus  ad  futurum  Concilium.  Finally  to  the  question:  si  Pontifex  injuste, 
ordine  juris  non  servato,  procedens  de  facto,  et  manii  armata,  pronunciet  —  aliquas 
censuras  contra  Principes  sibi  resistentes,  —  an  ei  parendum  sit,  et  quod  remedium 
adhibendum  .'  the  tii-st  text  replies:  conclusum  est  unanimiter  per  Concilium, 
talem  sententiam  nullam  esse,  nee  de  jure,  vel  alio  quocumque  modo  ligare  ;  the 
third  :  non  esse  parendum,  sed  appellandum  ad  futurum  Concilium.  At  the  close 
follow  in  the  third  text  certain  Conclusiones  (see  Kapp,  S.  493),  the  contents  of 
which  are  given  also  in  the  account  of  the  imperial  ambassador  (Lettres  du  Roy 
Louis  XII.  T.  II.  p.  47).  They  contain  first  complaints  of  the  opi)ressiones  et 
indebitas  exactiones  contra  stilum  in  Komana  Curia  Ecclesia^  Gallicana?  impositas, 
quibus  nulla  provisio  adhibetur  per  S.  D.  N.  nee  per  ejus  officiales,  et  quod  deterius 
est,  nulii  licet  libere  de  hujusmodi  gravaminibus  quarelam  facere  in  dicta  Curia 
Romana ;  —  et  quasi  in  cunctis  ita  oppressa  est  dicta  Ecclesia  Gallicana,  ut  nun- 
quam  antea.  Then  the  enmity  of  the  Pope  to  the  king  is  shown,  and  the  conclu- 
sion drawn,  Oratores  instituendos  ad  ipsum  S.  D.  N.  Julium  secundum  —  et 
Reverendissimos  Cardinales,  qui  qua  decet  reverentia  supplicent,  —  ut  Sanctitas 
sua  velit  congregare  Concilium  Ecciesiae  in  loco  tuto  et  convenienti  ad  determina- 
tionem  ullimorum  Conciliorum  generalium,  quatenus  fieri  poterit ;  idemque  pro- 
curet  Christianissimus  Rex  apud  Imperatorem  et  alios  Principes  Christianos,  ut 
sibi  adsint  et  opem  ac  auxilium  ferant  pro  eodem  Concilio  generali  congregando  ad 
reformationem  Ecciesiae  universalis  in  capite  et  in  membris  :  et  supplicare  etiam 
eidem  S.  D.  N.,  —  ut  interim  —  duranlibus  dissensionibus,  quis  nunc  sunt  inter 
S.  D.  N.  et  eundem  Regem  suosque  subditos,  det  Poenitentiarum  in  regno  Fi-an- 
ciae  —  cum  potestate  dispensandi  et  providendi  in  omnibus  casibus,  votis,  absolutio- 
nibus  ab  excommunicationibus,  irregularitatibus,  et  aliis  censuris  intervenientibus, 
et  dispensationibus  in  gradibus  consanguinitatis  et  alfinitatis,  et  universaliter  cum 
plenaria  potestate  providendi  in  omnil)us  casibus  concernentibus  forum  poenitentias 
et  salutem  animarum:  in  casu  quo  S.  D.N.  recusaret  Concilium  generale  vel 
nimis  differret, — vol  recusaret  Poenitentiarium  deputare,  cum  piotestatione  ex- 
pressa  nominibus  Christianissinii  Regis  et  Ecclesia;  Gallicanae  contra  prfefatum 
D.  N.  Papam  et  sues  Cardinales  ad  omnia  juris  remedia. 

*  See  the  Acta  in  Orthuini  Gratii  fascic.  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum 
fol.  167  seq. ;  and  thence  in  Flacii  catal.  test,  verit.  no.  186  (ed.  Francf.  1666.  p. 
467  seq.).  Georgii  imperatorum  totiusque  nationis  germ,  gravamina  adv.  sedem 
Romanam.  Francof.  et  Lips.  1725.  4to.  p.  279  seq.  Munch's  Concordate  Th.  1. 
S.  96  ff.,  and  in  various  other  collections.  From  their  agreement  with  Jac.  Wim- 
phelingii  Replica  contra  JEnea  Sylvii  tract,  de  Germania  (see  §  132,  note 
19)  Tentsel  (hist.  Bericht  vom  Anfang  u.  ersten  Foitgang  der  Reform. 
Lutheri  S.  64  Anm.)  justly  concludes  that  they  were  drawn  up  by  Wimpbeling. 
The  Gravamina  perhaps  were  written  in  the  name  of  the  States-general,  but  hardly 
the  following  Acta  :  in  the  Avisamentis  it  is  the  most  distinctly  seen  that  they  must 
have  been  the  work  of  an  individual,  and  by  him  presented  to  the  emperor.  Tirst 
come  X.  Gravamina  nationis  Germanica> :  I.  Quod  ad  servandas  bullas,  pacta, 
privilegia  et  literas,  ab  antecessoribus  absque  omni  derogatione  concessas,  succes- 
sores  Pontifices  teneri  se  non  arbitrantur :  imo  per  crebras  dispensationes,  suspen- 
siones,  revocationes  ad  cujuscunque  (etiam  vilis)  persons  instantiam  contraveniunt. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  134.     Julius  II.  247 

by    both   princes   at    Pisa,    A.    D.    1511,    had    no    power    to    move 

II.  Quod  electiones    Praelatorum  quandoque  rejiciuntiir.     III.  Quod  electionibus 
Pra>po.siturarum,  quas  quarundam  Ecclesiaruin  Capitula  multo  a^re  impetrarunt, 
contravenitur.  —  IV'.  Quod  beneticia  et  dignitates  majores  Cardinalibus  et  Protono- 
tariis  reservantur.     V.  Quod  expectativffi   gratia;  ab:<que  nunieio  couceduntur,  et 
niultae  interdum  ad  ununi  collatorem.     Unde  surgunt  quolidiana;  lites,  et  pecuniae 
dilapidantur.  —  VI.  Quod  aunata;  absque  dilalione  et  sine  misericordia,  etiam  Epis- 
copis   intra   paueos    annos    niortuis,  exiguntur.     Interdum  plus,    quam    debeatur, 
extorquetur  propter  nova  otficia  et  novos  f'aniiliarcs.  —  VII.  Ecclesiarum  regimina 
minus  dignis  (Komae  videlicet)  conimittuntur,  qui  ad  nuilos  magis,  quam  homines 
pascendos  et  regendos  essent  idonei.      VIII.   Indulgentia;   nova;  cum   revocatione 
aut  suspensione   veterum,    laicis    contra   Clerum    murujurantibus,  ad   corradendas 
pecunias   conceduntur.     IX.  Decimae   sub  prastextu    expugnandorum    Turcarum 
exiguntur,  nulla  expeditione  subsecuta.     X.  Causa;,  qua;  in    Germania,  in    qua 
etiam  docti  etjusti  judices  sunt,  terminari  poterant,  ad  tribunalia  Romana  indistincte 
trahuntur.     Then  follows  Remedium  conti-a  gravamina  nationis  Germ.,  representa- 
tions to  be   made  to  the  Pope,  drawn  partly  from  the  greatness  of  the  evil  and 
its  injustice,  and  partly  fiom  the  situation  of  the  country.     For  instance,  it  is  to  be 
represented  to  him  that  the  diocese  of  Mayence  paid  formerly  only  10,000  florins, 
and  that  this    had  by  him  been  increased  to  20,000,  and  then  even  25,000,  27,000, 
and  24,000  had  been  wi-ung  from  them.     Non  sine  causa  Jacobus  Archiepiscopus 
Moguntinus  jam  fere  moriens  dixit,  se  de  morte  sua  non  adeo  dolere,  quam  ob  id, 
quod  subditi  sui  pauperes  iterum  pro  pallio  gravem  cxaclionem  dare  cogerentur. 
Mitius  ergo  suuuims  Pontifex,  velut  plus  pater,  iiliorum  suorum  amator,  et  fidelis 
ac  prudens  pastor,  cum  tiliis  suis  Geimanicoe  nationis  agat,  ne  propediem  vel  in 
universos  C'hristi  sacerdotes  persecutio  suboriatur,  vel  instar  Bnhemorum  ple- 
rique  ab  Ecclesia  deficiant  Romana.     Jn  the  Remedium  pro  civitatibus  Imperii 
et  animarum  salute  follow  their  representations  against  a  plurality  of  beneiices  in 
one  individual,  and  a  petition  that  the  lower  places  might  be  more  worthily  filled. 
These  are  succeeded  by  Avisamenta  ad  Ccssaream  Majestatem  :  in  which  a  Piag- 
matic  Sanction,  similar  to  that  of  Fiance,  which  indeed  had  formerly  been  proposed, 
though  in  vain  (see  §  132,  note  19)  is  suggested.  Sicut  regnum  Franciae  piagmaticani 
habet  sanctionem,  cui  in  conferendis  beneficiis  innititur,  sic  Imperium  Romanum 
habet  concordata  Principum,utque  eailla;sa  conscrventur,  intei-est  Caesarea;  Majesta- 
tis.  —  Posset  etiam  Ca;sarea  Majestas  per  literas  aut  oratores  facile  in  regno  Francise 
experiri,  quomodo  illic  beneticia  conferantur,  et  quam  auctoritatem  in  conferendis 
beneficiis  habeat  sumiuus  Pontifex.     Secundum    hoc  posset  moderamen   fieri  in 
Imperio  Romano,  et  frenum  inexplebili  avaritise  Curlisanorum  adhiberi.     Si  prae- 
clara;  universiiates,  praecipue  facultas  theologica  Parisiensis  approbaverit  rnodum 
ilkuii,  qui  de  disponendis  et  conferendis  beneficiis  in  Fiaucia  servatur  :  nemo  dubi- 
tet,  Cffsaream  Majestatem  et  Principes  Germanos,  si  se  islo  modo  conformaverint, 
apud  Deum  tutos  fore  et  excusatos.     Pra-sumendum  enim  est,  quod  tanti  Pra-lati, 
tanti  doctores,  tarn  probati  viri,  qui  in  regno  Frar.cis  ac  in  Studio  Parisiensi  vivunt, 
nihil  approbent,  quod  contra  Deum  aut  justitiam  committeretur.     Piovideat  tamen 
Caesarea  Majestas,  ne  Archiepiscopi  Electores  in  hoc  sancto  institute  a  se  dissenti- 
ant  —  propter  censuras  Apostolicas  quas  timebunt :  et  populus  intei'dictum  diu  non 
sustinebit.      Provideat  etiam    Ca-sarea   Majestas,   ne    fratres   mendicantes    contra 
ipsam  pranlicent,  qui  sedi  Apostolicse  libenter  deferunt,  timentes  perdere  privileoia 
sua.  —  Timeat  Caesarea  Majestas,  ne  Papa  mandet  Electoribus,  ut  ad  electionem 
novi  Regis  Rom.  procedant,  sicut  contra  Fridericum  secundum   Lantgravius  Thu- 
ringiae  et  Guilelmus  Hollandia;  comes  jubente  Papa  fuerunt  electi.     Timeat  Cks. 
Majestas  omnes  Pra;latos  Ecclesiarum,  praecipue  Praepositos  (who  wei-e  appointed 
by  the  Pope,  see  §  132,  note  4),  qui  ex  juramento  tenentui-  avisare  Papam,  etc. 
The  Conclusio  et  pia  exhortatio  ad   Ccbs.   Majestatem  closes  the  whole.     Its 
effects  are  seen  in  the  impeiial  edict  annexed,  dd.   ffiniponte   1510,  against  a  plu- 
rality of  benefices,  and  the  obtaining  them   by   Simony,   which  is  forbidden  sub 
pcena  criminis  lassae  Majestatis  et  gravissimae  nostra   oftensa?.     The  emperor  then 
commissioned  Jacob   Wimpheling,   according  to  the   counsel   given  in  the  Avisa- 
mentis,  to  arrange  the  Sanctio  Pragmatica  of  the  French  for  Germany.     Maximi- 
lian's letter  to  Wimpheling,  with   his   answer,  and   a   sketch  of  the   Sanction  so 
altered,  see  in  Flacii  Catal.  ed.  Francof.  1666.  p.  474.     Georgii,  p.  315  seq. 


248  Tkird  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

him.9  On  the  contrary,  he  summoned  an  oecumenical  council  at  the  Lat- 
reanonthe  18th  of  July,  1511,  to  April,  1512  (Cone.  Lateranense  V.),!^ 

*  Immediately  after  the   Council  in  Tours,  Matthew  Lang,  hishop  of  Gurk, 
appeared  in  France  as  ambassador  of  the  emperor  to  renew  the  league  of  Cambray 
(Lettres  du    Roy  Louis   XII.  T.   II.   p.   67  seq.),   and   then  repaired  to  Italy  to 
arrange  affairs  with  the  Pope.     But  the  Pope  not  being  able  to  corrupt  the  bishop 
(1.  c.  p.  107),  nor  the  bishop  to  overcome  the  obstinacy  of  the   Pope  (p.   168,  pour 
mettre  le  Pa])e  hors  de  la  o()stinee  et  dyabolique   pertinaxitc  ou  il   est),  (see  the 
letter  of  the  bishop  of  Gurk  to  the  bishop  of  Paiis,  p.  160  seq.),  this   last  returned 
at  the  end  of  April,  1511,  without  having  effected   his  purpose   (p.  205).     Paris 
de  Grassis  in  Baynald,  1511,  no.  57.     Comp.  Leo's  Gesch  v.  Italien.  Th.  5. 
S.  229  tr.     In  the  mean  time  many  French  prelates  assembled  at  Lyons  in  April, 
to  arrange  preliminaries  for  a  council  (Lettres  II.  p.  145)  :  at  the  same  time  nego- 
tiations were  begun  in  Milan  with  three  cardinals,  who  had  deserted  Julius,  and 
in  their  name  and  that  of  six  other  cardinals,  lettei's   were  issued  on   tlie   16th  of 
May,  1511,  for  a  general  council  at  Pisa  on  the  1st  of  September,  according  to  the 
Convocatio  Concilii  in  Richerii  hist.   Concill.   lib.  IV.  P.  I.  cap.  3,  considerantes 
quantum  reipublicw  Christiana;  utihtatem   Concilia  generalia  universalis  Ecclesiae 
attulerint,  quantumque  detriiiienli  ex  eorum  interinissione  Christiana  respublica  sit 
passa  ;  cumque  impraesentiai-uin    conspiciant  clare,  niagnam  instare  necessitatem 
universalis  Concilii  congregandi  pro  vera  pace  Christianorum  fundanda,  et  suffici- 
enti  bello  contra  inlideles  stabiliendo  :  necnon   potissime   pro  reformatione   morum 
universalis  Ecclesia;  in  capite  et  in   membris  plurimum  collapsorum,   ac  emenda- 
tione  criminum  gravissiinorum  notoriorum,  continuorum    ac    incorrigibilium   uni- 
versalem  Ecclesiani  scandalizantium  ;  —  quumque  tempus  decennii  post  ultimum 
universale  Concilium  jamdudiini  sit  effluxum,  et  saluberrima  decretali   Constanti- 
ensi  constitutione  edita,  quic  incipit  Frequens,  singulis  deceruiiis  univei-sale  Conci- 
lium congregari  debeat,  et  S.  D.  N.  Doniinus  Julius  P.   II.,  cui  primo  curae  esse 
deberet  illud  convocandi,  tanto  tempore  hoc  neglexerit,  maxime  cum  voverit  et 
juraverit  post  biennium  a  creatione  sua  illud  tenere,  et  nedum  negligens  in  pras- 
cepto  Ecclesife  et  Concilii,  scd   et  voti  et  juramenli  hujusmodi  transgressor,  illud 
non  tenuerit,  tempusque  interpellet  pro  homine,  cumque  numquam  sua  auctoi-itate 
aut  voluntate   futuriun   Concilium  credatur  celebrandum  :    ct   cum    de    gravibus 
Ecclesias   scandalis  in   capite   agendum   sit,  quo  casu  —  ad  summum   Pontifieem 
congregatio  Concilii  non  attinet,  sed  sccundo  loco  ad  Revv.  DD.   Cardinales.     The 
Pope  is  then  called  upon,  abstinere  a  cieatione  novorum  Cardinalium,  et  a  publi- 
catione  creatorum,  —  et  processu  contra  antiques  Cardinales,  aliosque   Praslatos  et 
personas  ad  Concilium  ipsum  accedere  volentes,  —  necnon  ab  impediendo  hujus- 
modi   convocationem   Concilii    directe   vel  indirecte,  publice    vel    occulte    quovis 
quassito  colore,  et  ab  alienatione  feudorum  seu  terrarum  S.  R.  E.    In  quibus  omni- 
bus causis  cum   omni   humilitate   prolestamur  de   nullitate   actus,   etc.     See  two 
letters  of  the  cardinals  to  Charles,  prince  of  Spain  and  archduke   of  Austria,  and 
to  Margaret,   archduchess  of  Austria,  in  the  Lettres  du   Roy  Louis  XII.  T.  II. 
p.   2.35  seq. 

'°  See  the  bull  announcing  it  in  Baynald,  1511,  no.  9  seq.  In  this  Julius  answers 
the  allegations  brought  against  him  by  the  cardinals  who  had  deserted  his  cause, 
declares  the  convocationem  schismatica}  conventiculae,  synagogae  Satanae  et  Ecclesiae 
malignantium,  per  Dathan  et  Abiron,  auctores  schismatum  eorumque  null ;  forbids 
it  under  penalty  of  every  kind  of  ecclesiastical  punishment,  not  excepting  infamy  ; 
and  passes  a  decree  of  interdict  on  the  place  where  such  council  should  assemble. 
Et  nihilominus  bonam  intentionem  nostram  exequi  volentes,  ut  antiquae  hsereses, 
quae  in  diversis  Christianorum  partibus  nondum  extinctae  sunt,  et  pessimum  novi- 
ter  pullulans  schisma  extinguantur,  reformationique  morum  tam  ecclesiasticorum, 
quam  swcularium  personarum,  qua;  de  jure  vel  consuetudine  reformationi  vel 
determinalioni  Concilii  subjiciuntur,  bellorumque  imminentium  seditioni  consula- 
tur,  unicuique  quod  suum  est  reddatur,  —  Christique  fideles  —  congregati  ad  faci- 
endum expeditionem  contra  infideles,  jam  regnum  Sicilias  infestantes,  meliora  ac 
nobiliora  loca  Christianorum  occupantes,  praesertim  Jerusalem  matrem  nostram 
antiquam,  et  ex  antiqua  Christianorum  negligentia  deperditam,  facilius  et  promtius 
intendant :  in  nomine  sancta;  et  individuae  Trinitafis,  P.  et  F.  et  S.  S.  —  oecume- 
nicum,  universale  ac  generale  Concilium  in  alma  urbe   nostra,   communi  omnium 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  134.     Julius  II.  249 

and  joined  himself  in  close  alliance  to  France  and  Spain  (Octo- 
ber, 151 1).^^  The  Synod  of  Pisa  was  destitute  of  authority,  being 
attended  only  by  French  prelates,  and  their  measures  against  the 
Pope  a  mere  show  of  imitating  the  Fathers  of  B<asil.'-  After  the 
French  had  been  driven  from  Italy  by  the  help  of  the  Swiss,  and 
the  emperor  had  declared  for  the  Pope  and  the  Council  of  the 
Lateran,'-'  the  Synod  of  Pisa  soon  disappeared,  whilst  the  Council  of 
the   Lateran   continued   to   thunder  excommunication  against  it,  as 

patria,  loco  aptissiino  et  tiitissimo,  apud  Lateranuin,  ubi  plurima  Concilia  per  anti- 
ques patres  nostros  liabita  fuerunt,  et  Altissimiis  Petri  scdcm  collocari  voluit, — 
iuchoanduni  A.  D.  MDXII.  die  luna;  XIX.  mensis  Aprilis  —  denuntiamus,  con- 
vocamus,  etc. 

"  The  articles  of  the  league  iu  the  Lettres  du  Roy  Louis  XII.  T.  III.  p.  65 
seq. 

''■^  Their  Acta  in  Richerii  hist.  Concill.  g;ener.  lib.  IV.  P.  I.  cap.  3.  In  the 
Sessio  I.  on  the  5th  of  November,  1511,  all  the  papal  decrees  against  the  council 
are  declared  of  no  effect.  Sess.  III.  on  the  12th  of  November,  the  decrees  of 
the  Council  of  Constance  concerning  general  councils  (see  §  130,  note  8),  are 
renewed,  and  it  was  then  resolved  absque  ulla  sui  dissolutione  to  remove  to 
Milan.  An  attempt  was  made  to  concert  a  council  with  the  Pope  :  but  their 
ambassadors  not  even  being  admitted  to  audience,  a  sentence  of  suspension  was 
passed  on  him,  Sess.  VIII.  on  the  21st  of  April,  1512,  accompanied  by  the 
declaration,  ipsam  papalem  administrationem,  propter  gubernationis  defectum,  ne 
Ecclesia  discrimen  aliquod  patiatur,  ad  ipsam  sacrosanctam  Synodum  fuisse,  esse 
et  fore  ipso  jure  devolutam.  This,  however,  was  the  last  session  :  soon  after  this, 
the  fathers  who  composed  the  council  were,  most  of  them,  scattered,  for  fear 
of  the  Swiss :  an  insignificant  remnant  removed  to  Asti,  and  soon  after  to  Lj'ons. 
In  Pisa  as  well  as  in  Milan,  the  council  was  considered  wrong,  and  the  inter- 
dict was  observed,  Guicciardini,  lib.  X.  The  council  was  defended  by  Philippus 
Decius,  Canonist  in  Pisa,  then  in  Pavia,  Consilium  pro  Ecclesia;  auctoritate  supra 
Papam  and  Apologia  sacri  Pisani  Concilii  moderni  (both  in  Richer,  lib.  IV.  P.  I. 
c.  2),  and  Zacharias  Ferrerius  Vicentinus  Abb.  Subastensis  (see  Raynald,  1513, 
no.  51)  :  against  it  Thomas  de  Vio  Cajetanus  de  potestate  Paps  supra  Concilium, 
Franciscus  Poggius  and  Angelus  Anachoreta  Vallumbrosanus  (see  Raynald,  1511, 
no.  31,  and  Mansi  ad  h.  1.).  To  the  time  of  this  council  belongs  the  gold  medal 
of  Lewis,  with  the  inscription :  Perdr>m  Babilonis  nomen  (see  Le  Blanc  ti-aite 
hist,  des  monnoyes  de  France  ad  p.  263,  N.  3,  Tab.  46),  which  Harduin  (Supple- 
ment du  Journ.  des  S9avans  Janv.  1707.  p.  194)  attempts  to  refer  to  Cairo:  see 
Ch.  S.  Liebe  Roma  Babylon  ex  numis.  Lips.  1714.  4to.  Deyling  observatt. 
sacr.  P.  III.  p.  498  seq. 

1^  During  Julius'  last  sickness,  1511,  the  emperor  seems  to  have  conceived  the 
idea  of  becoming  his  successor,  cf.  ejus  epist.  ad  Baronem  Paulum  a  Lichtenstein 
dd.  16  Sept.  1511  (in  the  Lettres  du  Roy  Louis  XII.  T.  III.  p.  324  seq.):  nihil 
nobis  honorabilius,  nihil  gloriosius,  nihil  melius  obtingere  posse,  quam  si  prsefa- 
tum  Pontificatum,  ad  nos  proprie  pertinentem,  Imperio  nostro  recuperaremus. 
He  commissioned  the  bishop  of  Gurk  to  negotiate  with  the  Pope  to  appoint  him 
his  coadjutor,  and  furnished  him  with  money  to  bribe  the  cardinals;  also  to  his 
daughter  Margaret,  queen  of  the  Netherlands,  he  writes  dd.  18  Sept.  (probably 
1511)  (Lettres  T.  IV.  p.  1  seq.),  de  avoir  le  Papat  et  devenir  Prester  et  apres  estre 
Saint,  et  que  yl  vous  sera  de  necessite,  que  aprcs  ma  niort  vous  seres  contraint 
de  me  adorer,  dont  je  me  trouverc  bien  gloryoes.  See  E.  S.  Cyprianus  de 
Maximiliano  I.  Imper.  Pontificatum  maximum  affectante  in  his  Dissertationes 
varii  argumenti.  Coburg.  1755.  Through  the  agency  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic, 
he  was  drawn  over  to  the  League,  April,  1512  (Ranke  Gesch.  der  roman.  u 
german.  Bolker.  Bd.  1,  S.  371  f.)  :  at  the  third  Session  of  the  Councilof  the  Lateran, 
December  3,  1512,  Matthew  Lang,  bishop  of  Gurk,  appeared  in  the  name  of  the 
emperor  formally  to  join  the  council  (Paris  de  Grassis  in  Raynald,  1512,  no.  92 
the  document  in  Labbei  et  Cossartii  Concil.  T.  XIV.  p.  80  seq.). 

VOL.    HI.  32 


250  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

well  as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction,  and  France. i^  On  the  succession  of 
Leo  X.,  the  relations  with  France  became  at  once  more  pacific,  and 
Louis  XII.  even  sent  deputies  to  the  Council  of  the  Lateran  ;  ^^  still 
the  difficulties  were  not  all  settled,  when  the  young  king  Francis  I. 
advanced  into  Italy  (1515).!'^  Leo,  however,  had  the  address  to 
convert  the  threatened  defeat  into  a  victory  by  making  peace  at 
once  with  Francis,!^  and  in  a  personal  interview  at  Bologna  (Dec. 
1515)  prevailing  upon  him,  by  the  assistance  of  the  chancellor  of 
France,  du  Prat,  to  abolish  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  ;  in  place  of 
which  a  concordat  was  agreed  upon  between  them,  placing  the  eccle- 
siastical affairs  of  France  mostly  on  the  old  footing. ^^     The  Council 

**  The  council  was  opened  on  the  10th  of  May,  1512.  Sess.  II.  on  the  17th 
of  September,  the  Council  of  Pisa  was  condemned,  Couciliabuli  Pisani  (Labbeus  et 
Cossart  XIV.  p.  63).  Sess.  III.  December  .3,  (1.  c.  p.  82  seq.)  a  papal  ordinance 
of  August  13  was  renewed,  in  which  regnum  Francis,  et  prassertim  Lugdunum, 
ducatu  Bi-itannis  excepto,  —  ecclesiastico  subjecimus  interdicto,  nundinasque 
Lugduni  lieri  solitas  in  Lugduno  extunc  de  cetero  fiei'i  inhibuiinus,  dictasque 
nundinas  in  civitate  Gebennensi  (Geneva)  faciendas  transtulimus.  Sess.  IV.  De- 
cember 10  (1.  c.  p.  97  seq.)  the  attack  upon  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  began, 
First  the  letter  of  Louis  XI.  was  read,  iu  which  he  promises  to  annul  it  (see 
§  132,  note  3.5),  then  a  Monitoriuin  contra  Pragmaticara  et  ejus  assertores : 
Dudum  displicenter  per  nos  pluries  accepto,  per  multa  temporum  spatia  per 
nonnullos  Pra5latos  Gallicae  nationis,  et  nobiles  laicos,  —  praesertim  cujusdam  sanc- 
tionis  pr^textu,  qiiam  ipsi  pragmaticam  vocant,  Apostolica;  sedi,  sanctaque  Ro- 
niana;  universalis  Ecclesia;  capiti,  libertati  et  aucioritati  enormiter  detractum, 
canonibusque  prajfatis  deiogatum  fuisse  ;  rem  adeo  perniciosam,  in  Dei  offensam, 
et  Ecclesiaj  pra;fata?  vilipendium  et  evidens  detrimentum,  amplius  ferre  neque- 
untes,  cum  sanctio  ipsa  ah  omni  ad  id  potestate  carentibus  —  facta,  sed  quodam 
abusu  tantum  in  illis  partibus  introducta  et  observata  fuerit,  —  quam  etiam  claras 
memoriai  Ludovicus  undecimus  Fi-ancorum  Rex  abrogavit :  —  Galileos  Pra;latos, 
Capitula  Ecclcsiaruin  et  Monasteriorum,  Parlamenta,  et  laicos  illis  faventes, 
cujusrunque  dignitatis,  ctiamsi  regalis  existerent,  sanctione  praefala  abutentes, 
seu  illam  approbantes — per  edictum  publicum  —  moneri  et  citari  —  ad  compa- 
rendum  coram  nobis  et  Concilio  pra^fato,  causasque  dicendas,  quare  sanctio  prae- 
fata  illiusque  corruptela  et  abusio  — nulla  et  invalida  declarari,  decerni  et  abrogari 
non  deberet,  —  statuimus. 

>^  Sess.  VIII.  the  17th  of  December,  1513,  see  Labb.  et  Coss.  Cone.  XIV.  p. 
177  seq. 

'«  Leo's  Gesch.  v.  Italien.  Th.  5,  S.  274  ff. 

"  In  Viterbo  the  13th  of  October,  1515.     Leo,  S.  286, 

'®  The  circumstances  of  this  interview  are  very  accurately  described  by  Paris 
de  Grassis  in  Raynnhl,  1515,  no.  29  seq.  ;  but  he  says  nothing  of  the  negotia- 
tions. Its  results  were  first  made  known  by  Leo  X.  at  the  11th  Session  of  the 
Council  of  the  Lateran,  December  19,  1516,  by  the  bull  Primitiva  ilia  ecclesia 
(Labbei  et  Cossartii  Concill.  XIV.  p.  292  seq.) :  Sane  inter  arcana  nostra;  mentis 
revolventes,  quot  tractatus  inter  pias  memoria;.  —  Romanes  Pontifices,  praedeces- 
Bores  nostros,  et  clarae  memorife  Reges  Francia;  Christianissimos  super  abroga- 
tione  certce  constitutionis  in  dicto  legno  Francis  vigenfis,  quEe  Pragiiiatica  voca- 
tur,  habiti  fuerunt ;  et  licet  Pius  II.  pra»fatus,  nuntiis  ad  cl.  m.  Ludovicum  XI. 
Francia;  Regem  Christianissimum  destinatis,  tanfis  eidem  persuaserit  rationibus,  ut 
Rex  ipse  pragmaticam  sanctionem  hujusmodi,  tanquam  in  seditione  et  schismatis 
tempore  natam,  suis  patentibus  liteiis  abrogaverit ;  tamen  hujusmodi  abrogatio, 
nee  etiam  literce  apostolicae  pi-a;fati  Sixti  super  concordata,  cum  oratoribus  prasfati 
Regis  Ludovici  ad  praefiitum  Sixtum  prajdecessorem  destinatis  habita,  expeditae 
per  PraMatos  et  personam  ccclesiasticas  dicti  regni  recepta;  fuerunt,  nee  ipsi  Prae- 
lati  et  persona;  ecclesiasticoe  illis  parere,  nee  nionitis  Innocentii  et  Julii  prasdic- 
torum  aures  prisbere,  sed  eidem  pragmaticae  constitutioni  inhaerere  voluerunt. 
Unde  —  Julius  —  in  praesenti   Concilio   Lateranensi  —  abrogationis  pragmaticae 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  134.     Leo  X.  251 

of  the  Lateraii  was  now  made  to  pass  a  formal  sentence  of  condem- 


sanctionis  hiijusmodi  negotium  —  congregationibus  —  commisit,  Gallicosque  Prae- 
latos,  etc.  —  citari  —  ad  coniparendum  coram  eo — jussit.  —  Et  cum  super  his  in 
forma  jui-is  —  procederettir,  —  nosque — ad  sunimi  Apostolatus  npicem  assumpti 
fuissemus,  et  contra  Prajlatos,  Capitula,  conveiitus,  ct  personus  hujusmodi  ad  non- 
nullos  actus  processisseinus  :  tandem  considerantes,  paccm  esse  vinculum  caritatis, 

—  matura  deliberatione  cognovimus,  non  per  nuntios  aut  legates  nostros,  sed  in 
praestatioue  obedientia;  filialis,  quani  carissimus  in  Christo  filius  noster  Franciscus, 
Francorum  Rex  Christianissimus,  personaliter  nobis  prxstitit,  haec  cum  Majestate 
sua  coiam  discutere,  eamque  paternis  hortari  monitis,  ut  ad  laudem  Dei  et  sui 
honorem  prompto  animo  libens  ac  volens  dicta;  pragniaticaj  sanctioni  abrcnuntiare, 
et  secundum  canones  et  constitutiones  s.  Roinanie  Ecclesiae,  quemadmodum  CKteri 
Christiani,  vivere,  mandatis  apostolicis  et  provisionibus,  quae  a  sede  apostolica  pro 
tempore  einanarent,  parere  et  obedire  vellet:  et  cum  ex  electionibus,  qu«  in 
Ecclesiis  calhedralibus  et  metropolitanis  ac  Monasteriis  dicti  regni  a  multis  annis 
citia  tiebant,  grandia  animarum  pericula  provenii-ent,  cum  plersque  per  abusum 
sascularis  potestatis,  nonnullae  vero  prascedentibus  illicitis  et  simoniacis  pactionibus, 
alias  particulari  amore  et  sanguinis  attectione  et  non  sine  perjurii  reatu  tierent, 
cum  electores  ipsi,  etiamsi  ante  electionem  per  eos  faciendam  magis  idoneum,  et 
non  euin,  quern  promissione  aut  datione  alicujus  rei  temporalis,  seu  prece  vel 
precibus  per  se  vel  alium  interpositis  electionem  procurare  didicissent,  eligere 
sponte  jurarent,  juramentum  hujusmodi  non  servarent,  sed  contra  proprium  hujus- 
modi juramentum  in  anima;  sua;  pra-judicium  venii-ent,  ut  nobis  notoiie  constat  ex 
crebris  absolutiouibus  et  rehabilitationibus  a  nobis  et  pra^decessoribus  nostris  petitis 
et  obtentis  :  idem  Franciscus  Rex  nostris  paternis  monitis,  tanquam  verus  obedi- 
entia; filius  parere  volens  —  in  locum  dicta  pragmatics  sanclionis  —  constitutiones 
infrascriptas  —  cum  pra'fato  Rege  concordatas  —  acceptavit.  —  (1.  De  tlectione)  : 
quod  cathedralibus  et  metiopolitanis  Ecclesiis  in  regno,  Delphinatu,  et  comitatu 
Diensi  ac  Valentinensi,  —  etiamsi  per  cessionem  in  manibus  nostris  et  successorum 
nostrorum  —  sponte  lactam  vacantibus,  illarum  Capitula  et  Canonici  ad  electionem 
seu  postulationem  inibi  f'uturi  Pra?lati  procedere  non  possint :  sed  illarum  occur- 
rente  hujusmodi  vacatione  Rex  Francis  —  unum  gravem  Magistrum  seu  Licenti- 
atum  in  theologia,  aut  in  utroque  seu  in  altero  jurium  Doctorem  aut  Licentia- 
tum  in  Universitate  famosa,  et  rigore  examinis,  et  in  vigesimo  septimo  sua; 
astatis  anno  ad  minus  constitutum,  et  alias  idoneum,  infra  sex  menses  a  die  vaca- 
tionis  —  nobis  et  successoribus  nostris  —  nominare,  et  de  ])ersona  per  Regem 
hujusmodi  nominata  per  nos  et  successores  nostros  —  provideri ;  et  si  contingeret, 
prffifatum  Regem  personam  taliter  non  qualificatam  ad  dictas  Ecclesias  sic  vacan- 
tes  nominare,  per  nos  —  de  persona  sic  nominata  eisdem  Ecclesiis  minime  provi- 
deri debeat,  sed  teneatur  idem  Rex  infra  tres  alios  menses  —  alium  —  qualitica- 
tum  nominare  :  alioquin  —  I^cclesia?  tunc  sic  vacant!  per  nos  et  successores  nostros 

—  de  persona,  ut  prsfertur,  qualiticata,  necnon  Ecclesiis  per  obitum  apud  sedem 
prsdictam  (apostolicam)  vacantibus  semper,  nulla  dicti  Regis  praecedente  nomina- 
tione,  libere  provideri  possit ;  decernentes  electiones  contra  prsmissa  attentatas, 
ac  provisiones  per  nos  et  successoi-es  nostros  —  factas  nullas  et  invalidas  existere. 
Consanguineis  tamen  praefati  Regis  ac  personis  sublimibus  ex  causa  rationabili  et 
legitima,  —  necnon  religiosis  mendicantibus  reformatis,  eminentis  scienlia;  et  ex- 
cellentis  doctrinai,  quijuxta  sui  Ordinis  regularia  instituta  ad  gradus  hujusmodi 
assumi  non  possint,  sub  prohibitione  pra;missa  minime  comprehensis.  In  like 
manner  with  the  Monasteriis  et  Piioratibus  conventualibus  et  vere  electivis 
vacantibus.  Per  prfemissa  tamen  non  intendimus  in  aliquo  pra?judicare  Ca- 
pitulis  Ecclesiarum,  et  Conventibus  Monasteriorura,  et  Prioratum,  hujusmodi 
privilegia  a  sede  apostolica  proprium  eligendi  Prslatum  obtinentium,  quo  minus 
ad  electionem  —  juxla  privilegia  eis  concessa  libere  procedere  possint:  —  dum- 
modo  de  privilegiis  sibi  concessis  hujusmodi  per  literas  apostolicas  seu  alias 
authenticas  scripturas  docuerint,  omni  alia  specie  probationis  eis  in  hoc  adempta. 
(2.  De  reservationibus.)  Volumus  quoque  ct  ordinamus,  quod  in  Regno,  Delphi- 
natu et  Comitatu  prsdictis  de  cstero  non  dentur  ali(|ua;  gratis  espectativs,  ac 
speciales  vel  generales  reservationes  ad  vacatura  benehcia  per  nos  et  sedem  praj- 
dictain  non  fiant :  et  si  dc  facto  per  importunitatem,  ant  alias,  a  nobis  et  succes- 


^52  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

nation  on  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  and  the  principles  which  it  taught ; 

soribus  nostris  et  sede  prsedicta  einanaverint,  illas  irritas  et  inanes  esse  decernimus. 
In  cathedralibus  tanien  —  et  collcfjiatis  Ecclesiis,  in  quarum  statutis  caveretur 
expresse,  quod  nulhis  ibidem  dignitatem  —  obtinere  possit,  ni-ii  in  illis  acta  Cano- 
nicus  existat,  Canonicos  ad  eflt-^ctum  dumtaxat  inibi  obtinendi  dio;nitatem  —  creare 
posse  intendimus.  (3.  Be  coUationibus.)  In  every  cathedral  cliurch  at  least  one 
Canonicatus  et  prffibenda  tbeolooalis  shall  be  bestowed  on  a  Magistro,  seu  Licen- 
tiate, aut  Baccalaureo  ibrmato  in  theologia,  qui  per  decennium  in  Universitate 
studii  generalis  privilegiata  studuerit,  ac  onus  residential,  Iccturte  et  pitedicationis 
acta  subire  voluerit.  Furtheiniore  every  collator  shall  bestow  the  third  part  of 
the  benefices  viris  literatis,  graduatis  et  per  Universitatis  nominatis,  namely, 
such  as  fall  vacant  in  the  1st,  4th,  7th,  and  lOtb  months.  Also  it  is  required 
of  them  to  show  that  they  have  been  in  the  university  for  a  certain  time,  which, 
howevei',  is  for  the  nobility  much  sboi-ter.  (4.  De  mandatis  aj)ostolicis.)  Statui- 
inus  quoque  et  oi-dinamus,  quod  quilibet  Romanus  Pontifex  semel  dumtaxat  tem- 
pore sui  Ponliticatus  literas  in  forma  mandati,  juxta  formam  inferius  annotatam,  et 
non  ultra  dare  possit  hoc  modo  ;  videlicet  unum  collatorem  habentem  collationem 
decem  beneticiorum  in  uno,  liabentem  autem  collationem  quinquaginta  benefi- 
ciorum  et  ultra  in  duobus  beneficiis  gravare  possit.  —  (5.  De  appellationibus.) 
Statuimus  quoque  et  ordinamus,  quod  in  Regno,  Delphinatu  et  Comitatu  pra-dictis 
omnes  et  singula;  causa;,  exceptis  majoribus,  in  jure  expresse  denominatis,  apud  illos 
judices  in  partibus,  qui  —  illarum  cognitionem  habcnt,  terminari  et  iiniii  debeant. 
Et  ne  sub  umbra  appellationum,  qua;  nimiuni  et  nonnunquam  frivole  interponi 
consueverunt  atque  etiam  in  eadem  instantia  ad  prorogationem  litium  sa-pe  multi- 
plicari,  injustis  vexationibus  materia  prifbeatur  :  volumus,  quod  si  quis  offensus 
coram  suo  judice  justitite  complementum  habere  non  possit,  ad  immediatum  superio- 
rem  per  appellationem  recursum  habeat,  nee  ad  aliquem  supei-iorem,  etiam  ad  nos 
et  successores  nostros — omisso  medio.  Nee  a  gi-avanjine  in  quacunque  instantia 
ante  difiinitivam  sententiam  quomodolibet  appelletur,  nisi  forsitan  tale  gravamen 
extiterit,  quod  in  dillinitiva  reparari  nequiret,  et  eo  casu  non  nisi  ad  immediatum 
superiorem  liccat  appellari.  Si  quis  vero  immediate  subjectus  sedi  ApostoIica^  ad 
eandem  sedem  duxerit  appellandum,  causa  committatur  in  partibus  per  resciiptum 
usque  ad  finem  litis,  videlicet  usque  ad  tertiam  sententiam  conformem  inclusive, 
si  ab  illis  appellari  contigerit ;  nisi  propter  defectum  denegata-  justitias,  aut  justum 
metum  ;  et  tunc  committi  debeat  in  partibus  convicinis.  —  Processus  autem  contra 
praemissa  attentates  nuUos  et  irritos  esse  volumus.  —  Statuimus  etiam  et  ordina- 
mus, quod  judices  causas,  quae  in  partibus  terminari  debent,  —  infra  biennium 
terminare  debeant.  (6.  JDe  j)odficis  possessoribus)  against  disturbing  unlawfully 
the  holdei-s  of  benefices.  (7.  De  publicis  Cuncubinariis.)  Such  priests  shall  be 
suspended  for  three  months  a  perceptione  fructuum  omnium  beneficiorum,  and  in 
case  of  their  pei-sisting,  their  benefices  shall  be  taken  from  them.  Quia  vero  in 
quibusdam  i-egionibus  nonnulli,  jurisdictionem  ecclesiasticam  habentes,  pecuniarios 
quaestus  a  Concubinariis  percipere  non  erubescunt,  patientes  eos  in  tali  fceditate 
sordescere  ;  sub  poena  maledictionis  asternae  prscipimus,  ne  deinceps  sub  pacto, 
compositione,  aut  spe  alterius  qusstus  talia  quovis  modo  tolerent  aut  dissimulent. 
(8.  De  exconimvnicaiis  non  vitandis.)  Ad  vitandum  scandala  et  multa  pericula, 
Bubveniendum  quoque  conscientiis  timoratis  it  is  ordered,  that  no  one  is  to  be 
shunned  prEetextu  —  censurce  ecclesiastica;  —  ab  homine  vel  a  jui-e  generaliter 
promulgatse,  but  only  when  the  sentence  has  been  pronounced  specially  against 
an  individual  or  a  community.  (9.  De  interdictis  non  leviter  ponendis.)  The 
interdict  is  to  be  passed  on  a  place  only  culpa  ipsorum  locorum,  aut  Domini  seu 
Rectoris,  vel  oflicialium  ;  and  for  the  fault  of  a  private  person  only,  when  the  Magis- 
trates, after  having  been  called  upon  by  the  ecclesiastical  court,  refuse  to  drive 
forth  the  excommunicated  person.  (10.  De  sublatione  C'lementincB  Utera.)  — 
The  resignation  of  benefices  is  only  then  to  be  considered  regular,  when  it  shall 
be  proved  per  publica  instrumenta  vel  documenta  authentica.  (11.  De  firma  et 
irrevocabili  Concordatorum  stabilitate.)  After  having  established  this  it  was 
provided  that  this  Concordat,  if  not  ratified  within  six  months,  and  accepted  by  the 
French  prelates  and  parliament,  shall  not  be  valid.  Et  nibilominus  pra'fato  Fran- 
cisco—  in  virtute  sancta'  obedientisp  mandamus,  quatenus  —  pra^.sente8  literas  — 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  134.     Leo  X.  253 

asserting   on   the   other  hand  the   unlimited  power  of  the   Pope.^^ 

publicari,  et  ea  inviolabiliter  observari  facial,  contradictores,  cujuscunque  dignitatis 
et  prseminentiae  fuerint,  per  censuras  ecclesiasticas  et  pecuniarias  poenas,  aliaque 
juris  et  facti  qusvis  opportuna  remedia  (appellatioiie  qualibet  oinnino  postposita) 
compescendo.  Besides  this  Concordat  some  other  matters  were  settled  at  Bologna, 
Coinp.  Ce  que  le  Pape  octroya  au  Roy  and  Capita  tractalus  circa  C'oncordata 
in  Leibnitii  Mantissa  Cod.  jur.  gentium  I.  p.  158  seq.  and  M  il  n  c  h  s  Concordate, 
Th.  1.  S.  219  ff.  The  Pope  remitted  a  debt  contracted  by  Louis  XII.  and  bestowed 
various  privileges  and  indulgences  on  the  king,  une  decime  and  la  croisade  (Cap. 
tractatus,  §  10.  De  Decima  Papa  concedit,  ut,  si  qua;  pars  debeat  dari  Papae 
pro  fabrica  basilicas  Principis  Apostoloruni  de  urbe  [catera  sit'\  relicta  libertati 
ipsius  Regis.  De  Cruciata  Papa  est  paratus  concedei'e,  dummodo  pecunia;  depo- 
nantur  penes  idoneos  mercatores,  convertendae  pro  sancta  expeditione  contra  Tur- 
cas).  The  king  on  his  part  was  obliged  to  approve  the  revival  of  the  Annates, 
though  this  is  passed  over  in  silence  in  the  Concordats  (Cap.  tractatus,  §  6,  quod 
Papa  mittat  unurn  Legatum  in  Regnum  Francias,  qui  una  cum  aliquibus  Praslatis, 
deputandis  per  Regem  Franciae,  taxas  Ecclesiarum  et  Monasteriorum  omnium 
moderetur  augendo  vel  minuendo,  etiam  apud  Monasteria,  quae  in  libris  Camerae 
apostolicfe  taxata  non  reperiuntur  :  et  interim  servetur  taxa  libri  dicta;  Camerae 
hactenus  servata). 

^3  In  this  same  11th  Session,  in  the  bull  confii'med  by  the  council,  Pastor  ceter- 
nus  (Labbeus  et  Cossart  XIV.  p.  309)  :  Pastor  aeternus  —  migraturus  ex  mundo 
ad  Patrem,  in  soliditate  petra;  Petrum  ejusque  successores  vicarios  suos  instituit, 
quibus  ex  libri  regum  testimonio  ita  obedire  necesse  est,  ut  qui  non  obedient, 
niorte  moriatur.  Et  ut  alibi  legitur,  in  Ecclesia  esse  non  potest,  qui  Romani  Pon- 
titicis  cathedram  deserit.  —  Sane  felicis  recordationis  Julius  Papa  secundus  — 
provide  considerans  cum  eodem  sacro  Lateranensi  Concilio  Bituricensem  regni 
Fi-ancia;  corruptelam,  quam  illi  pragmaticam  sanctionem  vocant,  cum  niaximo 
animarum  periculo  et  scandalo,'  ac  dignitatis  sedis  Apostolica;  detrimento  et  vili- 
pendio  retroactis  tcmporibus  viguisse  et  adhuc  vigere,  —  quamquam  sanctio  prae- 
fataex  multis  nullitati  notorie  subjaceret,  —  ex  abundanti  tamen  cautela  —  Gallicos 
Praelatos,  etc.  —  monuit  et  citavit,  ut  —  coram  eo  et  Concilio  comparerent,  causas- 

que  dicerent,  quare  sanctio  prafata  —  nulla  et  invalida  declarari  non  deberet. 

Nos  —  ad  summi  Apostolatus  apicem  assumpti  —  terminum  citationis  —  ad  alium 
tunc  expressum  terminum  jam  diu  effluxum  in  diversis  sessionibus  pluries  proro- 
gavimus.  Cum  autem  moniti  et  citati  prsdicti  —  coram  nobis  et  dicto  Concilio 
non  comparuerint,  nee  comparere  curaverint,  —  possintque  merito  contumaces 
reputari :  —  nos  mature  attendentes,  pragmaticam  sanctionem,  vel  potius,  ut  dictum 
est,  corruptelam,  schismatis  tempore  a  non  habentibus  potestatem  editam,  —  et  a 
clarae  memoriaj  Ludovico  XI.  Francoi-um  Rege  Christianissimo  revocatam,  cassa- 
tam,  atque  abolitam,  auctoritatem,  libertatem  ac  dignitatem  dictae  sedis  violare  ac 
diminuei-e,  —  ipsamque  notorie  nullitati  subjacere,  nulloque  nisi  alicujus  temporis 
sen  potius  tolerantia;  cujusdam  adniiniculo  fulciri ;  —  ab  ejusdem  impiobfe  sanctio- 
nis  extirpatione  et  totali  annullatione,  sine  nostra  et  tantorum  patrum  in  prtesenti 
Concilio  congregatorum  nota,  ac  nostra;  et  dictorum  ilia  utentium  animarum  peri- 
culo, abstinere  sen  desistere  non  posse,  Augustine  teste,  judicamus  atque  cense- 
mus.  —  Nee  illud  nos  movere  debet,  quod  sanctio  ipsa  et  in  ea  contenta  in  Basi- 
leensi  Concilio  edita,  et  ipso  Concilio  instante  a  Bituricensi  congregatione  receptata 
et  acceptata  fuerunt,  cum  ea  omnia  post  translationem  ejusdem  Basileensis  Concilii 

per  fel.  mem.  Eugenium  P.  IV.  —  factam,  a  Basileensi   conciliabulo facta  exti- 

terint,  ac  propterea  nullum  robur  habere  potuerint :  cum  etiam  solum  Roraanum 
Pontificem  pro  tempore  existentem,  tanquam  auctoritatem  supra  omnia  Concilia 
habentem,  tam  Conciliorum  indicendorum,  ti-ansferendorum,  ac  dissolvendorum 
plenum  jus  et  potestatem  habere,  nedum  ex  sacra;  Scriptura;  testimonio,  dictis  ss. 
Patrum  ac  aliorum  Romanorum  Pontificum,  —  sed  propria  etiam  eorundem  Conci- 
liorum confessione  mauifeste  constet.  —  Cupientes  quoque  hujusmodi  negotium  ad 
debitum  finem  perduci,  —  de  apostolics  potestatis  plenitudine,  eodem  sacro  appro- 
bante  Concilio  tenore  pra;sentium  prasfatam  pragmaticam  sanctionem  seu  corrupte- 
lam —  nullius  roboiis  vel  momenti   fuisse  et  esse  decernimus  et  declaramus. 

Necnon  ad  abundantiorem  cautelam  eandem  Bituricensem  sanctionem  sive  corrup- 
telam —  revocamus,  cassamus,  —  annullamus  ac  damnamus.  —  Et  cum  de  necessi- 


254  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Great  as  was  the  indignation  excited  by  this  in  France,  there  seemed 
no  chance  of  resisting  successfully  the  alliance  of  the  highest  tempo- 
ral with  the  highest  ecclesiastical   power.-'^     Thus  the  papal  power 

tate  salutis  existat,  omnes  Christi  fuleles  Romano  Pontifici  subesse,  prout  divinaj 
Scriptura;  et  ss.  Patruni  tesliinonio  edoceimii-,  ac  conslitutione  fel.  nieiii.  Bonifacii 
P.  VIII.  —  qua;  iiicipit  Unam  sanctam  declaiatur :  pro  eoruiuleiii  fideliuni  ani- 
niarum  salute,  ac  Roiiiaiii  Pontiticis  et  hiijus  saiicta'  sedis  suprema  auctoritate,  et 
Ecclesia;  sponsa'  suaj  uiiitate  et  potestate  constitutioneni  ipsain  sacro  praesente 
Concilio  approbante  innovamus  et  approbamus,  sine  tainen  prajudicio  sanctae 
nieinoi'ia;  Clcmcnti  P.  V.,  quae  incipit  Meruit  (see  §  95,  note  2)  :  inhibentes  in 
virtute  sanctae  obcdienlia,  ac  sub  paniis  et  censuiis  inlia  dicendis  omnibus  et 
singulis  Christi  lidelibus  —  in  pra-fato  reono  FranciK,  Delpbinatu,  et  ubicunque 
pra;dicta  prafrmatica —  vigcret,  quomodolibet  existentibus, —  ne  de  CKtero  pi'Kf'ata 
pragmatica  sanctione,  seu  polius  corruptela,  quomodolibet — uti  —  praesumant, — 
nee  pra^fatam  pragmaticam  sanctionem,  aut  in  ea  contenta  capitula  seu  decreta 
ultcrius  in  domibus  suis,  aut  aliis  locis  publicis  vel  privatis  teneant :  quinimo 
illam  ex  quibusvis  archivis,  etiani  regiis,  seu  capitularibus,  et  locis  prajdictis  infi-a 
sex  menses  a  data  praesentium  computandos  deleant  seu  deleri  faciant,  sub  majoris 
excommunicationis  lata;  sententiiE,  necnon  quoad  ecclesiasficas  —  personas  —  om- 
nium—  dignitatum  aut  beneticiorum  ccclesiasticorum  saecularium,  et  quorumvis 
ordinum  regulaiium  privalionis,  et  inbabilitatis  ad  ilia  in  posterum  obtinenda  ;  quo 
vero  ad  sa3culares  praifalffi  excommunicationis,  necnon  amissionis  quorumcunque 
feudorum,  tam  a  Romana  quam  alia  Ecclesia  —  obtentorum,  —  inhabilitatisque 
ad  omnes  et  singulos  actus  legitimos  quomodolibet  i'aciendos,  inf'amesque  ac  cn- 
minis  \xsk  majestatis  in  jure  expressis  poenis  eo  ipso  —  incurrendis  :  a  quibus  — 
nisi  a  Romano  Pontificc,  —  prsterquara  in  mortis  articulo  constituti,  absolvi 
nequeant. 

^^  Comp.  Relation  de  ce  qui  se  passa  sur  la  publication  et  I'enregistrement  dn 
Concordat  au  Parlcment  de  Paris  (in  Mtlnchs  Sammlung  aller  Konkordate,  Th. 
1.  S.  255,  translated  into  Latin  in  Richerii  hist.   Coiicill.  lib.  IV.  P.   II.  cap.  4, 
§  13).     In  February,  1517,  the  king  convened  a  great  assembly  of  the  prelates, 
the  parliament,  and  the  learned  men  from  the  university,  and  laid  before  them, 
through  his  Chancellor,  a  history  of  the  Concordat  he  had  made  with  the  Pope. 
He  speaks  first  of  the  hostility  of  the  Popes  to  the  king  and  to  the    Pragmatic 
Sanction,  and  of  the  summons  to  the  king  and  the  Fi'ench  church  to  appear  before 
the  Council  of  the  Lateran.     It  was   plain  to  all  that  an  attempt  to  defend  the 
Sanction  in  Rome  would  end  in  its  being  condemned,  parceque   I'assemblee  de 
Latran  n'etait  comi)os6e  que  de  courtisans  de  la  cour  de  Rome,  qui  t\  cause  de  leur 
extreme  avarice,  et  de  leur  ambition  avaient  la  pragmatique  en  horreur,  et  efaient 
resolus  de  I'aneantir  a  droit  ou  a  tort.     11  paiaissait  done  plus  avantageux   de  se 
laisser  condamner  par  defaut  et  sans  que  la  parlie  fut  entendue.     Mais  comme  je 
Roi  savait  que,  s'il  voulait  s'opposer  k  I'abolition  de  la  pragmatique,  Leon  X.  avec 
son  assemblee  de  Latran  proccderait  contre  lui  et  centre  son   Royaume  par  des 
censures  et  par  des  intei-dits,  et  que  si  ces  interdits  et  ces  censures  subsistaient  une 
annee  entiere,  il  s'en  suiviait  contre  I'eglise  gallicane  une  condamnation  de  schisme 
et  d'heresie,  et  que  le  Pontife   Romain,  ayant  recours  a   la  ruse  et  aux  ligues,  k 
I'exemple  de  Jules  II.,  livrerait  en  proie  le  Royaume  de  France.     II  voyait  aussi, 
qu'il  n'avait  aucun  moyen  d'empccher  I'abrogation  de  la  pragmatique,  et  il  n'igno- 
rait  pas,  que,  s'il  n'y  consentait,  la  France  sei-ait  bientot  livree  au  trouble  et  k  la 
confusion,  qui  y  regnaieut  avant  le  Concile  de  Constance  et  de  Basle  a.  cause  des 
abus  insupportables  des  reserves  et  des  graces  expectatives.     Enfin,  pour  rem6- 
dier  <\  tous  ces  inconvcniens,  pour  s'assurer  ainsi  qu'aux  princes  du  Royaume  et  k 
toute  son  armee  un  retour  facile  et  tranquille  en  France,  pour  dissiper  les  ligues 
faites  contre  lui,  le  Royaume  de  France,  et  ses  principautes  d'ltalie,  Francois  ler 
fut  force  de  traiter  avec  le  Pape  Leon  X. ;  et  malgr6  tous  ses  efforts  il  ne  put  le 
faire,  qu'en  consentant  k  I'abolition  de  la  pragmatique  et  k  I'institution  des  Concor- 
dats.    In  an  edict  of  May   12,   1517  (in  Leihiitii  Mantissa  cod.  jur.   gent.  P.  I. 
p.  161  seq.,  and  in  Milnch,  Th.  1,  S.  224),  the  king  then  published  the  concordat. 
In  this  he  says  again  that  as  the  Pragmatic   Sanction   could  not  he   retained,  he 
■was  obliged  to  take  measures  to  prevent  the  recurrence  of  the  disorders  which 
prevailed  before  its  introduction.     This  he  had  efTccted  by  means  of  the  concordat, 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  134.     Leo  X.  255 

seemed  at  length  completely  to  have  vanquished  the  hostile  spirit 
which  had  appeared  at  the  Councils  of"  Constance  and  Basil,  and  had 
found  a  refuge  chiefly  in  France  ;  and  yet  at  this  very  moment  it 
was  on  the  brink  of  its  deepest  fall. 

namely,  so  ut  pleraque  pragmaticas  sanctionis  capita  firma  nobis  posthac  rataque 
futura  sint.  —  Quod  vero  ad  eleclioncs  pertinet,  niinime  quod  optabamus  obtinere 
potuiinus,  causis  in  dictis  conventis  latissinie  insci-tis.  The  parliament,  however, 
refused  to  register  and  publish  the  concordat,  and  issued  two  successive  remon- 
strances against  it,  addressed  to  the  king  (in  Leibnitii  Mantissa,  P.  II.  p.  335  seq., 
and  in  Monch,  Th.  1.  S.  268  ff.).  In  these  the  revival  of  the  Annates  in  partic- 
ular is  protested  against,  which  was  likely  evacuer  en  peu  de  temps  ce  Royaume 
d'or,  d'argent  et  de  linances,  and  which  ne  se  pourroit  practiquer  sans  commettre 
le  peche  de  Simonie.  In  like  manner  against  the  provision,  que  les  grandes  causes, 
les  causes  des  Cardinaux  et  officiers  de  Cour  de  Home  ne  seront  traictees  en  ce 
Royaume,  mais  en  la  dicte  Cour,  the  dangerous  consequences  of  which  are  shown ; 
further  against  the  provision  that  the  Pope  is  to  fill  up  those  places,  qui  vacque- 
ront  par  mort  en  Cour  de  Rome  ;  that  nothing  was  given  up  but  the  reservation  of 
the  beneticia  vacatura,  which  could  therefore  be  reserved  post  illorum  vacationem. 
Then  follow  remonstrances  against  the  abolition  of  the  elections  of  bishops  and 
abbots,  a  right  which  is  affirmed  to  be  moult  ancien,  et  fonde  en  droict  divin. 
Finally,  the  dangers  are  set  forth  which  lie  in  the  bull  abolishing  the  Pragmatic 
Sanction.  The  two  remonstrances  close  with  the  declaration,  que  les  diets  Con- 
cordats sont  contre  I'hormeur  de  Dieu,  les  libertes  de  I'Eglise,  I'honneur  du  Roy  et 
le  bien  public  de  son  Royaume.  Still  the  king  persisted  in  his  desire  to  have  it 
confirmed,  and  became  more  and  moi-e  positive  therein.  The  parliament  appealed 
on  the  19th  of  March,  1518  (see  the  Relation  in  Munch,  Th.  1.  S.  267)  au  Pape 
raieux  conseille,  et  au  premier  concile  general  legiliment  assemble,  and  the  king 
nevertheless  having  caused  the  concordat  to  be  published  in  parliament  on  the  22d  of 
March,  the  appeal  was  repeated  on  tlje  24th  (see  the  appendix  to  the  Relation  of 
this  day,  which  in  Munch  is  wanting,  in  the  Latin  translation  in  Richer.).  The 
example  was  followed  by  the  university  of  Paris  on  the  27th  of  March,  1518 
(stylo  gall.  1517),  which  also  appealed  a  Domino  nostro  Papa  non  recte  consulto, 
et  jam  dicti  sacii  Basileensis  Concilii  et  ei  adha;renlis  pi-agmatica  sanctionis  sta- 
tutorum  abrogatione,  novorum  statutoruni  editione,  consensus  praistatione,  et 
attentata  illorum  quadam  publicatione,  et  omnibus  inde  sequutis  et  sequutuiis  — 
ad  futurum  Concilium  legitime  ac  in  loco  tufo  [congregatum],  et  quod  libere  et 
cum  securitate  —  adire  poterimus,  et  ad  ilium  vel  ad  illos,  ad  quem  seu  ad  quos  de 
jure  —  vel  alias  nobis  provocare  et  appellare  licet.  (The  text  of  this  appeal  in 
Leibnitii  Mantissa,  T.  II.  p.  358  seq.,  and  thence  in  Mtlnch,  Th.  1,  S.  307,  is 
incorrect,  and,  in  many  passages,  unintelligible  :  a  purer  text  in  Richerii  hist. 
Concill.  lib.  IV.  P.  II.  c.  4,  §  14,  and  in  the  Preuves  des  Libertez  de  I'eglise 
gallicane.  chap.  XIII.  no.  18).  Both  appeals  were  made  ineffectual  by  the  power 
of  the  king  :  still  the  feeling  against  the  concordats  continued  long  to  exist.  Thus 
Gilbertus  Genebrardus  (professor  of  the  Hebrew  language  in  Paris,  from  1593, 
archbishop  of  Aix,  'f  1597)  Chronographia,  Paris.  1580.  fol.  ad  ann.  1515,  says  of 
Leo  X.  :  Pragmaticam  sanctionem  sustulit,  Concordata  qua?  vocantur  cum  Rege 
Francisco  agitans  de  nominatione  Episcoporum  et  Abbatum,  specioso  prKtextu,  ut 
Rex  propter  eleclionem  abusus — nominare  teneretur :  revera  autem  ageretur 
niysterium  illud  iniquitatis,  quo  perditam  Ecclesiam  Gallicanam  cernimus,  and 
further  on  :  Anno  1516  abrogata  est  in  Galliis  pragmatica  sanctio,  et  Concordata, 
ut  vocant,  substituuntur,  fremente  universo  clero,  scholasticis,  populo,  bonis  deni- 
que  et  doctis  omnibus.  He  wrote  also  De  sacrarum  electionum  jure  et  necessi- 
tate ad  Ecclesia;  Gallicanse  redintegrationuin,  which  work,  however,  was  con- 
demned to  be  burned. 


256  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

<§>   135. 

GENERAL    VIEW    OF    THE    STATE    OF    PAPACY. 

From  the  lime  of  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basil  a  new  view 
of  the  papal  power  began  to  establish  itself  in  the  church,  according 
to  which  it  was  regarded  as  a  limited  monarchy,  checked  and  re- 
strained by  an  ecclesiastical  aristocracy,  instead  of  an  absolute  mon- 
archy,   as   it  had  hitherto  been  considered. ^     These  two  opposing 


I  Of  the  various  theories  of  the  time,  see  Gerson  de  potest,  ecclesiastica  (written 
in  Constance  during  the  council)  consid.  Xll.  (Opp.  ed.  du  Pin,  II.  p.  246)  :  Po- 
testas  ecclesiastica  papalis  non  ita  habent  dominia  et  jura  terreni  siniul  et  coelestis 
imperii,  quod  possit  ad  liljituin  suum  de  bonis  Clericorum  et  multo  minus  laTcoruni 
disponere  ;  quamvis  concedi  debcat,  quod  habet  in  eis  doniiniuiii  quoddam  regiti- 
vum,  directivum,  regulativum,  ct  ordinalivum.  Declarationem  hujus  considera- 
tionis,  quam  discretio  iiioderatiix  atque  mediatiix  ponit  inter  errores  oppositos,  dum 
facere  ineditarer,  occurrere  visa  est  prolinus  in  ipso  mcditationis  mea;  secrete  du- 
plex improba  pestis.  Nomen  unius  Detractio  livida,  nomen  alterius  Adulatio  sub- 
dola :  prima  potestatem  ecclesiasticam  deprimens  subjiciebat  temporali ;  altera 
sustollebat  in  immensum,  velut  ad  similitudinem  Altissimi,  confundens  jura  cujus- 
libet  alterius  potestatis.  ToUe,  tolle,  clamat  Detractio,  temporalitatem  omnem,  jus 
vel  dominium  ab  Ecclesiasticis.  Quare  ?  quia  sic  instituit  Christus,  cujus  ista  vox 
est:  JS'^isi  quis  renuntinvcrit  omnibus,  qua possidet,  non  potest  meus  esse  dtsci- 
pulus  (Luc.  xiv.  33).  —  Addit  Detractio,  quod  Ecclesiastici  nequaquam  capaces 
sunt  jurisdictionis  temporalis,  etiamsi  Principes  illis  conferre  voluerint.  Inducit 
Apostolum,  quia  Nemo  militans  Deoimplicat  se  negot'iis  saecularibus  (2  Ti7n.  ii.  2). 
Addit  Detractio,  nihil  habere  Ecclesiasticos,  neque  decimas  neque  oblationes, 
quantominus  alias  dotationes  vel  possessiones,  nisi  ex  pura  eleemosyna  donantium  : 
et  quod  ab  Ecclesiasticis  peccantibus,  saltem  habitualiter,  possent  per  saecularem 
potestatem  optimo  jure  tolli ;  quia  data  est  potestas  hac  sKcularis  in  vindictam 
malefactorum,  neque  sine  causa  gladium  portat  (Rom.  xiii.  4).  Addit  quarto  innitens 
Apostoli  verbis  :  babcntcs  alimenta  et  quibus  tegamur,  his  content!  simus  (1  Tim.  vi. 
8),  quia  quicquid  habent  Ecclesiastici  ultra  simplicem  victum  et  vestitum,  totum 
illud  est  pauperum,  cujus  retentio  nedum  furtum  vel  rapina  simplex  est,  sed  sacri- 
legium.  —  Vult  tandem  Detractio  Ecclesiasticos  omnes  ad  illam  Apostolorum  et 
discipuloruiii  primam  paupcrtatem  sine  equis,  sine  thesauris,  sine  calceamentis, 
sine  possessionibus  de  necessitate  salutis  redigere,  execrans  in  Ecclesiasticis  pom- 
pam  omnem.  —  Consurgit  ex  adverso  blandiens  et  subdola  Adulatio,  et  ad  aures 
Ecclesiasticoruni,  pra;cipue  summi  Pontificis,  insusurrans  :  o  quanta  est,  quanta 
sublimitas  ecclesiasticae  potesfatis  tuaj !  o  sacer  Clere,  quam  nihil  est  saecularis 
auctoritas  tu.-p  comparata !  Quoniam,  sicut  Chrislo  collata  est  omnis  potestas  in 
coelo  et  in  teri-a,  sic  eam  Christus  omnem  Petro  suisque  successoribus  dereliquit. 
Unde  et  nee  Constantinus  quidquam  Sylvestro  Papae  contulit,  quod  non  esset  prius 
suum,  sed  reddidit  iujuste  detentum.  Porro  sicut  non  est  potestas  nisi  a  Deo  (Mom. 
xiii.  1),  sic  nee  aliqua  temporalis  vel  ecclesiastica,  impeiialis  vel  regalis,  nisi  a 
Papa,  in  cujus  femore  scripsit  Christus :  Rex  Regum,  Dominus  Dominantium 
(1  Tim.  vi.  15).  De  cujus  potestate  disputare  instar  sacrilegii  est :  cui  neque 
quisquam  dicere  potest:  cur  ita  facis  ?  si  etiam  temporalia  omnia,  si  ecclesiastica 
bona  atque  dominia  nnitaverit,  diripuerit,  distraxerit.  Mentior,  si  non  inveniuntur 
hsc  scripta,  ab  illis  etiam,  qui  sapientes  sunt  in  oculis  suis;  si  prasterea  non  inve- 
niuntur fuissc  per  alicjuos  summos  Pontilices  htec  credita.  Notum  est  illud  Saty- 
rici :  Nihil  est  quod  credere  de  se  non  possit  cum  laudatur  diis  squa  potestas ;  et 
ilhid  Comici  de  adulatorc  :  hie  profecto  ex  stultis  insanos  facit.  Sentiens  autem 
Adulatio  quandoque  nimis  se  cognosci,  studet  quasi  modestiori  sermone  depressius 
uli,  ul  credibilior  appareat.  Concedit  sajculari  potestali  possessiones  et  jurisdic- 
tiones  proprias,  quas  tollere  nequit  pro  libito  Papa;  recognoscit,  Constantinum,  vel 
alios  Principes  aliquid  Ecclesias  noviter  contulisse  :  nihilominus  tradit,  quod  sum- 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  135.     General  view  of.  257 

views  gave  rise  to  incessant  controversies ;  general  councils  against 
general  councils,  and  writer  against  writer.  On  the  one  side  were 
the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basil  ;  on  the  other,  those  of 
Florence  and  the  fifth  Lalcran  Council.-  The  most  remarkable 
controversy  between  writers  is  that  between  Thomas  de  Vio  Cajeta- 
nus,  and  the  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  James  Almainus,  at  the  close 
of  this  period.^     The  leading  principles  of  the  new  system  were,  that 


mus  Pontifex  suprcmus  est  Monarcha,  nedum  in  spiritualibus,  sed  temporalibus, 
habens  potestatejii  banc  immediate   a  Christo,  sed  alii  Reges  omnes  et  Principes 
suam  lecipiunt  doiiiiiialionem  ab  co,  et  solum  mediate  a  Deo.     Alioquin,  ait,  nion- 
struosus  esset  hie  mundus,  si  haberet  tot  capita,  qua;  non  sub  unico  regeientur, 
rediretque  Manichsi  deliramentum,  ponentis  duo  principia,  unum  bonorum  et  spi- 
ritualium,  aliud  maloium  et  tempoialium.     Unde  et  sicut  corpus  est  propter  ani- 
mam,  et  ab  anima  vi\  it  et  rcgitur  ;  sic  potestas  sascularis  propter  spiritualem,  a  qua 
recipit  suuiii  esse  legitimum.     Quam  aucloritatem  spiritualem  qui  negai.t  vel  im- 
pugnaut,  sint  intus,  sint  I'oris  Ecclesiam,  po^sunt  gladio,  vel  spirituali  excommuni- 
cationis,  sicut  Catholici,  vel  debellationis,  sicut  intideles,  feriri,  et  eorum  dominia 
vel  bona  in  alios  transferri.  —  Rursus  animadvertens  Adiilatio,  durum  esse  multis 
hunc  sermonem,  et  ideo  minus  credibilem,  studet  loqui  restrictius,  concedens,  quod, 
sicut  ante  Petrum  fuerunt  apud  intideles  vera  dominia,  quemadmodum  irrefragabilis 
auctoritas  sacrse  Scripturse  et  evangelica;  narrationis  testis  est,  sic  non  oportet  nunc 
post  Petrum,  ut  omnis  potestas  imperialis,  regalis,vel  altera  sa?cularis  sit  immediate 
robur  habens  a  summo  Pontifice,  sicut  Rex  Francorum  Christianissinius  superiorem 
hoc  modo  non  habet,  nee  recognoscit  in  terris.     Idcirco  transfert  verbum  suum  Adu- 
latio  loqui  de  dignitalibus,  officii?,  et  bonis  Ecclesiasticorum,  qua;  omnia  sic  subjicit 
summo  Ponlifici,  ut  quidquid  circa  ea  placuerit  disponere  mutando,  transferendo, 
appropriando,  hoc  possit,  hoc  teneat,  et  ratum  sit,  licet  hoc  sine  causa,  licet  cum 
peccato  suo  peregerit :  quamvis  peccatum  circa  hoc  vult  Adulatio  longe  a  Papa  sic 
facere,  ut  eum  simoniani  posse  neget  commitfere,  quoniam  sua  sunt  omnia  eccle- 
siastica  bona,  concedit  insuper  quod  super  jus  est,  potens  ab  altero  jus  suum  tollere  ; 
et  quod  nee  ab  eo  appellari,  neque  eum  judicialiter  evocari,  nee  obedientiam  ab  eo 
subtrahi,    praesertim    extra   casum  hsresis,   sit   aliquatenus   possibile.     Hie  solus 
symbolum  fidei  condere,  hie  solus  causas  ejusdem  lidei,  et  majores  csteras  tractare 
potest;  solus,  ut  jam  tactum  est,  definitiones,  regulas,  leges  et  canones  condit: 
alioquin  quidquid  per  alios  definitur,  decernitur,  conditur,  statuitur,  irritum  est  et 
inane  ;  nee  aliquid  ex  eis  quas  statuerit  potest,  nisi  per  ipsuin,  quomodolibet  cassari 
vel  infiingi :  ipsum  vero  aliena  qualiscumque  constitutio  ligat  nulla.     Fallor,  si  non 
ante  celebrationem  hujus  sacrosanctfe  Constantiensis  Synodi  sic  occupaverat  mentes 
plurimorum,  literalium  magis  quam  literatorum,  ista  traditio,  ut  oppositorum  dog- 
matizator  fuisset  de  hoeretica  pravitate  vel  notatus,  vel  damnatus.     Hujus  rei'Sig- 
num  accipe,  quia  post  declarationem  ex  theologiae  principiis  luce  clariorem,  et  quod 
urgentius  est,  post  determinationem  et  practicationem  ejusdem  sanctse  Synodi  inve- 
niuntur,  qui  talia  palam  asserere  non  paveant:  tarn  radicatum,  etut  cancer  serpens 
tam  medullitus  imbibitum  fuit  hoc  prises  adulationis  virus  letiferum. 

'^  In  the  Definitio  s.  oecumenicae  Synodi  Florentias  (Lahbei  et  Consar^ii  Concilia. 
T.  XUI.  p.  515)  we  read  :  Item  diffinimus,  —  ipsum  Pontificem  Romanum  succes- 
sorem  esse  b.  Petri,  principis  Apostolorum,  et  verum  Christi  vicarium,  totiusque 
Ecclesise  caput,  et  omnium  Christianorum  patrem  ac  doctorem  existere  ;  et  ipsi  in 
b.  Petro  pascendi,  regendi,  ac  gubernandi  universalem  Ecclesiam  a  domino  nostro 
Jesu  Christo  plenam  potestatem  traditam  esse. 

3  In  opposition  to  the  Synod  of  Pisa  Cajetan  wrote  his  tract,  de  comparatione 
auctoritatis  Papa?  et  Concilii  (also  in  Rocaberti  biblioth.  max.  Pontificia.  T.  XIX. 
p.  443),  A.  D.  1511,  in  which  he  defends  the  papal  system  in  the  most  unscrupu- 
lous manner.  The  Synod  of  Pisa  sent  his  work,  10  Jan.  1512  (see  in  Richerii  hist, 
concill.  lib.  IV.  P.  I.  c.  2.  §  9),  to  the  university  of  Paris,  with  a  letter,  calling 
upon  the  university  to  answer  it.  On  this,  Jac.  Almainus  wrote  his  tract,  de 
auctoritate  Ecclesiae  et  Conciliorum  generalium  (in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  II. 
p.  976)  in  June,  1512.     Cajetan  wrote  again  de  comparata  auctoritate  Papae  et 

VOL.   III.  33 


258  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

the  temporal  power  was  independent  of  the  ecclesiastical,''  that  the 
highest  power  in  the  church  was  that  of  the  general  councils,^  which 

Concilii  Apologia  Partes  II.  (in  Rocaherti  XIX.  p.  493),  and  later  still,  A.  D. 
1521,  (le  Roniani  Pontiticis  institutione  ct  auctoiitate  (1.  c.  p.  526).  Alniainus  was 
hindered  from  answering  by  death  (A.  D.  1513).  Cajetan  was  answered  also  by 
the  doctor  of  the  Sorbonne,  Johannes  Major,  a  Scotchman,  in  various  writings 
printed  in  Gersoni  0pp.  ed.  dii  Pin  II.  p.  1121  seq. 

■•  See  JMcolai  Ctisani  do  concord,  cathol.  (sec  §  131,  note  12)  lib.  III.  in 
Schardii  Syntagma  tractattuini,  p.  356  seq.  Joannes  Major  comm.  in  Sentent. 
lib.  IV.  dist.  24  (reprinted  in  Gerxunii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin  II.  p.  1121),  and  Scholia 
in  Evang.  jMatthwi,  cap.  16,  written  A.  D.  1518  (under  the  title  :  disp.  de  pote- 
state  Papa;  in  rebus  temporalibus.  ibid.  p.  1145).  Jac.  Almaini  Expositio  circa 
decisiones  M.  Guil.  Occam  super  potestate  sumini  Pontiticis  ( Gersonii  0pp.  II. 
p.  1013). 

*  Gerson.  de  potest,  eccl.  consid.  XI.  (Opp,  II.  p.  243)  :  Potestas  ecclesiastica 
in  sua  plenitudine  est  in  Ecclesia,  sicut  in  iine,  et  sicut  in  regulante  applicatio- 
nem  et  usum  hujusniodi  plenitudinis  ecclesiasticae  potestatis  per  se  ipsam,  vel  per 
gencrale  Concilium,  ipsam  sutTicienter  et  legitime  repraesentans.  Constat  itaque, 
datam  fuisse  Petio  plcnitudinem  ecclesiastica;  potestatis  a  Christo  ad  a-dificatio- 
nem  Ecclesia;  sua;,  sicut  conformiter  ad  Apgstolum  ponit  descriptio.  Proptcrea 
loquitur  Augustinus  cum  aliis  quibusdam,  quod  claves  EcclesicB  dates  sunt  nan 
uni,  sed  unitati,  et  quod  dates  sunt  EcclesicB.  —  Potest  etiam  dici  in  Ecclesia  vel 
in  Concilio  h.x'C  plenitudo  ecclesiastica;  potestatis  ncdum  in  se  formaliter,  sed 
aliis  duobus  niodis,  videlicet  quoad  applicationem  ad  banc  vel  illam  personam,  et 
quoad  usum  regulandum,  si  fortassis  in  abusum  verii  quereretur.  —  Cum  igitur 
sununus  Pontifex  habens  earn  subjective  sit  peccabilis,  et  possit  banc  potestatem 
in  destructionem  Ecclesis  velle  convertere  ;  similiter  sacrum  Collegium,  quod  ei 
datum  est  et  coassistit  quasi  communitas  aristocratica,  non  est  in  gratia  vel  fide 
conhrmatum  :  superest,  ut  aliqua  sit  relicta  inobliquabilis  et  indeviabilis  regula 
ab  Optimo  legislators  Chiisto,  secundum  quam  possit  abusus  hujusmodi  potestatis 
rcprimi,  dirigi  atque  moderari.  H*c  autem  regula  est  vel  Ecclesia,  vel  generale 
Concilium.  —  Hie  fundantur  ea  multa,  qu*  per  hoc  sacrum  Concilium  (Constan- 
tiense)  et  constituta  et  praclicata  sunt:  ut  quod  Papa  judicari  potest  et  deponi 
per  Concilium,  etc.  J\'icolaus  Cusanus  de  concord,  cathol.  lib.  II.  c.  34,  in 
Schardius,  p.  349  :  Si  universalis  catholica  Ecclesia  infallibiliter  per  Christi  assi- 
stentiam  dirigitur ;  tunc  concurrente  omnium  Christianorum  consensu  ad  quam- 
cunque  conclusionem  necessitalem  salutis  includentem,  necessario  sequitur,  illam 
cliristianani,  fideiem  et  S'l'ram.  Universale  vcro  Concilium  dictans  talem  con- 
clusionem consensu  et  legatione  omnium  fidelium,  necessario  ex  Christi  assistentia 
et  Spiritu  Sancto  inspirante  vcre  et  infallibiliter  dictat  eandem. — Omnes  autem 
provinciales  Synodos,  ac  etiam  Romanos  Pontitices  hoc  privilegium  non  attingit. 
p.  351:  Nee  fuit  Pctrus  ex  illo  primatu  Ecclesiie  major:  quoniam  ipse  ab  Ec- 
clesa  et  propter  earn  nonunatur  secinidum  Augustinum.  —  Quare  ilia  Petri  majo- 
ritas  non  fuit  njajoritas  supi-a,  sed  infra  Ecclesiam.  Unde  licet  os  sive  caput 
esset  Apostoloruiu  ac  Ecclesia;,  —  tamen  nihiloiuinus  tamquam  membrum  subfuit. 
—  Unitas  iidclium  est  ilia,  ad  cujus  servitium  et  observantiam  prajsidentia  est 
super  singulos.  Hinc  unitas  fidelium,  quam  nos  Ecclesiam  dicimus,  sive  uni- 
versale Concilium  catholica;  Ecclesia:  ipsam  repraesentans  est  supra  suum  mini- 
strum  ac  singuloruin  pra;sidem.  Andreas  Episc.  Megarensis  Gubernac.  Concill. 
(see  §  131,  note  19)  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  VI,  IV.  p.  147  :  base  plenitudo 
potestatis  papalis  non  fuit  data  Petro,  ut  Pctro,  sed  fuit  data  universali  Ecclesiae. 
p.  162:  quando  Petrus  claves  accepit,  has  potius  tota  Ecclesia  suppositaliter  acce- 
pit  in  ipso  Petro,  sive  per  ipsum  Petrum,  et  ipse  Petrus  claves  accepit  in  typo, 
mystice  ;  et  ministerialiter  ab  ipsa  Ecclesia  universaU.  Claves  enim,  quas  Eccle- 
sia non  poterat  per  omnes  excrccre  universaliter,  voluit  quod  exequerentur  per 
Petrum  et  ejus  successores  particulariter.  p.  15S  :  potestas  universalis  Ecclesiie 
seu  Synodi  generalis  convocata'  canonice  est  major,  quam  potestas  Papas :  —  quia 
potestas  Concilii  est  a  Deo,  Christo  Jesu  immediate,  duntaxat ;  et  potestas  Papae 
est  a  Christo  et  Conciliis.  Alphonsus  Tosiatus  (teacher  in  Salamanca,  then  Episc. 
Abulensis  and  counsellor  to  the  king,  "f  1454)  comm.  in  Numer.  c.  15,  quaest. 


Chap.  I,     Papacy.     §   135.     General  view  of .  259 

for  the  most  part  were  supposed  to  be  infallible;*'  that  the  Pope  was 

48 :  Claves  Ecclesise  datae  sunt  a  Christo  toti  Ecclesiae :  quia  tamen  non  poterat 
tota  Ecclesia  dispensare  illas,  cum  non  esset  aliqua  persona,  tradidit  eas  Petro 
nomine  Ecclesia;.  Si  tamen  intelligeretur,  claves  tradilas  esse  Petro  specialiter, 
non  solum  sequeretur  inconveniens  commune,  quod  alii  Apostoli  non  habuissent 
aliquam  auctoritatein  clavium,  quod  fulsuin  est,  quia  illis  data  est  potestas  remit- 
tendi  peccata,  ut  patet  Joannis  20,  cap.  scil.  accipite  Spiritum  Sanctum,  et 
quorum  remiseritis  peccata,  remissa  erunt,  et  quonun  retinueritis,  i-etentu  erunt : 
ista  tamen  est  sola  potestas  clavis  :  ergo  alii  Apostoli  susceperunt  claves.  Sed 
aliud  inconveniens  majus  erat,  scil.  quod  defuncto  Petro  non  mansissent  claves, 
quod  necesse  erat,  si  soli  Petro  data;  fuissent,  et  non  solum  si  ipsi  soli,  sed  etiam  si 
omnibus  Apostolis  datae  fuissent  claves  specialiter  tanquam  dcterminatis  personis, 
defunctis  illis  non  mansissent  claves  in  Ecclesia,  quia  isti  non  habebant  potestatem 
dandi  aliis  claves,  facicndo  eos  successores  suos,  cum  nemo  posset  Pra;latum  suc- 
cessorem  sibi  facere.  Et  tamen  omnes  successores  b.  Petri  et  aliorum  Episcopo- 
rum  habent  claves,  sicut  habuit  Petrus  et  alii  Apostoli :  ergo  non  fuerunt  datae 
claves  illis  tanquam  determinatis  personis,  sed  tanquam  ministris  Ecclesias,  et  tunc 
magis  dabantur  claves  Ecclesis,  cum  Ecclesia,  qua;  habet  ipsas  radicaliter,  nun- 
quam  moriatur.  QuKst.  49  :  Ecclesia  suscepit  claves  a  Christo,  et  Apostoli  tan- 
quam ministri  Ecclesia; ;  et  nunc  Ecclesia  illas  habet,  et  Praelati  etiam,  sed  aliter 
Ecclesia  quam  Pra'lati :  nam  Ecclesia  habet  secundum  originem  et  virlutem, 
Prffilati  autem  habent  secundum  usum  earum.  Dicitur  Eccle.-ia  habere  secundum 
virtutem  claves,  quia  potest  illas  conferre  Prajlato  per  electionem  :  —  Ecclesia 
autem  a  nuUo  suscipit,  postquani  semel  a  Christo  suscepit,  ideo  illas  per  originem 
et  virtutem  habet.  Prtef.  ad  Evang.  b.  Matthcei  in  referring  to  the  Council 
of  the  Apostles  :  Hoc  factum  est  Spiritu  S.  dictante,  ut  recognosceretur  per  hoc 
auctoritas  et  potestas  Concilii  generalis,  qua  nulla  est  major  super  terram,  et  non 
potest  errare  in  perlinentibus  ad  tidem,  nee  errat  in  pertinentibus  ad  mores.  Qui- 
libet  autem  homo,  quantumcunque  sanctUs  et  quantscunque  potestatis  potest 
errare  in  fide  et  eflici  haereticus.  Sicut  de  multis  summis  Pontificibus  legimus,  ut 
de  Liberio,  de  Joanne  XXII.,  et  aliis  quibusdam.  Diojiysius  Carthusianus 
(properly  de  Leewis  of  Ryckel,  a  Carthusian  in  Rtn-emonde,  "f  1471)  de  auctori- 
tate  Paps  et  Concilii,  lib.  I.  art.  31  :  Concilium  gcnerale  nonnisi  propter  causas 
singulariter  magnas  et  arduas,  utputa  qua;  aliter  congrue  cxpediri  non  queunt, 
congregandum  celebrandumque  esse  omnes  fatentur.  Porro  ha;  causfe  sunt  extir- 
patio  ha;retica;  pravitatis  ac  schismatis,  declaratio  fidei  atque  editio  symboli  ejus, 
universalis  reformatio  Ecclesia;  in  capite  et  in  membris.  Itaque  in  expeditione 
istorum  major  dicitur  potestas  Concilii  generalis  quam  Papa;,  quoniam  Christus 
promisit  Ecclesise  seu  Concilio  ipsam  repra^sentanti  infallibilem  directionem  et  glo- 
riosam  assistentiam  incessantem  ;  ita  quod  errare  non  potest  in  fide,  neque  in  his, 
quse  ad  bonos  pertinent  mores,  eo  quod  in  talium  determinatione  rcgatur  imme- 
diate a  Spiritu  Sancto.  Unde  et  Papa  in  talibus  tenetur  stare  determinationi 
Ecclesiae,  seu  statuto  Concilii,  tanquam  ordinationi  et  sententijE  Spiritus  Sancti. 
Cumque  Papa  possit  errare  in  fide  et  moribus  et  ca;teris,  quae  sunt  de  necessitate 
salutis ;  ejus  judicio  non  videtur  ultimate  et  certitudinaliter  standum  in  istis,  cum 
non  sit  infallibilis  regula,  neque  indeviabilc  fundamentum.  Jac.  Ahnainus  de 
auct.  Eccl.  et  Concill.  generall.  c.  7  seq.   (0pp.  Gersonii  II.  p.  989  seq.). 

^  The  infallibility  of  general  councils  was  presented  to  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance only  as  a  disputed  opinion  of  the  schools,  and  therefore  was  denied  without 
offence  by  Petrus  de  AUiaco,  see  above,  §  130,  note  4.  After  that  time  the  doc- 
trine was  carried  out  more  completely,  see  (Blau's)  krit.  Gesch.  der  kirchl. 
Unfehlbarkeit,  Frankf.  a.  M.  1791.  S.  240  ff.,  and  maintained  by  John  Gerson, 
Alphonso  Tostatus,  Dionysius  Carthusianus,  Nicolas  Cusanus.  Others  again  con- 
sidered the  church  infallible,  but  not  particular  councils,  thus  Joannes  Breviscoxa 
(Doctor  Paris,  from  1420  bishop  of  Paris,  from  1422  bishop  of  Geneva)  tract,  de 
fide,  Ecclesia,  Romano  Pontifice  et  Concilio.  Art.  3  in  Gersoni  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin 
I.  p.  898;  Thomas  jYetterus  Waldensis  (Carmelite  in  England,  'f  1430)  doctri- 
nale  antiquitatum  fidei  cathol.  adv.  Wiclevitas  et  Hussitas.  T.  I.  lib.  II.  c.  19,  27; 
JVicolaus  de  Tudesco,  Archiep.  Panormitanus  (celebi-ated  as  a  member  of  the 
Council  of  Basil,  and  as  a  writer  on  the  canons  under  the  name  of  Abbas  or 
Panormitanus)  comm.  in  Decretal,   lib.  I.  Tit.  6,  c.  4 ;  .Antoninus  Archiep.  Flo- 


260  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

inferior  to  these  as  only  the  caput  ministeriale  Ecclesiae,  and  having 
no  power  to  make  laws,"  and  that  appeals  could  be  made  from  him 
to  such  a  council  ; '^  finally,  that  the  episcopal  powers  do  not  flow  from 
that  of  the  Pope,  but  that  both  rested  on  the  same  foundation.'-*     But 

rcntiniis  Summa  theol.  P.  III.  Tit.  2.3,  o.  2,  §  6,  see  Blau,  1.  c.  S.  241  ff.  By 
dejirees,  however,  the  doctrine  of  tlie  iiifallihility  of  gencial  counciU  as  oj)posed 
to  that  of  the  infalHbiMty  of  the  Pope,  hecaine  general  amongst  the  more  liberal 
theologians.  See  Jac.  ./llmainKS  de  aiict.  Eccl.  et  Cone.  gen.  c.  10  ( Gersonii 
opp.  ll.  p.  1001)  :  Papa  potest  errare  erroi-e  judiciaJi,  de  ei-rore  personal!  omnibus 
notum  est.  Probatur  ista  jjropo^ilio  :  duo  sunniii  Pontifices  determinaverunt  coji- 
traria,  etiam  in  his,  qua-  (idem  tangunt,  ergo  alter  eorum  ei-ravit  errore  jiidiciali. 
Antecedens  patct  de  .Joanne  XXII.  et  Nieolao,  quorum  unus  deternjinavit  judici- 
aliter,  Christum  et  Aposiolos  nihil  ha])uisse  in  comiiiuni,  nee  in  proprio ;  alter 
oppositum,  ut  videre  est  in  eorum  extravagantibus.  Secundo  Innoccnlius  HI.  et 
Ca;lestinus  determinaverunt  contraria  super  ista  propositione  :  uno  conjuguin  ad 
haeresim  transeunte,  alter  qui  remanet  in  fide  potest  ad  secunda  vota  transire. 
Determinatio  Innocentii  III.,  quod  non  ])otcst,  ponitur  in  cap.  Quanta,  De  divor- 
tiis.  Determinatio  Cadestini,  ut  (licit  (ilossa  in  eodem  Cap.  olim  ponebatur  in 
Decretalibus  de  conversioiie  conju^atorum  in  fine.  Tertio,  aliqui  statuerunt 
contra  Evangelium,  ut  Pelagius,  qui  fecit  constitutionem,  quod  omnes  Subdiaconi 
Sicilia;  a  suis  uxoribus  abstinerent,  quas  in  minoribus  Ordinibus  duxerant,  aut  ab 
otFicio  cessarent :  quam  (quia  erat  iniqua  et  contr#  Evangelium)  retractavit  Grego- 
rius  I.,  ejus  successor,  ut  patet  31  Dist.  Can.  Ante  triennium,  in  textu  et  in 
glossa.  —  Ex  his  satis  patet,  quod  summus  Pontifex  potest  errare,  scntentiando  in 
materia  fidei.  —  Sequitur  secundo,  quod  ultima  resolutio  in  his  quaj  fidei  sunt,  non 
spectat  ad  summuin  Pontificem.  —  Concilium  universale  in  his  qua  fidei  sunt 
errare  non  potest,  et  sic  ad  ipsum  ultima  fidei  decisio  spectat. 

■^  See  note  5.  Gerson.  de  modis  uniendi  ac  reformandi  Ecclesiam  in  Cone, 
univ.  c.  2,  see  §  130,  note  1.  Responsio  synodalis  Cone.  Basil,  ann.  1432  (see 
§  131,  note  14),  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  249:  Etsi  sit  caput  ministeriale  Ecdesia, 
non  tamen  est  major  tota  Ecclesia.  The  question  how  far  the  papal  ordinances 
are  binding,  discussed  in  Gerson.  de  potest,  eccl.  consid.  IV.  (Opp.  II.  p.  232)  : 
Ecclesia  potest  condere  leges  obligantes,  et  regulantes  etiam  ipsum  Papam,  tarn 
quoad  personam,  quam  respectu  usus  potestatis.  Non  sic  e  contra  potest  Papa 
judicare  totam  Ecclesiam,  vcl  usum  sua^  potestatis  limitare  :  immo  si  Papa  condat 
leges  et  canones,  videtur  observandum  illud  quod  dicit  Augustinus  :  le^es  insti- 
tuuntur  cum  promul^antur,  firmantur  autem  cum  muribus  utentium  appro- 
bantur.  Hoc  enim  dicitur  ad  reprimendam  pra;sumptionem  quorundam  sumnio- 
rum  Pontificum  vel  cis  adulantium,  etc.  A''icoIaus  Cusanus  de  concord,  cath. 
lib.  II.  c.  9  :  Ecclesiastici  canones  non  possunt  ni~i  per  ecclesiasticam  congregatio- 
ncm,  quae  Synodus  vel  coetu.s  dicitur,  slatui.  Et  idco  nisi,  quicunque  ille  fuerit, 
aut  Papa,  aut  Patriarcha,  decreta  secundum  canones  ecclesiasticos  promulgaverit, 
non  possunt  ilia  statuta,  canones,  sive  ecclesiastica  statuta  vocari ;  et  nihil  habent 
firmitatis,  cujuscunque  particularis  statuta,  nisi  in  quantum  per  acceptationem  et 
usum  seu  consensum  confirmentur,  sen  canonibus  consentiant.  Almainus  de 
auct.  Eccl.  et  Cone.  gen.  c.  12  (Gersonii  opp.  II.  p.  1008):  Summus  Pontifex 
non  solum  deponi  potest  ab  Ecclesia  seu  Concilio  pro  haeresi,  verum  etiam  et  pro 
alio  crimine  nolorio  Ecclesiam  scandalizante. 

*  This  was  one  of  the  points  that  was  most  loudly  and  most  frequently  discussed 
between  the  two  parlies.  Martin  V.  had  condemned  such  appeals  at  Constance, 
which  had  called  forth  Gerson's  work,  see  §  130,  note  23.  Pius  II.  condemned 
them  anew,  see  §  132,  note  26,  but  likewise  was  opposed,  namely,  by  Gregory  of 
Heimburg,  see  ibid,  note  29. 

'■>  Gerson  de  potest,  eccl.  Epilogi  Conclus.  2  (Opp.  II.  p.  256)  :  Nee  tamen 
plenitude  potestatis  papalis  sic  intelligenda  est  immediate  super  omnes  Christianos, 
quod  pro  libito  possit  innnediate  jurisdictionem  in  omnes  per  se  vel  alios  extraordi- 
narios  passim  excrcere  :  sic  enim  pra-judicaret  Ordinariis,  qui  jus  habent  immedia- 
tius,  immo  immediatissimum  super  plebes  eis  commissas,  actus  hierarchios  exer- 
cendi.     Extenditur  igitur  plenitudo  potestatis  Papae  super  omnes  inferiores  solum 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  135.     General  vieio  of.  261 

although  the  arguments  for  this  view  were  drawn  chiefly  from  such 
of  the  older  church  rules  as  had  been  retained  in  the  usual  collec- 
tions, and  this  circumstance  might  well  have  led  to  a  more  thorough 
historical  investigation  ;  the  defenders  of  the  new  theory  rested  their 
cause  almost  entirely  on  dogmatical  grounds.  Some  individuals, 
it  is  true,  went  further  on  the  true  path  ;  the  fraud  of  the  Pseudo- 
Isidore,  and  of  the  investiture  by  Constantine,  was  acknowledged  by 
many,  and  this  last  loudly  proclaimed  by  Laurentius  Valla  :  ^^  still 
these  discoveries  were  confined  to  a  few,  and  were  made  no  use  of  by 
those  few  ;  and  thus  the  most  powerful  weapon  that  could  be  wielded 
against  the  popes,  that  of  history,  lay  as  yet  untouched. 

Whilst  this  new  system,  which  was  carried  furthest  ni  France,  was 
considered  the  foundation  of  all  true  freedom  in  the  church,  the  old 
papal  system  found  defenders  enough,  who,  attached  to  the  Pope 
either  by  favors  received   or  hoped   for,ii  and  excited  by  opposition, 


dum  subest  necessitas  ex  defectu  Ordinariorum  inferiopum,  vel  dum   apparet  evi- 
dens    utilitas   EcclesiK.     JKlcol.   Ciisanus  de   concord,   cath.   lib.   II.  c.  13  :  Pro 
investigando  veritatem  illius,  an  scilicet  de  jure  positive  omnes  Pra;lati   inferiores 
Papa  derivative,  scil.  ab  ipso  Papa,  jurisdictionem  habeant;  —  oportet  prinio,  si  hoc 
verum  foret,  Petrum   aliquid  a  Christo  singularitatis  recepisse,  et  Papam  in  hoc 
successorem  esse.     Sed  scimus,  quod  Petrus  nihil  plus  potestatis  a  Christo  recepit 
aliis  Apostolis.— Nihil  enim  dictum  est  ad   Petrum,  quod  etiam  aliis  dictum  non 
sit.  —  Ideo  recte   dicimus,  omnes  Apostolos  in  potestate   cum  Petro  a;quales.  — 
Unde  cum  potestas  ligandi  et  solvendi,  in  qua  I'undatur  omnis  ecclesiastica  juris- 
dictio,  sit  immediate  a  Christo;  — et  quia  ab   ilia  potestate  ligandi  et  solvendi  est 
divine  jurisdictionis  potestas;  patet,  omnes   Episcopos,  et  forte  etiam  Presbyteros 
aequalis  potestatis  esse  quoad  jurisdictionem,  licet  non  exequutionis.     Quod  quidem 
exercitium   exequutivum    sub  certis  positivis   terminis    clauditur   et   restringitur 
propter  melius  et  causam  cum  majori  parte  perducendi  omnes  homines  ad  finem 
suum,  scil.  Deum  :  ob  quem  finem  finaliter  omnis  potestas,  ct  jurisdictio,  et  statuta 
huiTiana  per  media  proportionata  tempori  et  loco  tendere   debent.     Unde  cessante 
causa  statuti  illius,  —  puta  vel  ob  negligentiam  inferiorum,  vel  necessitatem,  tunc 
cessant  ilia  positiva  jura.  —  Quare  dicimus,  —  quod   omnes  Episcopi  unius  sunt 
potestatis  et  dignitatis  :  quae   supra  sunt,  scil.   Archiepiscopalis,   Patriarchalis,  et 
Papalis  sunt  administrationes.  —  Quare  hoc  solum   singularitatis  in  Petro  invenie- 
mus,    quod  ipse   fuit  major  in    administratione,   ad   quam    volentibus    Apostolis  a 
Christo  est  electus,  quia  senior.  —  Sicut  principatus  Petri  a  legatione  Christi  depen- 
debat,  ita  et  omnium   Episcoporum  :  —  quare   qui  eos  audit,  Christum   audit.— 
Apostolicum  pra»ceptum  habent  omnes  Episcopi  regendi  se  et  gregem.  —  Si  dicis, 
Papam  subditos  Episcoporum  absolvere  et  ligare,  dico  idem  in  aliis,  quando  con- 
sensus propriorum  intervenit.     Actus  enim,  aliter  nullus,  per  consensum  aut  gra- 
tificationem  proprii  sacerdotis  in  hac  materia  validus  eificitur.  —  Cum  ergo  usu 
communi  sit  hoc  introductum,  et  ex   usu   consensus   elicitur,  patet  quod  etficacia 
hujus  vigorem  ex  consensu  recipit.  —  Igitur  non  legitur,  antiques  Romanos  Ponti- 
fices  se  de  his  intromisisse,  et  talia  confessionalia  et  alia  consimilia  concessisse,  et 
forte  non  fuisset  perniissum.     Unde  si  Concilium  Africanum,  cui  se  subscripsit  s. 
Augustinus,  non  admisit  appellationem  a  Synodo  ad  Papam  (see  vol.  I.  §  92,  note 
53),  —  quomodo  tunc  admisissent  ista,  et  ea   qua;   hodie  exorbitanter  fiunt .'     Sed 
quia  consensus  ex  usu  longaevo  hoc  nunc  introduxit,  valida  ilia  sunt  quoad  anima- 
rum  salutem,  quam  diu  patiuntur  :  tolli  autem  possent  per  Concilium,  et  hoc  refor- 
matio deposcit.  —  Et  dum  banc  partem  defendimus,  quod  Papa  non  est  universalis 
Episcopus,  sed  super  alios  primus,  et  sacrorum   Conciliorum   non  in   Papa,  sed  in 
consensu  omnium  vigorem  fundamus  :  tunc  quia  veritatem  defendimus,  et  unicui- 
que  suum  honorem  reservamus,  recte  Papam  honoramus. 
'0  See  Div.  I.  §  20,  note  15. 

"   Thomas  de  Corsellis  says  in  an  oration  delivered  at  Basil  (JEneas   Sylvius 
de  Cone.  Basil,  lib.  I.  ed.  Cattopoli.  1667.  p.  19) :  Sunt  aliqui,  sive  avidi  gloriae, 


262  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

were  ready  to  go  any  lengths  in  its  support,  without  shrinking  from 
any  consequences  of  their  arguments,  however  revolting.^-  They 
maintained  that  the  papal  power  was   above  all  powers  on  earth  ;  ^^ 

sive  quod  adulando  praemia  exspectant,  qui  peregrinas  quasdara  et  omnino  novas 
pra;dicare  doctriiias  coeperunt,  ipsumque  summum  Pontificein  ex  jurisdictione 
sacri  Concilii  dcmere  non  vercntur.  Excoecavit  namque  illos  aiiibitio,  a  qua  non 
solum  hoc  modenium,  sed  oiniiia  usque  in  banc  diem  schismata  suborta  reperiun- 
tur.  —  Alius  clamat,  subditorum  facta  judicaii  a  Papa,  Romanum  vero  Pontificem 
solius  Dei  reservari  arbitiio.  Alius  die-it,  quia  priniam  sedcm  nemo  judicabit. — 
Alius  vero  asserere  non  veretiir,  Romanum  Pontificem,  quainvis  animas  caterva- 
tim  secum  ad  inferos  traliat,  nullius  reprebcnsioni  tore  subjcctum.  Nee  considerant 
miseri,  quia  qua;  prasdicant  laiitopere  verba  aut  ipsorum  sununorum  Pontificum  sunt, 
suas  fimbrias  extcndentium,  aut  illoruni,  qui  cis  adulabantur.  Jacobi  de  Paradiso 
(a  Carthusian  and  Doctor  of  Theology  at  Erfurlh)  collectum  de  septem  statibus 
Ecclesia;  in  Apocalj'psi  mystice  descriptis  (written  1449)  in  Walrhii  monim.  medii 
aevi,  vol.  II.  fasc.  2,  p.  43  seq.,  see  below,  note  31.  Joannes  Major  (see  note  2) 
comm.  in  Matth.  c.  18,  in  Gerso7iii  0pp.  II.  p.  1144  :  Quod  vero  plures  Pontificem 
extollant  quam  Concilium,  non  mirabeiis.  Concilium  raro  congregatur,  nee  dat 
dignitatcs  ecclesiasticas.  Papa  dat  eas  :  hinc  homines  ei  blandiuntur,  dicentes,  quod 
solus  potest  onniia  quadrare  I'otunda,  et  rotundare  quadrata,  tam  in  spiritualibus 
quam  in  temporalibus. 

^^  The  most  conspicuous  of  these  writers,  in  the  fifteenth  century,  is  Joannes  de 
Turrccremata,  a  Dominican,  Magister  s.  Palatii,  who  was  sent  as  papal  ambassa- 
dor to  the  Council  of  Basil,  was  very  active  at  the  Council  of  Florence,  from  1439 
Cardinal,  "f  1463.  In  opposition  to  the  Council  of  Basil  he  wrote  his  Summa  de 
Ecclesia  et  ejus  auctoritate  libb.  IV.  (Lugd.  1496.  Venet.  1561),  of  which  lib.  II. 
de  potestate  Papali,  and  lib.  III.  de  Conciliis  are  given  in  Rocaberti  biblioth.  max. 
pontificia,  T.  XIII.  p.  281,  where  also  we  find,  p.  57.5,  ejusd.  de  summi  Pontificis 
et  generalis  Concilii  potestate,  ad  Basileensium  Oratorem  in  Florentina  Synodo 
responsio,  viva  voce  exhibita.     Of  Cajetan,  see  above,  note  3. 

"  Jo.  de  Turrecremata,  Lib.  II.  c.  52,  gives  the  following  view  of  the  plenitude 
of  the  power  of  the  Pope.  Namely,  primo  ostenditur  ex  his,  ex  quibus  excellentia 
papalis  dignitatis  sive  principatus  nobis  figuraliter  describitur.  —  Secundo  ostendi- 
tur—  in  extensione  principatus  sui :  extenditur  enim  in  totum  orbem  terrarum, 
nullus  enim  fidelis  in  toto  orbe  christiano  eximitur  ab  ejus  principatu.  —  Tertio  — 
ostenditur  in  potestate  clavium  in  foro  conscientia-.  Extenditur  enim  potestas  cla- 
vium  in  co  ad  omnia  loca,  ad  omnes  personas,  ad  omnes  casus.  —  Quaito  —  osten- 
ditur in  clavibus  judiciaria-  potcstalis  in  foro  exteriori.  Valet  enim  de  onmibus 
personis  orbis  christiani,  cujuscumque  status  aut  conditionis  existant,  judicare  :  est 
enim  judex  totius  Ecclesia-.  —  Cum  enim  Romanus  Pontifex  caput  totius  Christianae 
communitatis  princeps  existat ;  ejus  non  tantum  est  promovere  ea  et  ordinare,  quae 
ad  bonum  i-eipublica;,  et  consecutioncm  supernre  beatitudinis,  quae  finis  ultimus 
Christianorum  est,  conferunt,  sed  ea  tollere  et  submovere  pi-ohibcndo  et  corrigendo, 
quae  ad  niotionem  ad  talem  finem  fideles  impediunt.  —  Quinto  plenitudo  potestatis 
Romani  Pontificis  ostenditur  in  depositione  Episcoporum.  —  Sexto  —  in  hoc,  quod 
ejus  potestas  a  nulla  potestate  humana  exceditur,  vel  superatur ;  sed  ipsa  omnem 
aliam  excedit  et  supeiat.  —  7.  in  hoc,  quod  non  arctatur  ejus  potestas  ad  hoc,  ut 
semper  servato  ordine  inferiorum  potestatum  operetur,  sed  potest  mediantibus  illis, 
vel  illis  intermissis,  immediate  in  quemcunque  Christianum  operari,  ut  immediatua 
ordinarius  Pastor  et  Pra?latus,  quando  viderit  expedire.  —  8.  in  exemptione  inferio- 
rum Praelatorum  a  superiori.  —  9.  in  hoc,  quod  non  ligatur  legibus  a  se  factis,  aut 
etiam  sacrorum  Conciliorum  canonibus,  sed  potest  ex  plenitudine  potestatis  super 
jus  et  leges  positas  facere,  et  in  canonibus  Conciliorum  juxta  temporum  opportuni- 
tatem  aut  locoium,  et  personarum  conditiones  dispensare.  — 10.  in  dispensalione 
actionum  humanarum,  puta  volorum  et  juramcntorum. —  11.  in  administratione  et 
dispensatione  rerum  ecclesiaslicarum.  Alii  autem  Prffilati  et  Collegia  habent 
potestatem  coarctatam  in  adniinistrando  et  dispensando  res  suas,  et  transferendo 
dominium  ipsarum  ;  obligando,  et  alienando,  quia  nonnisi  ex  certis  causis  et  cum 
certis  solemnitatibus  jure  possunt  res  Ecclesiae  alienare.  —  Papa  vero  in  istis  solus 
sine  consensu  etiam  cujuscumque,  et  sine  solemnitatibus  potest  res  quascumque 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §  135.     General  view  of.  263 

that  the  Pope  was  not  only  lord  of  all  princes/'*  but  likewise  the 


cujuslibet  EcclesiJe  alienare,  et  alienando  dominium  transferre,  dum  tamen  hoc 
facial  ex  jusia  causa.  —  12.  in  hoc,  —  quod  quiedam  sunt  superiorum  Ordinum, 
quae  potest  Papa  committere  inferioribus  quibusdam  :  sicut  Presbyteris  concedit 
conferre  minores  Ordines,  quod  pertinet  ad  potestatem  Episcopalem  :  — 13.  in  di- 
spensalione  thesauri  Ecclesiffi,  quoniam  ipse  solus,  utpote  Christi  principalis  vicarius 
et  dispensator,  dat  plenariam  indulgentiam,  et  omni  homini  tideli  de  toto  mundo.  — 
14.  in  hoc,  quod  dispositio  totius  ecclesiastici  ordinis  quoad  dignitates  ecclesiasticag, 
—  et  dispensatio  beneficiorum,  tanquam  ad  servum,  quern  constituit  Dominus  super 
familiam,  ut  det  illis  tritici  mensuram,  pertinent  ad  Romanum  Pontificem.  — 15.  in 
canonizatione  Sanctorum.  Rodericus  Sancius  Episc.  Zamorensis  et  Referenda- 
rius,  P.  Pauli  11.,  Speculum  vit®  humanaj  (Roma  1468,  many  times  published, 
e.  g.  Argent.  1507.  fol.)  lib.  II.  c.  1  :  Summi  Pontiticatus  excellentiam,  dignitatem 
et  auctoritatem,  —  illiusque  necessitatem  et  utilitatem  ostendere,  hodie  munus 
suscepi,  grande  quidem  negotium,  sed  parvum  ingenium.  Cujus  tanta  est  sublimi- 
tas  et  eminentia,  tanta  immensitas,  ut  nullus  mortalium  nedum  comprehendere,  aut 
satis  expriniere,  sed  nee  cogitare  posset.  Obtundit  enim  omnem  humanum  intel- 
lectum  illius  sacratissimi  et  omnium  emincntissimi  status  majestas  et  excellentia, 
quia  scriptum  est :  scrutator  majestatis  opprimetur  a  gloria.  Si  —  nihil  in  hoc 
ssculo  excellentius  —  inveniri  potest  statu  et  dignitatc  simplicium  sacerdotum, — 
quid  cogitandum  est  de  eo  summo  Pontitice,  qui  vices  veri  Dei  gerit  in  terris  ?  qui 
ad  plenitudinem  status,  qui  ad  apostolicuin  thronuni,  qui  ad  culmen  omnium  digni- 
tatum  assumitur,  ex  qua  certe,  ut  rivuli  a  fonte,  rami  ab  arbore  procedunt.  Qui 
non  ad  humanum  tantum  principatum,  sed  ad  divinum  ;  non  ad  principandum  solum 
mortalibus,  nee  modo  hominibus,  sed  angelis ;  non  ad  judicandum  vivos,  sed  mor- 
tuos ;  non  in  terra  solum,  sed  in  ca?lo ;  non  ad  prssidendum  solis  fidelibus,  sed 
intidelibus  :  et  (ut  paucis  agam)  qui  ad  earn  ipsam  dignitatem,  ad  eandem  jui-isdic- 
tionem  et  coactionem,  ac  universalem  toto  orbe  supremum  principatum  a  summo 
Deo  et  ejus  loco  super  cunctos  mortales  institutus  et  evcctus  est.  De  quo  per  Job 
scriptum  est,  quod  coram  eo  curvantur,  qui  portant  orbem,  et  Reges  seculi  atque 
tyranni  ridiculum  sunt,  qui  solus  omnem  potestatem  ambit.  Et,  sicut  Scriptura 
commemorat,  unus  est,  et  secundum  non  habet.  — Cujus,  teste  propheta,  sua  sunt 
justitiae,  potestas  et  imperium.  Quem  iterum  David  signat  inquiens :  dedit  ei 
potestatem  et  regnum,  et  omnes  populi  et  linguaj  servient  ei,  etc. 

^■'  On  this  point  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  is  somewhat  more  moderate.  He  points 
out,  II.  c.  103,  two  extremes,  the  opinion  quod  Romanus  Pontifex  ratione  sui  prin- 
cipatus  in  solis  spiritualibus  consistat,  ita  quod  nullo  modo  juie  Papatus  ad  tempo- 
ralia  se  extendat,  and  quod  R.  P.  jure  sui  Principatus,  sive  Vicariatus  Christi 
habeat  in  toto  orbe  terrarum  plenam  jurisdiclionem,  non  solum  in  spiritualibus  sed 
etiam  in  temporalibus,  quod  omnium  Principum  sscularium  juiisdictionalis  potestas 
a  Papa  in  eos  derivata  sit.  He  maintains  on  the  contrary,  quod  spirituali  potestati 
potestas  sscularis  in  Papa  conjungitur,  qui  utriusque  potestatis  apicem  tenet,  but 
that  he  has  jurisdictionem  in  temporalibus  in  toto  orbe  christiano  only  so  fai-  quan- 
tum necesse  est  pro  bono  spirituali  conservando  ipsius  et  aliorum,  sive  quantum 
Ecclesiae  necessitas  exigit,  aut  debitum  pastoralis  oflficii  in  correctione  peccatorum 
exposcit.  Hence  the  Pope  is  not  orbis  Dominus  or  Rex  aut  Imperator  orbis ;  so 
that  it  cannot  be  said,  ut  quemadmodum  omnes  dignitates  ecclesiastics  a  sede 
Apostolica  pendere  dicuntur  ab  ea  jurisdictionem  sumentes,  —  ita  principatus  et 
jurisdictiones  Regum  et  Principum  sscularium  dependent  ab  ea.  Nor,  quod  de 
feudis  Principum  saecularium,  aut  de  possessionibus  directe  se  intromittere  aut 
judicare  valeat  regulariter ;  and  quod  a  quocunque  judice  sa?culari  passim  et  regu- 
lariter  ad  eum  possit  appellari.  Further,  Papa  non  habet  potestatem,  sive  jurisdic- 
tionem in  temporalibus,  ut  Reges  in  bonis  temporalibus  habent  dominium,  nee  ita 
ut  sit  regulariter  eorum  dispensator :  —  non  habet  ita  plenam  jurisdictionem  in 
temporalibus,  sicut  in  spiritualibus,  ita  quod  sicut  deponere  potest  Praelatum  eccle- 
siasticum,  etiam  sine  culpa  sua,  ita  possit  deponere  Principem  sascularem,  sive 
laicum.  On  the  other  hand,  cap.  114  :  potestatis  spiritualis,  et  maxime  Paps,  qui 
est  universalis  dux  et  rector  populi  Christiani,  est  dirigere  et  regulare,  prascipere 
atque  leges  dare  potestati  saeculari,  quibus  in  administratione  sui  officii  diiigatur  in 
finem  ultimum  felicitatis  aeternae,    Et  secundum  hoc  Romanus  Pontifex  se  habet 


2G4  TIdrd  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

source  of  all  episcopal  power ;  ^^   that  he  was   above    all   councils. 


ad  Reges  et  Principes,  tanquam  architectonicus  ad  artifices :  ille  enim  propter 
quid  et  regulas  judicandi  scit :  isti  autem,  scil.  artifices  meclianici,  tanquam  experti 
in  niultis  ipsuin  quia  sciunt,  propter  quid  autern  ignorant :  propter  quod  debet  illis 
Papa  leges  dare,  secundum  quas  debent  jurisdictioneiu  suam  exequi,  et  populum 
regere  in  ordine  ad  beatiludinem  supernaturaleni.  —  Ex  cura  ergo  pastorali,  quani 
Roinanus  Pontifex  habet  super  omnes  fideles,  cujuscumque  status,  dignitatis  vel 
conditionis  existant,  statini  datur  inteliigi,  quod  apicem  non  tantum  spiritualis  pote- 
statis,  scd  etiani  temporalis  alitpio  inodo  habere  dicendus  sit.  —  Sine  ulla  dubitatione 
ad  Prajlatos  Ecclesiae,  et  maxime  ad  Prajlatum  Pradatorum  pertinet  jure  sibi  a  Deo 
collato  recognoscere  et  judicare  de  peccato  quocumque.  —  Non  solum  Principes 
saeculares  circa  usum  sua»  jurisdictionis  delinciuentes  potest  per  censuram  ecclesia- 
sticamcoercere,  verum  ctiam  eos  notabiliter  negligentes  a  dignitate  deponere.  This 
moderation  of  Torquemada,  by  which  no  one  usurpation  of  the  Pope  was  really 
made  impossible,  is  to  be  attributed  to  the  course  of  atfairs  at  the  Council  of  Basil. 
At  a  later  period  the  Pope's  party  spoke  more  plainly.  Thus  Dominicus  Venetus 
(Episc.  Torcellanus,  afterwards  Brixi^-nsis,  about  1465)  in  Marci  Antonii  de 
Dominis  de  republ.  eccles.  lib.  VI.  c.  10.  §  .3)  :  Papa  est  verus  Dominus  mundi, 
et  verus  Monarcha,  et  apud  ipsum  est  utraque  monarchia.  Papa  potest  tollere 
Imperium,  pra-sertim  si  videatur  sibi,  quod  aliter  mundus  melius  gubernaretur  :  et 
quod  nullus  esset  Monai-cha  praeter  ip-um,  et  quod  Reges  immediate  ipsum  recog- 
noscerent,  et  nullum  alium  superiorem.  Papa  temporalem  jurisdictionem  habet 
universaliter  in  omni  loco,  et  potest  eain  exequi.  Papa  non  solum  potest  deponere 
Imperatores  et  Reges,  verum  etiani  Imperium  et  Regnum  extinguere  in  laicis, 
etiam  sine  causa,  et  Principatus  supprimere,  et  nova  regna  aut  Principatus  erigere. 
Rodericus  Sancius,  bishop  of  Zamorra  (see  note  11)  in  his  work  de  origine  et 
differentia  Principatuum  (inLe  Bret's  Magazin  f.  Staaten-  u.  Kichengesch. 
Th.  4.  S.  520)  :  Est  vero  naturaliter,  moraliter  et  divino  jure  cum  recta  fide  tenen- 
dum, Principatum  Romani  Pontiticis  e^se  verum,  unicum,  immediatum  Principa- 
tum  totius  orbis,  nedum  quoad  spiritualia,  sed  quoad  temporalia ;  et  principatum 
imperialcm  esse  ab  ip>o  dependentem  et  mediatum,  ministerialem  et  instrumenta- 
lem,  eidem  subministrantem  et  deservientem,  foreque  al)  eo  ordinatum  et  institu- 
tum,  et  ad  jussum  Principatus  papalis  niobilem,  revocabilem,  corrigibilem  et 
punibilem.  Especially  remarkable  in  this  way  the  rebuke  of  an  imperial  ambassa- 
dor in  the  papal  consistory,  A.  D.  147.3,  see  Jac.  Volaterrani  diarium  Romanura 
in  Muratur a  Scriptt.  rer.  Ital.  XXIII.  p.  94:  Thomas  quidam,  vir  acris  ingenii, 
quum  Imperatoris  Federici  nomine  assumi  ad  dignitatem  Cardinalatus  Dominicum 
Episcopum  Bi-ixiensem  contenderet,  eamque  ob  causam  postulate  Senatu  ac  date 
fervidius  loqueretur,  saepe  inter  agendum  Monarcham  orbis  Imperatorem  appella- 
bat.  Tum  Cardinalis  Rotomagensis,  qui  eliam  causa;  Dominici  minus  favebat, 
paulo  commotior  factus:  male,  inquit,  agis,  Tlioma  ;  non  tuus  Imperator,  sed  hie 
noster  Pontifex  Monarcha  est  orbis :  pati  non  possum,  Romance  amplitudini 
detrahi.  Tum  ille:  non  omnium,  inquit,  Monarcham  Imperatorem  ajo  ;  tem- 
poralium  tantum  intelligo.  Et  Rotomagensis  ;  nee  tempnralium  quoque  illi  est 
Monarchia :  jure  divino  et  pontijicio  tota  Romani  est  Prcesulis.  Idem  qui  ex 
Patribus  jus  didicere,  uno  judicio  confirmarunt. 

'^  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  summa  de  Ecclesia  II.  c.  32:  solus  Petrus  inter  Aposto- 
los  immediate  a  Christo  factus  et  ordinatus  fuit  Episcopus  :  —  alii  vero  Apostoli  a 
Petro  mediate,  vel  immediate,  solo,  vel  cum  alio,  vel  cum  aliis  sunt  Episcopi  facti 
vel  ordinati.  c.  54  :  dicimus  cum  s.  Thoma,  —  quod  tota  jurisdictionis  potestas 
aliorum  Prslatorum  de  lege  communi  derivatur  a  Papa.  —  Apostoli  alii — non 
susceperunt  potestatem  jurisdictionis  immediate  a  Christo,  sed  mediante  Petro. 
Ergo  sequitur,  quod  etiam  nunc  Praelati,  qui  sunt  in  Ecclesia,  jurisdictionis  pote- 
statem suscipiant  immediate  a  Papa,  et  non  a  Christo.  c.  C5  :  Romanus  Pontifex 
immediatus  Pra;latus  et  judex  est  omnium  Christianorum,  potestque  facere  in  toto 
orbe  terrarum,  quicquid  inferiores  Praelati  agere  possunt.  —  In  quocumque  ordine 
quando  tota  potestas  inferiorum  dependet  et  originatur  a  potestate  superioiis,  ad 
qusEcunque  sc  potest  cxtendere  potestas  inferiorum,  ad  omnia  ilia  se  potest  exten- 
dere  immediate  potestas  superioris :  sed  potestas  jurisdictionis,  de  qua  est  sermo, 
omnium  aliorum  Prajlatoruin  in  Ecclesia  a  potestate  Papae  derivatur;  ergo  sequitur. 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   135.     General  view  of .  265 

which  had  their  consequence  only  from   him  ;  ^^  and  that  himself  in- 
fallible, he  could  prescribe  what  was  to  be  believed   by  others.^'''     So 


quod  sunimus  Poiitifex  potest  in  toto  orbe  omnia  facere  immediate,  qna-cumque 
possunt  alii  Prselati.  Thorn.  Cajetnnus  da  auct.  Papai  et  Cone.  c.  3  ( Rocaberti 
XIX.  p.  449)  :  In  Pctro  et  a  Pctro  inchoat  omnis  Ecclesiaj  potestas,  et  derivatur  in 
totam  Efclesiam  via  ordinaiia. 

'«  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  II.  c.  80:  Romanus  Pontifex  superior,  ac  major  juris- 
dictionis  auctoritate  est  tola  ipsa  residua  universali  Ecclesia.  —  Omnis  pastor  — 
superior  est  grege,  cujus  est  pastor,  sed  Kom.  Pont,  est  pastor  Ecclesia;  univer- 
salis, ergo  ipse  est —  superior  universali  Ecclesia.  Lib.  111.  c.  28:  universaliter 
Concilioruni  auctoritas  a  Rom.  Pont,  pendet  et  emanat.  c.  32  :  ea,  qua;  in  univer- 
salibus  Conciliis  statuuntur,  sentenliantur,  aut  detiniuntur,  aut  interpretantur, 
auctoritate  Romani  Pontificis  principaliter  regulariter  tiunt.  c.  44  :  Rom.  Pontifex 
superior  estjurisdictionis  auctoritate  universali  Concilio.  c.  47:  appellare  non  licet 
a  Romano  Pontitice  ad  Concilium  universale,  sed  magis  e  converso,  puta  a  senten- 
tia  Concilii,  quam  Apostolica  sedes  nondum  approbavit,  ad  Papam  licet  appellare. 
c.  51  :  Rom.  Pontife.v  nee  ligatur,  nee  subjicitur  necessitate  quorumcunque  Con- 
cilioruni,—nee  universalium  statulis,  legibus,  aut  canonibus,  qua;  sub  juris  positivi 
genere  conqirehenduntur.  c.  -55  :  Rom.  Pontifex  non  solum  auctoritatem  in  cano- 
nibus sacrorum  Conciliorum,  etiam  universalium,  et  decretis  suorum  pra;decesso- 
rum  dispensandi  liabet,  verum  etiam  tollendi,  aut  revocandi,  aut  mutandi,  prout 
temporum  aut  causarum  neeessitas  exposcit.  c.  62  :  Quemadmodum  ad  Romanura 
Pontificem,  ut  ad  Ecclesia;  Principem,  pertinet,  Concilia  universalia,  si  bene  pro- 
cesserint,  approbatione  et  auctoritate  sua  confirmando  honorare  ;  ita  ipsius  est,  ea 
Concilia,  qua;  in  perniciem  fidei,  aut  totius  Ecclesia;  perturbationem  celebrata 
reperta  fuerint,  corrigere,  reprobare,  ac  cassare,  ea,  qua;  minus  juste,  minusque 
bene  acta  sunt,  retractando  et  condemnando.  Thorn.  Cajetanus  de  auctor.  PapJE 
et  Concilii,  c.  7  scq.  (Rocaberti  XIX.  p.  455)  c.  20.  p.  474,  it  is  granted,  quod 
Papa  Cactus  ha;retieus  subest  potestati  ministeriali  Ecclesia;,  et  non  auctoritativae 
super  Papam  :  on  the  other  hand  decidedly  denied,  c.  24.  p.  482  seq.,  quod  Papa 
propter  incorrigibiUtatem  in  quocumque  notorio  crimine  scandalizante  Ecclesiam 
subjiciatur  Concilii  potestati,  ita  quod  possit  deponi :  and  the  reason  given  c.  26. 
p.  487  is,  because  we  read,  Matth.  18,  quod  pes,  manus,  vel  oculus,  non  tamea 
caput  scandalizans  amputaretur.  Apologia;,  P.  I.  c.  1.  (1.  c.  p.  494)  :  Natura 
ecclesiastici  regiminis  ab  ipsa  sua  nativitate  est,  non  ut  in  communitate  ad  unum 
vel  pliu-es  derivetur,  quemadmodum  accidit  in  regiiiiine  civili  humano ;  sed  ut  in 
uno  certo  Principe  suapte  natura  sit.  Et  cum  Princeps  iste  unus  atque  idem 
Dominus  Jesus  heri,  hodie,  et  in  sa;cula  vivat  et  regnet ;  sec\uulum  naturalis  juris 
consequentiam  oportet,  ut  ad  ipsuin  Principem,  non  ad  comuiunitatem  Ecclesia 
spectet  in  sua  absentia  ordinarede  Vicario,  non  communitatis  Ecclesis,  qua;  utpote 
serva  nata  principandi  jure  caret,  sed  ipsius  Principis,  naturalis  Domini  communi- 
tatis Ecclesia;.  Et  hoc  ipsum  Salvator  noster  per  semetipsum  exequi  dignatus  est, 
dum  Petrum  Apostolum  solum  instituit  suum  Vicarium  post  resurrectionem,  ante- 
quam  coelos  ascenderet,  ut  patet  Joan.  ult. 

"  Jo.  de  Turrecremata,  II.  c.  107:  Ad  Romani  Pontificis  auctoritatem  spectat, 
tanquam  ad  generalem  totius  orbis  principalem  magistrum  et  doctorem,  determinare 
ea,  quEE  lidei  sunt,  et  per  consequens  edere  symholurn  fidei,  sacraK  Scriptura;  inter- 
pretari  sensus,  et  doctorum  singuloriun  dicta  ad  fidem  speetantia  approbare  vel  repro- 
bare. c.  109:  tanta  soliditate  veritatis  apostolicum  thronum  elementia  Divinitatis 
firmaverat,  quod  judicium  ejus  in  his,  qua;  lidei  sunt,  errare  a  veritate  non  possit. 
Decebat  sane  ut  sedes  ilia,  qua;  superni  dispositione  Concilii  magistra  fidei,  et  cardo 
omnium  instituebalur  Ecclesiarum,  in  his,  qua;  fidei  sunt,  hominumque  necessaria 
saluti,  ab  ipso  omnium  auctore  Deo,  —  hoc  singulari  infallibilitatis  munere  donaretur. 
In  cujus  rei  sacramentum  prime  illius  sedis  Pontifici  — nomen  firmitatis  imponitur, 
scil.  Petrus,  quod  Syra  lingua  rupes  interpretatur.  c.  112  :  Ubi  — bene  adverten- 
dum,  quod  non  dicitur,  quod  Papa  errare  non  possit,  aut  male  sentire  aut  judicare 
in  his,  qua-  fidei  sunt ;  —  sed  dicitur,  quod  sententia,  quam  in  judicio  Rom.  Pontilex 
profert  in  his,  qua;  fidei  sunt,  errare  non  possit,  aut  quod  sedis  Apostolic*  judicium, 
quod  idem  est,  errare  non  possit.  —  Sedis  autem  Apostolicie  —  sententia  in  judicio 
prolata  a  Rom.  Pontifice  intelligitur,  non  qua;  occulte,  malitiose,  aut  inconsulte  per 

vol..  III.  34 


266  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

far  were  they  carried  in  their  zeal,  that  some  of  them  maintained  that 
the  donatio  Constantini,  levied  by  Laurentius  Valla,  was  only  a  resti- 
tutio,"^ and  made  the  Pope  a  God  on  earth. ^^ 


solum  Rom.  Pontificcm,  aut  etiam  quae  per  ipsum  cum  paucis  sibi  faventibus,  aliis 

in  fraiidem   conleiiiptis  sive   non  vocatis,   ad  partem  profertur ;  sed  qua;  a  Rom. 

Pontitice  cum  maturo  ct  gravi  virorum  sapicntum,  et  maxime  dominoruin  Cardina- 

lium  primo  Coucilio  digesta  et  maturata  sancitur  et  profertur.     Lib.  III.  c.  58.  on 

the  question  utriun  universale  Concilium  in  his,  qua;  lidei  sunt,  errare  possit.'     Ad 

quam  quajstionem  nobis  vidctur  sub  distinctione  respondendum.     De  Concilio  uni- 

versali  loqui  possumus  dupliciter  :  uno  modo  de  Concilio  universali  plenario,  plena- 

rium  autem  Concilium  dicimus,  in  quo  cum  Ecclesia;  patribus  Romanus  Pontifcx 

eorum    caput  —  concurrit.  —  Secundo    modo    loqui    possumus   de    Concilio,    prout 

dicitur  corpus  tantum  patrum,  distinctum  a  capite  suo  Romano  Pontitice.    Si  primo 

modo  loquamur  de  Concilio,  tit  ista  conclusio:   Concilium  universale  in  his,  qua;  ad 

fidem  pertinent,  errare  non  potest,  qua;  tam  patrum  Ecclesia^,  quam  Romani  Pon- 

titicisunanimi  consensu  detinita  sunt.  —  Apostolica;  sedis  judicium  in  his,  quae  tidei 

sunt,  errare  non  potest ;  ergo  nee  Concilium  universale,  in  quo  Apostolica;  sedis 

inter'venit,  sive   concurrit  auctoritas  et  consensus. — On  the  other  hand,  however, 

Concilium  universale  non  interveniente  consensu  ct  approbatione  Apostolic*  sedis 

errare  potest  in  his,  qua;  tidei  sunt.  —  Phantasia  stulta  eorum,  qui  omni  Concilio 

non  errandi  gratiam  quasi  essentialiter  inesse  affirmant,  cum  tam  ex  Evangelio, 

quam  ex  actibus  Apostolorum,  et  gestis  antiquorum  Conciliorum  manifeste  oppcsi- 

tum  habeatur.     Dominicus  Venetus  (see  note  12)  de  Cardinalium  legitima  crea- 

tlone  (appended  to  Marci  Ant.  de  Dominis  de  Rcpubl.  eccl.  P.  I.)  Propos.  VII  : 

Universale  Concilium  legitime  congregatum,  et  auctoritate  Romani  Pontiticis  con- 

firmatum,  in  se  et  decretis  suis  universalem  Ecclesiam  repra:sentat :  et  id,  quod 

facit  aut  determinat  cum  tali  approbatione  et  consensu  Maximi  Pontiticis,  tenendum 

est  ratum  et  firmum,  ac  si  universalis  Ecclesia  detern.inaret,  qua;  non  permittitur  a 

Deo  errare  in  tide,  nee  in  determinando  ea,  qua;  ad  bene  vivendum  pertinent.  — 

Hffic  autem  inl'allibilis  regula  non  est  Concilium,  etiam  legitime  congregatum.  — 

Nam    multa   Concilia  errasse   leguntur; — Ephesina  secunda  universalis   tuit,  et 

legitime    congregata,    utpote    auctoritate   Leonis  Max.   Pont,  et  pro  justa    causa, 

utpote  pro  damnatione  haeresis:  qua;  tamen  errasse  legitur.  —  In  cujus  correctio- 

nem  Synodus  Chalccd.  convocata  est  ejusdem  Leonis  auctoritate;  et  hoc  quia  non 

requiritur  solum  auctoritas  Rom.  Pontiticis  in  congregando,  sed  etiam  in  detinita  et 

sancita  approbando.  —  Similiter  etiam  nee  Papa  solus  est  ilia  regula  inl'allibilis,  quia 

aliqui  errasse  leguntur  in  tide,  ut  patet  de  Libcrio,  et  de  Anastasio  secundo,  qui 

communicavit  Acacio  hsretico,  ideo  percussus  est  a  Deo  (plainly  contbunding  him 

with  the  emperor  Anastasius)  :  ergo  infallibilis  regula  ciit  Papa,   adhibito  dcbito 

con-^ilio  pcritorum  ;  a  fortiori  ergo  si  cum  generali  Concilio,  quod  pro  arduis  causis 

congregatur,   quia  difficilius    errant   plures,   quam   pauci.     Tliom.    C'ojetanus  de 

aucFor.    Paps   et  Conciliis,  c.   9   (Rvcaboti  XIX.  p.  460)  :  Magis  potest  errare 

communitas  Ecclesia;  sine  auctoritate  Papas,  quam  Papa.     Et  ratio  est,  quia  error 

PapEB  in  definitiva  sententia  fidei  est  error  totius  Ecclesia;,  —  quia  ad  ipsum  spectat 

determinare  iinaliter  de  tide  quid  tenendum,  et  quid  i-epellendum.  —  Impossibile 

est  autem  universalem  Ecclesiam   eriare  in  tide,  ergo  impossibile  est,  Papam  in 

judicio   delinitivo  auctoritative    errare   in    fide.  —  Pupa  in   hujusmodi  judicio  est 

rectissimus  propter  assistentiam  Spiritus  Sancti. 

1^  Antonini  Summa  historialis.  Pars  I.  Tit.  8.  c.  2.  §  8 :  Quaestio  adhuc  agitur 
inter  Canonistas  et  Legistas,  utrum  ilia  tenueiit  donatio.  Quod  Canonist*  onuiino 
firmant,  et  Theologi  magis  confirinant  eo  quia  non  fuit  simplex  donatio,  sed  potius 
restitutio  Ecclesiae  facta  juris  sui,  cum  omnia  sint  de  Christi  dominio,  cujus  Papa 
est  vicarius  in  terris:  ca'tera  vero  dimisit  dominis  temporalibus.  Jo.  Major  (see 
note  2)  comm.  in  Matth.  c.  16.  in  Gerson'n  Ojip.  ed.  du  Pin,  II.  p.  11-53  :  Qua;- 
ritur,  an  Constantinus  contulcrit  justum  tituUim  Pontitici  in  terris,  quae  nunc 
voeantur  Ecclesia;.  Est  liic  :iioilus  tlicendi :  alitpii  volunt,  quod  nunquam  ei  dedil 
terras  in  Italia,  nee  Romanain  urbem  ;  aliquibus  placet,  quod  ncc  dare  poterat 
Italiam,  sive  istas  terras  qua;  dicuntur  Ecclesia-  ;  alii  tenentes,  Pontificem  habere 
dominium  tam  in  si)irilualibus,  quam  in  temporalibus,  dicunt,  quod  nihil  dedit,  sed 
solum  detentum  injuste  restiluit.     He  maintains  on  the  contrary  :  Ecclesia  licite 


Chap.  I.     Papncj/.     §  135.     General  view  of.  267 

Each  of  these  systems  condemned  ihe  other  as  heretical,  but  the 
fear  of  causing  an  incurable  schism  prevented  their  coming  to  ex- 
tremes. The  popes  were  also  eml)airassed  by  the  circumstance  that 
the  lawfuhiess  of  their  succession  depended  upon  the  acknowledg- 
ment of  the  Council  of  Constance,  whilst  in  the  decrees  of  that  coun- 
cil was  founded  the  system  which  tliey  opposed.  Hence  they  were 
glad  as  far  as  possible  to  pass  over  these  decrees  in  silence;-"  when 
forced  to  say  something,  they  had  recourse  to  evasion  ;  whilst  many 
of  tlieir  adherents  did  not  hesitate  to  deny  the  validity  of  the  council 
altogether.-^ 

cepit,  and  Constantinus  M.  licite  mvilta  contulit  Ecclesiis,  therefore  Rom.  Pont, 
juste  possidet.  It  is  remarkable  that  the  Cardinal  Bernardinus  Carvajal  Card.  S. 
Cruets,  who  was  at  the  head  of  the  Cardinals  who  forsook  Julius  11.,  and  sum- 
moned the  Council  of  Pisa  in  1511,  had  previously  written  in  support  of  this  notion 
of  a  restitutio:  Jo.  Boutzbachius  (Prior  in  the  convent  of  Laach  near  Andernach) 
says  of  him,  A.  D.  1511,  in  his  Auctariuni  in  libruin  Jo.  Trithemii  de  sciiptoribus 
ecclesiasticis  (Ms.  in  the  library  of  the  University  of  Bonn,  fol.  143)  :  Scripsit 
quidem  pra=clara  opera,  e  quibus  unum  exstat,  quod  mihi  dudum  iunotuit  contra 
Laurentinm  Vallam  et  alios,  qui  vesana  sua  loquacitate  audent  latrare  in  sunmium 
Christi  Vicarium  et  s.  Roinanaiti  Ecclesiam,  quasi  nou  vera,  sed  falsa  et  conficta  sit 
donatio  Constantini  Impei'atoris.  In  quo  quidem  praegrandi  volumine  omnem 
istorum  assertionem  ita  subnervavit,  ut  non  tantum  veram,  sed  quod  magis  est, 
letfitimam  et  debitam  restitutionem  potius  quam  donationem  fuisse  probet.  Omnem 
itaque  bestialem  Laurentii  invectionem  elidens  scripsit  contra  eundem  :  De  restitu- 
tione  Constantini,  lib.  I. 

'^  Gersonii  circa  materiam  excommunicationum  resolutio,  Consideratio  XI. 
(0pp.  II.  p.  424)  :  Contemptus  clavium  — non  incurritur,  dum  in  pramissis  casibus 
dicit  aliquis — juxla  conscientiam  suam,  quod  hujusuiodi  sententiiB  non  sunt  timen- 
ds,  et  hoc  prffisertim  si  observetur  informatio  seu  cautela  debita,  ne  sequatur  scan- 
dalum  pusillorum,  qui  aestimant  Papaui  esse  unum  Deum,  qui  habet  poleslatem 
omnem  in  coelo  et  in  terra.  Compare  the  passage  from  Rodericus  Sancius,  above, 
note  11.  Christophorus  Marcellus,  in  an  oration  delivered  before  the  Council  of 
the  Lateran  in  the  4th  Session,  Dec.  10,  1512,  thus  addiesses  Julius  II.  (Labbei  et 
Cossartii  Concilia  XIV.  p.  109):  Hiiic  merito  conqueri  potest  Ecclesia.  —  Hi3 
lamentationibus  et  queriiuoniis  ad  tuos  sanctissimos  devoluta  pedes  in  hunc  modum 
opem  humiliter  inqjlorare  videtur  :  — Tua  sub  ditione  defensa  sum.  — Ad  te  igitur 
supplex  tanquam  ad  verum  principem,  protectorem,  Petrum  et  sponsum  accedo. — 
Cura,  pater  beatissime,  ut  sponsaj  tua;  forma  decorque  redeat  et  pulcritudo.  —  Tu 
enim  pastor,  tu  medicus,  tu  gubernator,  tu  cultor,  tu  denique  alter  Deus  in  terris. 

'^  Paul  Sarpi  in  a  letter  to  Leschasser  (in  Le  Bret's  Magazin  fiir  Staaten-  u. 
Kirchengesch.  Th.  2.  S.  324)  speaking  in  the  person  of  the  Koiaan  Court,  says  : 
Concilium  Constantiense  neque  piobari,  neque  emendari  inter  arcana  habemus. 

*'  It  is  in  this  manner  that  Jo.  de  Turrecremata  Summa  II.  c.  99.  ( Rocaherti 
XIII.  p.  426)  answers  the  proofs  brought  fiom  the  decrees  of  the  Councils  of  Con- 
stance and  Ba'iil  for  the  assertion.  Concilium  generale  potestatem  a  Christo  habere 
immediate.  With  regard  to  the  decree  at  Constance,  Sess.  V.  (see  §  130,  note  8), 
in  which  this  is  distinctly  asserted,  he  remarks  first :  Ecce  manifeste,  quod  decre- 
tum  illorum  Patrum  non  loquitur  universaliter  de  qualibet  Synodo  universaliter, 
sed  de  ilia  sing>ilariter,  pro  cujus  tempore  non  erat  in  Ecclesia  unus  pastor  totius 
Ecclesice  indubitatus.  But  apart  from  that  the  decree  in  question  was  not  binding 
(non  habet  necessitatem) :  for  Decrela  ilia,  si  ita  sunt  appellanda,  facta  sunt  solum  a 
Patribus  aliquibusobedientiae  Johannis  XXIII.  The  Council  of  Constance  was  not  a 
general  Council,  he  argues,  till  all  were  united  under  one  Pope.  Besides  pr»fatuin 
decretum  Constantiense  non  niilitat,  quoniam  per  Apo-tolicam  sedem  non  fuit  ap- 
probatum,  immo  videtur  per  Doininum  Martinum  rcprobatum,  sive  annullatum  in 
condemnatione  erroris  Joaunis  Viclefl'  et  Joannis  Hus,  inter  quos  —  unus  articulus 
condemnatus  est :  quod  Petrus  non  i3st  nee  fuit  caput  Ecclesiae  sanctae  catholica:. 


268  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

The  consequence  of  this  dispute  in  the  hierarchy  itself  was  that 
the  secular  power  once  more  gained  an  influence  in  the  affairs  of  the 
church,  so  as  to  decide  in  each  country  which  system  should  prevail.'-^^ 
This  depended,  however,  always  on  political  considerations.  Whilst 
in  France  the  papal  system,  whenever  it  ventured  to  show  itself,  was 
immediately  condemned  by  the  parliament  and  the  university  of 
Paris,^  in  other  countries  the  opposite  system  met  with  the  same 
fate ;  ^'^  and  whilst  from   France  and  Germany  the  most  humiliating 


In  like  manner  he  shows,  cap.  100,  that  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basil  on  the 
subject  are  not  binding.  As  to  their  having  been  confirmed  by  Eugene  IV.  (see 
§  131,  note  17)  he  answers  that  objection  by  maintaining,  quod  prafats  bulls 
mao-is  extoit;f  fuerunt  minis,  quani  de  nicntc  Domini  Eugenii  emanaverint.  But 
apart  from  that,  nihil  coiuui,  qua;  in  pralatis  bullis  conlinentur,  surtiagatur  adver- 
sariis,  quoniam  Dominus  Eugcnius  numquam  prabuit  consensuui  decretis  Concilii 
Basileensis.  Compare  his  Kesponsio  de  summi  Pont,  et  gen.  Concilii  potestate, 
1.  c.  p.  578.  In  like  manner  Cajetanus  de  auct.  Papa;  et  Cone.  c.  8  (Rocaberti 
XIX.  p.  456)  denies  the  validity  of  the  decrees  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  a;>d 
tries  to  show  in  particular  that  the  confirmation  of  Martin  V.  (see  §  130,  note  24) 
did  not  extend  to  the  decrees  of  the  4th  and  5th  Sessions.  Compare  Apologiae, 
P.  II.  c.  11  (1.  c.  p.  508). 
"«  See  .^nem  Sylvii  Ep.  54,  §  131,  note  42,  above. 

»  It  was  chiefly  the  Mendicant  monks,  who,  attached  of  course  to  the  cause  of 
the  Pope  by  the  connexion  of  their  Orders  with  him,  drew  upon  themselves  such 
censures.  Thus  the  Dominican  Johannes  Sarrazin,  A.  D.  1429,  was  obhged  to 
retract  the  following  assertions  {cVArgcntri  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus 
I.  II.  p.  227) :  Omnes  potcstatcs  jurisdictionis  Ecclesia;  —  sunt  ab  ipso  Papa  quan- 
tum ad  institutionem  et  collationem.  Hujusmodi  potestates  non  sunt  de  jure 
divino,  nee  immediate  instituta;  a  Deo.  —  Quandocumque  in  aliquo  Concilio  aliqua 
instituuntur,  tola  auctoritas  dans  vigorem  statutis  in  solo  sumnio  residet  Pontilicio. 
—  Summus  Pontifex  canonicam  simoniam  a  jure  positivo  prohibitam  non  potest 
commiltere.  The  Augustine  monk,  JYicolaiis  Qundrigarius,  1442,  the  assertion 
(1.  c.  p.  240)  :  sola  Papa;  potestas  in  tota  Ecclesia  immediate  est  a  Christo.  The  Fran- 
ciscan, Joannes  Jlngeli,  in  Feb.  1483,  the  following  assertions  (1.  c.  p.  30.5)  :  Papa 
posset  totum  jus  canonicum  destruere  et  novum  construere.  —  Papa  posset  ab  uno 
Ecclesiastico  tollere  medietatem  redituum  beneliciorum  suorum  et  uni  alteri  dare, 
non  exprimendo  aliquam  causam.  Quicumque  contradicit  voluntati  Papse,  pagani- 
zat,  et  sententiam  excommunicationis  incuiiit  ipso  facto :  et  a  nullo  Papa  repre- 
hendi  potest,  nisi  in  materia  ha-resis. 

^  Thus  an  assembly  of  Theologians  and  Canonists,  which  was  summoned  by  the 
archbishop  of  Toledo,  in  Complutum,  1479,  condemned,  amongst  other  propositions 
advanced  by  Petrus  de  Osma,  a  French  Doctor  who  taught  in  Salamanca,  in  a 
libellus  confessionis  the  following  (Barth.  Caranza  Summa  Conciliorum,  Duaci, 
1659,  8vo.  p.  660)  :  VII.  quod  Ecclesia  urbis  Roma;  eri'are  potest.  VIII.  quod 
Papa  non  potest  dispensare  in  statutis  universalis  Ecclesiae  (so  also  Gerson  de  modis 
uniendi  ac  relbrmandi  Ecclesiam,  c.  9.  See  above,  §  130,  note  1.  Jac.  Almaini 
expositio  circa  doctrinam  M.  Occami,  c.  12.  in  Gersonii  0pp.  ed.  du  Pin,  II.  p. 
1055).  In  the  bull  confirming  this  sentence,  by  Sixtus  IV.  (see  RaynaJd,  1479, 
no.  32,  complete  in  de  Jlguirre  Concill.  Hispania;,  V.  p.  355  seq.)  the  Prop.  VII. 
is  not  found  :  we  know,  however,  that  it  was  considered  heretical  in  Spain.  The 
theological  faculty  in  Vienna  complained  to  Pope  Innocent  VIII.  of  one  of  their 
number,  Johannes  Kaltenmarkter,  A.  D.  1492,  that  he  had  taught:  Concilium 
esse  supra  Papam  ;  Papain  non  posse  revocare  per  Concilium  generale  conclusum  ; 
Romanum  Pontificem  non  posse  dare  licentiam  Parochianis  quibuscunque,  ut  alteri, 
quam  proprio  sacerdoli  Curato  libere  confiteantur;  Papam  non  posse  dare  genera- 
lem  potestatem  audiendi  confessiones  :  Kaltenmarkter  was  summoned  to  Rome, 
where  he  had  to  do  penance,  and  then  in  Vienna  recall  the  objectionable  proposi- 
tions :  see  the  extracts  from  the  Acta  printed  A.  D.  1493,  in  (Dietrich)  Auctarium 
catalog!  testjum  veritatis,  p.  260.    cf.  Mitterdorfferi  conspectus  hist.  Univ,  Vien- 


Chuj).  I.     Papacy.     ^  135.     General  view  of.  *3G9 

demands  were  made  on  the  Pope,  Spain  and  Portugal  found  it  for 
their  interest  to  receive  from  his  hands  their  newly  discovered  terri- 
tories,--^ and  thus  concede  to  him  his  most  arrogant  j)retensions.  In 
general,  however,  the  Pope  was  powerful  enoufrh^  as  well  through  the 
influence  he  could  still  exercise  over  the  minds  of  the  people,  as  by 
his  actual  possessions  in  Italy,  which  country  just  at  that  time  was  the 
object  of  universal  desire,  to  make  his  friendship  important  to  all,  so 
that  even  a  king  of  France  was  led  to  sacrifice  to  that  object  the  real 
good  of  the  national  church.-'^  These  political  relations  were  now 
the  main  support  of  the   papal  power  ^  ^"^  and  it  was  the   aim  of  the 

nensis  Sac.  II.  Viennae,  1724.  8vo.  p.  54  seq.  Hansizii  Germ,  sacra,  T.  I. 
p.  597. 

^  See  JVicolas  V.'s  letter  to  Alphonso,  king  of  Portugal,  A.  D.  1452  (Raynald, 
ad.  h.  a.  no.  11)  :  tibi  Saracenos  et  Paganos,  aliosque  infideles  et  Christi  inirnicos 
quoscumque,  et  ubicumque  constitutos,  regna,  ducatus,  —  aliaque  doininia,  terras, 

—  et  quscumque  alia  —  bona  inobilia  et  iiamobilia — per  eosdem  —  possessa^- 
invadendi  —  et  subjugandi,  illorum  personas  in  peipetuam  servitutem  redigendi, 
regna  quoque, — aliaque  dominia  —  et  bona  hujusmodi  tibi  et  successoribus  tuis, 
Regibus  Portugallia;,  perpetuo  applicandi  —  plenam  et  liberam  auctoiitate  aposto- 
lica  tenore  praesentiuin  concedimus  facultateni.  Referring  to  tbis  letter  jSicolas 
invests  the  king,  1454,  with  the  new  discoveries  on  the  west  coast  of  Africa  (Ray- 
nald, ad  h.  a.  no.  9)  :  de  apostolicai  potestatis  plenitiuline  literas  facultatis  pra;fatas 

—  ad  Ceptensem  ei  prasdicta  et  quaecunque  alia,  etiani  ante  datum  dictarum  facul- 
tateni literarum  acquisita,  et  ea  quae  in  posteruni  nomine  —  Alfonsi  Regis  suorum- 
que  successorum  in  ipsis  —  et  ulterioribu5 — partibus  de  intidelium  —  manibus 
acquiri  poterunt,  —  sub  ejusdem  facultatis  Uteris  contineri  prajlibatis,  —  ipsamque 
conquestam,  quam  a  capitibus  de  Bonador  et  de  Nam  usque  per  totam  Ghineam  — 
extendi  harum  serie  declaramus,  etiaiu  ad  ipsos  Alfonsum  Regem,  praedecessores 
suos  ac  infantem  —  spectasse  —  et  in  perpetuum  spectare,  —  decernimus  et  decla- 
ramus :  ac  pro  potioris  juris  et  cautela;  suffragio  jam  acquisita  et  quas  in  posterum 
acquiri  contigerit  provincias —  praedictis  Alfonso  Regi  ac  successoribus  —  perpetuo 
donamus,  concedimus,  et  appropriamus  per  prassentes.  In  the  same  form  Alexan- 
der VI.  dd.  V.  non.  Maji,  1493  (see  Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  18)  bestows  the  newly 
discovered  regions  in  America  on  Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  accompanying  it  with  a 
letter  to  them,  dated  the  same  day,  in  which  he  adds  a  more  particular  description 
(1.  c.  no.  19)  :  de  nostra  mera  liberalitate,  et  ex  certa  scientia  ac  de  apostolicae 
potestatis  plenitudine  omnes  insulas  et  terras  firmas  inventas  et  inveniendas, — 
fabricando  et  construendo  unam  lineam  a  polo  arctico — ad  polum  antarcticum, — 
quEe  linea  distet  a  qualibet  insularum,  quae  vulgariter  nuncupantur  de  los  Azoi-es  y 
cabo  Verde,  centum  leucis  versus  occidentem  et  meridiem,  ita  quod  omnes  insulae 
et  terras  firmae  repertae  et  i-eperienda  — a  prasfata  linea  versus  occidentem  et  meri- 
diem, quas  per  aJium  Regem  aut  Pi-incipem  Christianum  non  fuerint  actuaJiter 
possessEe,  —  auctoritate  omnipotentis  Dei  nobis  in  b.  Petio  concessa,  ac  vicariatus 
Jesu  Christi,  qua  fungimur  in  terris,  cum  omnibus  illarum  dominiis,  civitatibus, — 
juribusque  et  jurisdictionibus,  ac  pertinentiis  universis  vobis  hsredibusque  — 
vestris  —  in  perpetuum  tenore  prssentium  donamus,  concedimus,  assignamus.  As 
early  as  1494,  however,  Ferdinand  agreed  with  the  king  of  Portugal,  that  this  line 
should  be  taken  360  leagues  from  the  Azores,  instead  oif  100. 

26  See  §  134,  notes  18  and  20. 

'^^  See  especially  the  view  taken  by  Franc.  Guicciardini  (•f  1540)  of  the  origin 
of  the  Pope's  temporal  power  in  the  fourth  book  of  his  Italian  history,  in  the 
various  editions  of  that  work  omitted,  but  printed  in  Goldasti  Monarchia  III. 
p.  17  seq.,  and  in  Conringii  0pp.  I.  p.  113.  At  the  close  we  find  :  His  igitur 
fundamentis  et  modis  ad  terrenam  potentiam  elati,  ac  sensim  animarum  salutis, 
divinorumque  pra'ceptorum  obliti,  atque  ad  mundana  imperia  omni  cogitatione 
conversi,  nee  divina  auctoritate  alio  quam  quasi  telo  et  instrumento  lerum  fragilium 
abutentes,  Principes  potius  gentium,  quam  rerum  sacrarum  Pontifices  videri  coepe- 


270         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

pontifTs  to  secure  for  themselves  the  help  of  the  temporal  sovereigns 
against  the  inroads  of  the  aristocracy  of  tlie  chiircli. 

The  devotion  of  the  people  at  large  to  the  Pope  had  now  long 
depended  merely  on  habit ;  still  it  would  have  been  little  disturbed  by 
all  the  theories  of  the  time,  had  not  the  corruption  of  the  papal  court, 
and  especially  its  avarice  and  injustice,  shocked  their  moral  sense, 
whilst  it  proved  so  seriously  detrimental    to   their  interests.'^     The 

runt.  Horum  curse  ct  negotia  non  jam  vita»  sanctimonia,  non  religionis  incrementa, 
non  erga  Dcum  et  homines  caritas,  sed  exercitiis,  sed  bella  in  Ciiristianos  cogita- 
tione  et  nianibus  sanguine  rcspersis  sacra  tractantes  :  sed  pecuniaj  immensa  cupi- 
do,  nova:  leges,  nova'  artes,  nova;  insi(]ia3  ad  peciiniain  undique  cogendam.  In 
hunc  finein  audacissime  anna  cceleslia  vihiare,  piofanaruni  sacrarumque  rerum 
nundinationciii  iinpudcntissiine  cxerccre  :  hinc  opes  in  immcnsum  adaucta;,  et  in 
totam  ipsoruni  aiilani  cflusa',  ex  quibus  fastus,  luxus,  mores  turpissimi  libidines, 
voliiptatesque  nefandi* :  nulla  de  successorihus  cura,  nulla  majestatis  perpetuK 
Pontiticatus  soUioitudo ;  sed  horum  loco  cupido  anxia  et  pestifera,  filios,  nepotes, 
item  alios  sibi  coiijunclos  ct  ncccssarios  non  niodo  ad  opes  immoderatas,  veruine- 
tiam  ad  rcgna  et  imperia  evchendi :  non  jam  honoi-es  et  enioluiuenta  in  merentes 
et  bonos  conferendo,  sed  plerumque  auctionando,  ant  in  homines  ambitione,  ava- 
ritia,  ct  pudendis  voluptalibiis  pej-ditos  cffundendo.  His  moribus  effectum  est,  ut 
excussa  penitus  ex  animis  hoininum  ilia  vetere  erga  Pontifices  reverentia,  famcn 
ex  parte  eorura  auctoritas  religionis,  qua  nihil  in  terris  ad  homines  vel  impellendos 
vei  retinendos  potenlius  invcnilui',  nomine  et  inajestate,  facultate  qua  pollent 
Principibus  atqiie  iis,  qui  apud  illos  maxime  possunt,  sacris  beneliciis  et  honoribus 
conferendis  gratilicandi  adjiita  sustentctur.  Qui  cum  sciant  magna  se  in  admira- 
tione  mortalium  esse,  ct  qui  adversus  cos  arma  sumunt,  eos  gravis  infamise  notam, 
et  sa-penumcro  aliorum  Piincipuin  odia  subire,  ac  quomodocunque  res  cadat, 
perexiguum  emolumentum  ad  eos,  a  quibus  oppugnantur,  redundare,  et  victores 
ex  suo  arbitrio  victoria  usuros,  victos  quibus  velint  conditionibus  pacem  habituros  ; 
ad  ha?c  suos  propintjuos  ex  privata  conditione  ad  Piincipatus  attollendi  cupidine 
inflammati,  jam  por  multos  annos  bellorum  auctores,  novorumque  incendiorum 
faces  in  Italia  extilerunt. 

^*^  Amongst  the  numerous  contemporary  testimonies,  see  the  account  given  by 
the  ambassador  of  the  Teutonic  Order  in  Rome,  above,  §  130,  note  30  :  Martini 
Meyeri  epist.  ad  JE)),.  Sylv.  §  132,  note  17  :  Mnece  Sylvii  epist.  66,  ad  Jo.  Pere- 
gallum,  §  132,  note  18.  Fui-thcr,  Gravamina  nationis  Germanicae  adv.  Curiam 
Romanam  Joanni  Card.  S.  Angeli  Nicolai  V.  P.  R.  Legato  exhibita  (about  1451) 
in  Walchii  monimcntis  medii  aevi  fasc.  I.  p.  101  seq.  :  —  Dictus  Dominus  Cardi- 
nalis  Legatus  venit  ad  retbrmandum  nationem  Almaniram,  tarn  sKculares,  quam 
spirituales  personas.  —  Si  reformatio  debeat  esse  regularis  et  ordinaria,  oportet  ante 
omnia,  quod  noster  Papa  et  sua  Romana  Cuiia  pi'imo  et  piincipaliter  reformetur, 
propter  multos  exccssus  multasque  exorbilantias,  quae  per  eum  et  suos  Cardinales 
per  illam  execi-abilcm  et  maledictam  simoniam  quotidie  committuntur  in  vendcndo 
ecclesiastica  beneHcia.  —  In  taxationibus  eliam  literarum  apostolicarum  expedien- 
dai-um  esset  Dominus  Papa  reformandus.  —  Item  Dominus  Apostolicus  omni  die 
insatiabili  desiderio  cogilat  cum  suis,  quomodo  totam  substantiam  nationis  Germani- 
cas  sibi  valeat  acquirere.  —  Item  Cuiia  Romana  in  multis  est  refoi-manda.  Nam 
Cardinales  superbe,  pompose,  centum,  sexaginta,  vel  septuaginta  equis  palatium 
ingrediuntur.  —  Quidam  etiam  de  Cardinalibus  habent  tres  Ecclesias  metropolitanas 
et  cathedrales  in  commendam,  decem  Abbatias,  sex  Prseposituras  et  Archidia- 
conatus,  et  privatas  quatuor  Ecclesias  parochiales.  Non  curant,  quot  monachi  in 
monasterio  sint ;  —  totam  substantiam  monasterii  tollunt.  —  Item  in  curia  Romana 
sunt  publici  usurarii,  bancarii  et  camp<ores,  cum  quibus  Papa  et  Cardinales  habent 
pecuniam,  cum  damno  vel  lucro,  Dcus  novit.  Sunt  etiam  ibi  publici  fornicarii, 
concubinarii,  ruffones,  et  lenones,  et  plures  alii  peccatores  de  familiaribus  Cardina- 
lium,  et  peccatriccs  publica;  plures.  Et  Papa  lolerat  istos,  etc.  —  Modo  emittit 
Cardinaiem,  qui  ut  residuum  de  substanliis  nostris  habeat,  et  pauperes  Christi 
per  positioncm  cistarum  spoliat,  indulgentias  anni  jubilasi  sub  pacto  vendendo. — 
Et   ille   idem    Legatus   introductus  sub  modo  et  specie  refbrmationis,  volena   sic 


Chap.  I.     Papacy.     §   135.     General  view  of.  271 

nearer  their  vicinity,  the  lower  sunk  their  reverence  for  the  Pope, 
and  the  papal  ban  was  nowhere  so  little  regarded  as  in  Italy,  al- 
though that  country  was  one  which  remained  true  to  the  old  sys- 
tem.^9 

The  true  friends  of  the  popes  recommended,  therefore,  that  the 
burdens  of  the  people  shoidd  be  diminished,  and  the  abuses  prevail- 
ing at  their  court  be  abolished  ;  and  through  the  whole  15lh  century 
we  trace  the  feeling  that  unless  a  reformation  should  thus  be  begun 
by  the  head  of  the  church,  it  would  begin  less  peacefully  elsewhere.^^ 

reformare  Clericos,  pauperes,  pistores,  carnifices,  culinarios :  certe  si  Doininus 
Apostolicus  et  sua  Curia  se  retorinaret,  vel  per  Concilium  generale  fieret  reforma- 
tio generalis,  facile  membrum  EeclesiEe  unumquodque  in  suo  statu  reforiiiaretur. 
See  what  is  said  by  Felix  Hemmcrlin  (provost  at  the  great  cathedral  in  Zurich), 
•J*  1464  ;  concerning  hiin,  see  M  il  1 1  e  r '  s  Schvveizergesch.  new  edition  1826.  Th. 
4.  S.  276  ff.),  in  Muller,  I.  c.  S.  257  ff.  Baptista  Mantuanus  (a  Carmelite  in 
Mantua,  "f  1516)  de  horum  temporum  calamitatibus,  lib.  HI. : 
Petrique  domus  polluta  Huenti 

Marcescit  luxu  :  nulla  hie  arcana  i-evelo, 

Non  ignota  loquor,  liceat  vulgata  referre, 

Sic  urbes  populique  ferunt : 

—  —        —        ea  fama  per  omnem 
Jam  vetus  Europam  mores  extirpat  honestos  : 
Sanctus  ager  scurris,  venerabilis  ara  cinadis 
Servit,  honoranda;  Divum  Ganymedibus  jedes. — 

—  —         —         venalia  nobis 
Templa,  Sacerdotes,  altaria,  sacra,  coronae, 
Ignes,  thura,  preces  :  caelum  est  venale  Deusque. 

Ejusd.  Epigrammata  ad  Falconem.     Colloquium  inopum  de  Falcone : 

Obtinet  expulsa  probitate  pecunia  Romam, 
Nee  Dews  in  tota  possidet  urbe  locum. 

Quot  sunt  Romae  homines,  tot  eunt  per  compita  fures, 
Quosve  canes  speras,  experiere  lupos.  — 

Omnibus  esse  lupos  licet  in  regione  luporum. 
Inter  Pygma?os  non  pudet  esse  brevem. 
Johannis  Episc.  Chemensis  (bishop  of  Chiemsee  in  Krain)  Onus  Ecclesia;  (writ- 
ten 1519),  cap.  19,  de  indispositione  Romanse  Curias,  §  6  :  Inprimis  sedes  bestir, 
i.  e.  Ecclesis  perversa;,  est  in  curia  Romana,  cujus  regnum  est  tenebrosum.  §  8  : 
Heu  sicut  olim  in  Romano  imperio,  sic  hodie  in  Romana  Curia  est  voi-ago  di\  ilia- 
rum  turpissima  :  crevit  avaritia,  periit  lex  a  sacerdote  ac  visio  de  Propheta,  t 
consilium  a  senioribus  :  claves  Ecclesire  sunt  in  abusu  et  servitute  simonife  et 
ambitionis.  Vitia  enim  ferme  Curialium  celaii  negarique  vix  possunt :  Roma 
quasi  gurges  flagiliorum.  §  13  :  Ecce  Roma  nunc  est  vorago  et  Mammon  inferni, 
ubi  Diabolus  totius  avaritia;  Capitaneus  residet,  vendens  patrimonium  Christi,  quod 
sua  passione  promeruit,  qui  nobis  prcecipit,  ut  gratis  demus  quod  gratis  acceperi- 
mus.  Id  modo  versum  est  in  proverbium  :  Curia  Romana  non  petit  ovem  sine 
lana  :  dantes  exaudit,  non  dantibus  ostia  claudit.  Ludovicns  Tubero  (see  §  133, 
16)  comm.  de  temporibus  suis  I.  §  16:  ?»olos  falsarios  hoc  corruptissimo  tempore 
sedes  Apostolica  ultisijo  supplicio  atficit,  in  ceteris  connivere  solet :  eo  quod  falsi 
crimen,  quum  Pontiticum,  quorum  omnis  in  comparandis  duntaxat  pecuniis  cura 
fixa  est,  deterat  eniolumenta,  capitale  putatur. 

2^  See  the  account  of  the  ambassador  of  the  Teutonic  Order  to  his  Grand-master 
A.  D.  1429  (Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuch  f.  1833,  S.  175).  ' 

•*"  See  Petri  de  Alliaco  pra;f.  ad  canones  reformandi  Ecclesiarn,  §  130,  note  13, 
Juliani  Card,  epist.  ad  Eugen.  IV.  §  131,  note  6.  jJndreeB  Megareiisis  guber- 
nac.  Conciliorum.  §  131,  note  19.  Remedium  contra  gravani.  nationis  Germ. 
§  134,  note  8.  Johannis  Episc.  Chemensis  onus  Ecclesia  (see  note  28),  cap.  19, 
§  14  :  Quamobrem  veheaienter  praesumendum  est,  ac  provide  est  tiniendum,  pro- 


272  Third  Period     Div.   V.     A.  D,  1409  —  1517. 

At  the  same  time  the  passing  occurrences  showed  plainly  enough, 
tliat  such  a  refurmatioii  would  never  be  voluntary,  and  that  neither 
the  aristocracy  of  tlie  church,  nor  the  divided  temporal  sovereigns 
were  able  to  enforce  it.-*i 


pinqiiam  nunc  esse  riiinam  Ecclesias  latinae  circa  difrnitatem  ecclesiasticam,  quo- 
niain  debile  fundaiiientiiiii  riiinam  causat.  Undo  coliimna  Dei  viventis  jam  pcne 
videtur  nutare,  et  sageiia  .suiniiii  piscatoris,  soil.  Petri,  procellis  intumescentibus 
coi^itur  in  natifragii  profunda  submergi :  quod  nemo  percipit  corde,  ncque  ad 
pra;dictas  revelationes  et  avisalione-i  fit  cujusi)iam  emendatio,  sed  singuli  Pontifi- 
ces,  tarn  summi  quam  inCeriores,  carnalia  sequentes,  exhibent  se  magis  mixti  Anti- 
christi  prajcursores,  quam  veri  Ciuisti  fideles  servitores. 

'^'  That  the  pretence  of  reform  was  only  deceptive  on  the  part  of  the  Popes,  is 
most  plainly  seen  in  the  instructions  contained  in  Rai/nahl,  1436,  no.  15,  see  above, 
§  131,  note  3f),  at  the  end.     Petrus  de  AUiaco  de  dilfic.   reform,  c.  3,  see  §  129, 
note  12.     Gemon  de   inodis  uniendi   ac  reformandi  Ecclesiam,  c.   12,  see  §  130, 
note  1.      Gobelinus   Persona,   see    §    130,  note   25.     Julianus    Card.   Legatus  in 
Cone.  Bas.  see  §  131,  note  6.     Jo.  JVi/der,  see  §  131,  note  38.     Jacobl  de  Para- 
diso  or  Jac.   Junterburgii  (a  Carthusian  and  Doctor  of  Theology  in  Erfurth,  'f 
1465,  concerning  whom,  see  Walchii  monum.   niedii  Kvi  fasc.  1.  pra;f.  p.  LXV.) 
collectaneum  de  septem  statibus  Eccl.  (wi-itten  1449)  in    Goldasti  Monarchia  II. 
p.  1567,  in  Edw.  Brown  Appendix  ad   fascic.  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugienda- 
rum,  p.  102  seq.,  and  in  Walchii  monimenta  inedii  xvi,  vol.  II.  fasc.  2,  p.  23  seq. 
Comp.  Walch.  p.  34  :   Verisimiliter  opinabile  inihi  est,  statum  prassentem  continu- 
andum,  imo  pejorandum,  usque  ad  sextum  statum,  scil.  Antichristi :  cum  experi- 
entia  docente   cognoscimus,   hos   contra   niti   I'eformationi  generali  Ecclesiae,  quos 
magis  deceret  conalu  toto  ad  reformationem  tendere,  cupiditate  et  primatu  honorum 
eos  ad  hoc    impellente.      Etsi   quandoque   ccetus    Deum    timentium    reformationi 
operam  dare  intendat ;  tamen  in  hoc  mundo  celebres  et  potentes  viros,  plus  eccle- 
siasticos  quam  saeculares,  videmus  se  foi-titer  opponere,  adhffsionem  sibi  attrahentes 
Principum  et  potentum   ssecularium,   quorum   multitude    aut   potentia   scintillam 
inchoatam  extinguit.     p.  38  :   Reformationem  generalem  Ecclesife  extreme  neces- 
sarian! factani  nostris  temporibns,   mores  corrupti   totius  orbis  pronunciant :   cum 
revcra  pene  omnis  caro  cori-uperit  viani  suam.     Sed  qnomodo  eam  fore  possibilem 
in  effectu  fieri,  nondum  est  positum  ad  praxim  ;  licet  aliquoties  per  Concilia  gene- 
ralia   sit    adtentatum.      Et    licet    qua;dam   decrcta   in    hunc    finem    prodiei-int    ab 
isdom  Conciliis,    tamen    tanta   resistentia    alta?    dignitatis  personarum,  tani   spiri- 
tualiiim  quam  sa;cularium,  facta  est,  ut  vidimus,   quod   totum  negotium   lugemus 
infectum  :    et  cum    tempus   pariendi  advenisset,   vires  non  habuit  parturiens.  — 
Tanta    denique    crudelitate    debacchati    sunt,    ut   non    tantum    prolem    sanctam, 
scil.  reformationem,  nccare  contendant :  sed  et  matrem,  scil.  auctoritatem  Concili- 
orum,  et  eorum   convocationem  occidant,  prout  res  in  prospectu  declarat.     Per 
quorum  taiiien  Conciliorum  auctoi-itatem   major  esset  spes  ad  viam  reformafionis 
obtinendam.     p.  42  :   Palpabiliter  cernitur,  ipsam  summi  Pontificis  curiam  maxima 
indigcre  reformatione,  sicut  omnia  clamaverunt  ultimo  celebrata  generalia  Concilia. 
p.  43  :  Unde  inihi  vix  credibile  videtur,  posse  Ecclesiam  generalem  reformari,  nisi 
curia  Romana  fuerit  ante  refoi-mata.     Quod  tamen  quam  difficile  sit,  cursus  tempo- 
rum  praesentium  manifestat :  cum  nulla  gens  aut  natio  fidelium  tantam  resistentiam 
facial  reformafioni  nniversali  Ecclesia;,  sicut  natio  Italica,  et  alii  eis  applaudentes, 
spe  promotionis,  aut  lucri,  aut  temporalis  commodi,  aut   timore   amissionis  dignita- 
tum  ligati.     Contremiscunt  enim  solo  auditu  congregationis  generalis  Concilii,  cum 
scianl  per  experientiam,  quod  Concilia  generalia  palpare  nesciunt,  sed  corrigere  et 
emendare  sine  personarum  acceptione  :  cum  ibi  congregentur  de  omnibus  mundi 
partibus,  qui  vitiis  non  parcunt,  nee  amore  nee  timore  seducti.  —  Prajsidentes  ex 
parte  Papa;  Conciliis,  quia   vident  contra  dominum  suum  et  contra  se  negotium 
Conciliorum  disponi,  quid  aliud  agere  existimandi  sunt,  quam  ut  tota  auctoritate 
decretis  Concilioi-um  obicem  ponant,  aut   per  dissolutionem   Conciliorum,  aut  per 
discordiarum  seminationem  :  sicque  opus  totum  reddilur  infectum,  ac  per  hoc  itur 
in  antiquam   sylvam,  scil.   erroris  et  tenebrarnm.  —  Et  ex  hoc  ortum  est  vulnus 
nescio  quando  curabile  contra  auctoritatem  Conciliorum  generalium,  ut  absceden- 
tibus  Papa  aut  suis  prassidentibus  a  loco  Concilii,  vel  difTerentia  exorta  inter  patres 


Chap.  I.    Papacy.     §  135.     General  view  of.  273 


ejusdem,  ccnseatur  Concilium  dissoliitum,  resideatqiic  in  persona  Papa-  de  pleni- 
tudine  poles(atis  auctoritas  dissolvendi  aut  tiansl'erendi  generalia  Concilia,  piout 
Eugenius  oliin  Papa  de  anno  Domini  1437  fecisse  compiohatur.  Hocque  venenum 
effusum  est  per  cum  in  Ecclesiam,  per  adversarios  Conciliorum  indelebiliter  obser- 
vandum,  — ad  quod  refugium  habebunt  in  fulcimentum  sui  eiroiis,  ut  subterfu- 
gere  valeant  conectionem  et  leformationem  :  ita  ut  etiam  modernis  temporibus 
liontose  aliqui  altarum  scientiaium  viii  dogmatizare  audeant,  in  quolibet  Papa 
residere  plenitudinem  potestatis,  non  solum  super  quolibet  membro  singulari  Eccle- 
siffi,  sed  et  super  totam  Ecclesiam  conciliariter  congregatam,  ad  libitum  ipsius 
disponendi,  decretaudi,  dissolvendi,  transferendi,  conigendi,  et  auctorizandi :  ut 
nullus  ei  audeat  dicere  :  cur  ita  facis  ?  Et  sic  totaliter  nituntur  sufibcare  auctori- 
tatem  Conciliorum.  p.  48  :  Et  nisi  in  futuro  Concilio  celeri  remedio  provideatur 
huic  veneno  recenter  introducto,  de  auctoritate  Conciliorum  supra  Papam,  cujus 
contrarium  dogiiiatizant  aliqui,  et  maxime  de  curia  Papa;  et  ejusdem  assentatores  : 
clarum  est  quanta  inconvenientia  inde  sequantur.  Primo  quia  datur  Papa?  audacia 
impuue  peccandi  et  disponendi  omnia  negotia  Ecclesia  ad  libitum  suum.  Secundo 
quia  datur  subjectis  in  toto  orbe  occasio  villipendendi,  imo  contemnendi  omnes 
cousiitutiones,  ordinationes  et  mandata  Papa.  —  Tcrtio  sequitur,  quod  si  iu  antea 
tieret  convocatio  Concilii  generalis,  totius  Germania;  Principes  et  Pra^lati,  Doctores 
ac  Magistri  se  subducerent  a  Concilio.  —  Exinde  ludibrio  ducerentur  Concilia: 
niaxime  quia  videmus,  quod  omnia,  qu«  tantis  laboribus  impendiis  in  retroactis 
Conciliis  elaborata  sunt,  penitus  irritantur,  et  tanquam  pulveres  ventis  obnoxii 
conculcantur.  Foutale  vero  principium  omnium  illorum  raalorum  secundum  Apo- 
stolum  est  cupidifas,  quje  sibi  vendicat  locum  pene  in  omnibus  Clericis  :  quoniam 
secundum  Jeremiam  a  maximo  usque  ad  minimum  omnes  avaritise  student.  Ad 
quam  satiandam  non  i-eperiunt  ecclesiastici  viri  commodiorem  opportunitalem, 
quam  in  adipiscendis  dignitatibus  et  beneficiis  ecclesiasticis.  Et  hsec  sentiunt 
conferri  per  Papam,  qui  sibi  per  ha;c  attrahere  consuevit  pene  totam  ecclesiastico- 
rum  virorum  cohortem.  Ideo  adha^rentiam  copiosam  sibi  parit  per  horum  provisio- 
nem.  p.  58 :  Quid  ergo,  putamusne,  Ecclesiam  posse  recipere  reformationera 
generalem,  et  quidem  ad  hunc  statum  devenire,  ut  omnia  vitia  tollantur  ab  Eccle- 
sia  .'  Ego  judico  impossibile  humano  modo.  —  Sed  est  alia  reformatio,  de  qua  quse- 
ritur,  ut  scilicet  ea  qua?  sint  decolorativa  statuum  et  personarum  tam  sKcularium 
quam  spiiitualium  ad  rectam  formam  perducantur,  ut  reformatio  pacis  inter  regna 
et  principes,   extirpatio   hKresium  et  schismatum,  simoniacse   pravitatis  a   Curia 

Romana  et  ab  omnibus  Ecclesice  Pra;latis,  et  concubinariorum  repressionis,  etc.  

Et  quis  omnia  enarrare  ac  enumerare  sufficiat,  quibus  Lcclesia  modernis  tempori- 
bus cernitur  deformata  .'  Putamusne  ha;c  omnia  aliquando  posse  reformari .'  Per- 
suaderi  niihi  videor,  quod  nee  Ktas  nostra  nee  futura  ha^c  patietur ;  quum  non 
habeam  rationes  probantes,  quomodo  illud  tieri  possit.  Primo  propter  inveteratam 
et  inolitam  consuetudinem,  quK  difficile  curatur :  secundo  propter  potentium  tam 
in  scripturis  quam  in  altis  dignitatibus  resistentiam  :  tertio  propter  avaritia-  morbum, 
qui  ubique  invaluit,  maximeque  in  altis  sedibus,  quse  nullo  modo  patientur  sibi 
auf'erri  honoris,  fastus,  divitiarum  et  voluptatis  amplitudinem.  Et  qui  amplius 
insistere  deberent  reformationibus,  his  porapis  amplius  delectantur,  fingentes  ipsis 
colores  sub  specie  defensionis  ecclesiasticae,  ut  ideo  eos  oporteat  abundare,  ne 
status  eorum  vilescat,  et  ut  habeant  armatam  militiam,  qua  compescere  valeant 
violentos  et  bonorum  ecclesiasricorum  deten'.ores.  Et  ideo  oportet,  ut  dicunt  eos 
fulcitos  esse  pluralitatibus  beneficiorum  atque  dignitatum.  p.  62  :  yEstimo  io-itur 
mundum  dietim  decrescere  in  pravis  moribus  —  usque  ad  profundum  delictorum, 
quousque  veniat  tilius  perditionis,  etc.  In  like  manner,  A.  D.  1519,  Joanne's 
Episc.  Chemensis  onus  Ecclesiae  (see  note  28),  cap.  19,  §  16:  Reformatio  vero 
non  tiet,  nisi  in  aliquo  gcnerali  et  libero  candidoque  Concilio,  ubi  Spiritui  Sancto 
non  maligno,  locus  ad  spirandum  detur.  Heu  cum  formidine  conjicio,  nostrum 
sEBCulum  non  esse  digniim  congregatione  legitimi  Concilii,  in  quo  vitiis  reprehensis 
et  virtutibus  promotis  Eccleiia  reformatur :  adeo  errorum  illudimur  operationibus. 
Concilia  profecto  debita  raro  et  segniter  celebrantur,  vel  Roms  seu  alibi  coram 
potentibus  tractantur,  ubi  humilibus  et  fidelibus  non  libera  est  expressio,  ut  in  eis 
lente  corrigantur  ea  quas  divinum  cultum,  et  Christianam  religionem,  reformalio- 
nemque  concernunt. 

VOL.  III.  35 


274  Third  Period.     Diu.   V.     A.  D.  140'J  —  1517. 

CHAPTER     SECOND. 

HISTORY  OF  THE  HIERARCHY  IN  THE  NATIONAL  CHURCHES. 

<^    136. 
UELATION    TO    THE    STATE. 

The  secular  power,  the  relative  importance  of  which  was  constant- 
ly becoming  greater,  began  now  generally  to  imitate  the  example  of 
France  in  setting  bounds  to  the  encroachments  of  the  clergy.  Not 
only  was  it  strictly  forbidden  that  the  secular  affairs  of  the  laity 
should  be  brought  before  the  ecclesiastical  courts, ^  but  it  was  not 
unusual  for  the  secular  affairs  of  the  clergy  to  be  brought  before  the 
secular  tribunals,-  as  likewise  criminal  cases  where  the  clergy  were 
concerned, 3  and  the  appeal  to  ecclesiastical  authorities  out  of  the 
realm  prohibited.'*     Even  more  general  was  it  to  insist  on  the  right 

'  See  the  remarkable  decree  of  William,  duke  of  Saxony,  A.  D.  1446,  in  which 
the  bringing  such  cases  before  the  ecclesiastical  tribunals  was  punished  with  exile. 
Schilter  de  libertate  Ecclesiarum  Germanis,  p.  808  seq.,  and  R  u  d  o  1  phi's  Gotha 
diplomatica,  Th.  1.  S.  138  seq.  Still  we  find  complaints  of  the  same  practice  as 
late  as  1497  (see  Mailer's  Reichstagstheatrum  unter  Maxim.  I.  Th.  2). 

2  Following  the  example  of  France  (see  §  105,  note  13).  Instances  in  the 
Preuves  des  lihertez  de  I'egUse  Gall.  chap.  VIII.  no.  1  seq.).  Such  was  the 
practice  too  in  Hesse,  see  Kopp,  1.  c.  Th.  1.  S.  198  seq.  Hence  the  clergy  of  the 
Rhine  countries  at  their  assembly  in  Coblentz,  A.  D.  1479  (see  Georgii  nationis 
germanicae  gravamina,  p.  257),  §  20  :  Item  Laici  interdiim  cognoscunt  de  causis  et 
super  bonis  Clericoruni,  et  bona  eorum  arrestant  et  occupant,  et  sibi  ipsis  appro- 
priant.  §  21:  Item  juramenta  Laici  exigunt  a  subditi^,  ne  unus  Laicorum  alium 
iiiipetat  coram  judice  ccclesiastico,  sed  ipsimet  cognoscunt  de  causis  ecclesiasticis 

'  See  Martin  V.'s  letter  to  the  archbishops  of  Portugal  {Raynald,  1427,  no.  19), 
in  which  he  suggests  to  them  to  present  a  complaint  to  the  court  at  Rome,  in  the 
name  of  the  Portuguese  church,  concerning  the  enci'oachments  on  the  freedom  of 
the  church  by  the  king,  quasi  sibi  liceat  uti  potestate  regia  in  Pra'latos  et  Clericos 
tanquam  in  Laicos  sua'  dilioni  subjectos.  Further  :  quodque  est  non  minus  absur- 
dum,  intelleximus,  ipsum  Regem  in  causis  ci-iminalibus  trahi  i'aceie  Clericos  etiam 
in  sacerdotio  constilutos  de  foro  ccclesiastico  ad  judices  saeculares,  et  per  eos  con- 
demnari  atque  puniri.  The  parliament  at  Paris  not  unfrequently  condemned 
bishops  to  imprisonment,  sec  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'eglise  Gall.  chap.  VII.  no. 
34  seq.  Other  s'tates,  especially  the  free  states,  exercised  jurisdiction  over  the 
clergy  in  criminal  cases,  e.  g.  Heilbronn,  see  J  tiger's  Mittheihnigen  zur 
schwabischen  und  frilnkischen  Reformationsgeschichte.  Bd.  1  (Stuttgart.  1828), 
S.  7  f. 

"•  In  France  every  appeal  to  a  foreign  tribunal  was  strictly  forbidden  from  the 
time  of  the  Privilegium  granted  by  Urban  V.  A.  D.  1367  {Preuves  des  libertez 
de  I'eo-lise  Gall.  chap.  JX.).  Attention  was  more  generally  called  to  the  subject 
by  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Basil,  Sess.  XXXI.  A.  D.  1438,  see  §  131,  note 
35.  An  account  of  the  prohibition  of  such  appeals  in  the  various  countries,  given 
in  Petri  St()ck}iian''s  defensio  Belgarum  contra  evocationes  et  peregrina  judicia 
.  (in  his  Opp.  omn.  Colon.  1700.  4to.),  cap.  4,  of  the  decrees  passed  to  the  eltect  in 
Belgium,  see  cap.  2.  In  Gci-many,  the  most  remarkable  instance  is  that  of  Sax- 
ony, see  note  1,  above.     The  appeals  to  Rome  did  not  indeed  cease,  but  they  were 


Chap.  II.     National  Churches.  §  136.  Relation  to  the  State.       275 

of  examining  the  edicts  of  the  ecclesiastical  authorities  before  they 
were  allowed  to  appear;''  whilst  the  extraordinary  increase  of  the 
possessions  of  the  church  led  many  of  the  sovereigns  either  to  forbid 
it  altogether,  or  else  to  make  their  permission  an  indispensable  con- 
dition.^ 

counted  amongst  the  gravaminibus,  see  M.  Meyeri  epist.  ad  .^n.  Sylv.  §  132, 
note  17,  above,  and  the  Gravamina  Germ,  nationis,  ann.  1510,  no.  X.,  sec  above, 
§  134,  note  8. 

^  This  was  the  so-called  jus  Placeti  regii,  in  France  entitled  Regium  Pareatis, 
in  Naples,  Regium  Exequatur,  according  to  the  diflferent  forms  of  the  edict.  How 
this  right  was  exercised  in  France,  see  Preuves  des  libertez  de  I'egl.  gall.  chap. 
X.  Louis  XI.  appointed  a  commissioner  in  Amiens,  A.  D.  1435,  to  stop  all  comers 
from  Rome,  and  examine  whether  they  had  any  letters  with  them  from  the  Pope, 
et  icelles  voir  ct  visiter,  poui-  s(^'avoir  s'elies  sont  aucunement  contraires  ou  preju- 
diciables  a  nous,  et  a.  la  dite  eglise  gallicane.  Et  au  cas  qu'en  trouverez  aucunes 
qui  y  fussent  contraires  ou  pi-ejudiciables,  prenez  les  et  retenez  par  devers  vous,  et 
les  porteurs  arrestez  et  conslituez  prisonniers,  si  vous  voyez  que  la  matiere  y  soit 
sujette  :  et  du  contenu  esdites  lettres  nous  advertissez,  ou  les  nous  envoyez  k 
toute  diligence,  pour  y  donncr  la  piovision  necessaire.  Martin  V.  complains  of 
Portugal  in  the  letter  cited  above,  note  3,  A.  D.  1427  :  Dicitur  etiam  nobis,  quod 
statuto  regio  mandatum  est,  ne  quis  audeat  sine  ipsius  Regis  licentia  sub  pcena 
mortis  et  perditionis  bonorum  in  dictis  regnis  literas  apostolicas  publicare.  When 
John  II.  of  Poi'tugal,  at  the  instance  of  Innocent  VIII.,  j'esigned  the  right  of  the 
Placetum  regium  1486,  the  nobles  of  the  kingdom  resisted,  maintaining  that 
without  their  consent  such  resignation  was  not  valid,  see  Augustini  ManueUs 
hist.  Joan.  II.  Philip  the  Good,  duke  of  Burgundy,  decreed  January  3,  1447  : 
Dat  niemandt  en  brenghe,  oft  en  exequere  eenighe  geestelycke  monitien,  inhibi- 
tien  oft  andere  gheboden,  op  eenighe  ondersaeten  des  Landts  van  Brabandt,  uyt 
wat  saecke  dat  het  zy,  by  eerst  kome  by  onse  Otficiere  ende  V/etbouderen,  ende 
geve  hem  klaerlyck  te  kennen  de  saecke  waerom,  ende  verkryghe  oorlof  ende 
consent.  — Den  gene  die  dat  dede,  sal  daer  an  verbeurt  hebben  alle  sine  goederen, 
ende  te  dien  aen  syn  lyf  eenen  wegh  te  S.  Peter  ende  S.  Pauls  te  Roomen  te 
doen.  This  and  various  later  edicts,  issued  in  the  Netherlands,  as  also  notices  of 
similar  laws  in  other  countries,  for  instance,  a  decree  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic  to 
the  Vice-regent  of  Naples,  A.  D.  1508,  see  in  P.  Stockman's  jus  Belgarium 
circa  buUarum  pontiticiarum  receptionem  (in  his  0pp.  omn.),  cap.  2. 

®  The  dukes  Arnold  and  Adolphus  of  Gelderland,  prohibit,  A.  p.  1441  and 
1469,  the  endowment  of  ecclesiastics  or  convents  with  estates,  tithes,  rents,  &.C., 
see  the  JVederlanschen  Sulpitius  van  Jacobus  Baseliiis,  S.  236.  Philip  the 
Good,  duke  of  Burgundy,  decreed  1446,  that  no  order  should  purchase,  or  in  any 
way  acquire  estates  without  a  previous  investigation  by  commissaries  appointed  for 
the  purpose  (Brandt  Historic  der  Reformatio.  Th.  1.  S.  38.  Groot  Hollandsch 
Plakaatboek.  Th.  1.  S.  1471)  :  in  like  manner  for  Brabant,  1461  (Brabandsch 
Plakaatboek.  Th.  1.  S.  238).  William  III.,  Landgrave  of  Hesse,  orders  it  to  be 
publicly  proclaimed,  das  niemants,  vver  der  sy,  keyne  werntliche  Gutere,  es  sy  an 
Zinsen,  Renthen  ader  Gefellen,  geisllichen  Personen  noch  Cloistern  nicht  mehr 
verkeutTe,  and  prohibits  that  these  should  in  any  way  come  into  the  possession  of  the 
clergy  ;  whoever  should  disregard  this  prohibition,  deui  woUctnach  libe  und  gude, 
als  demjhenen  der  uns  mid  libe  und  gude  verfallen  ist,  grilTen,  und  die  gutere,  die 
den  geistlichen  hieruber  zugeeignet  wcrden  von  unsei'wegen  innemen,  und  ine 
die  ane  unsern  Beschiet  nit  widder  folgen  lassen  (the  document  see  Beurkundete 
Nachricht  von  dem  Closterhaus  Schitfenberg  2tcr  Theil.  Giessen.  1755.  fol. 
Beilagen,  no.  166).  Albert  the  Peaceful,  duke  of  Meklenburg,  forbade  the  clergy 
of  Gtistrow,  1514,  to  acquire  estates,  see  Analecta  (Justroviensia,  p.  86.  Similar 
prohibitions  of  the  Saxon  princes,  addressed  to  particular  ecclesiastical  corpora- 
tions, see  in  /.  G.  Reinhardi  meditationes  de  jure  Principum  Germaniae,  cum  pri- 
mis  Saxoniae  circa  sacra  ante  tempora  reformatiouis  exercito,  Halae.  1717.  4to. 
p.  230  seq. 


27C  TJdrd  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

^   137. 

INTERNAL  RELATIONS  OF  THE  DIOCESES. 

It  was  the  purpose  of  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basil  to  re- 
store the  original  power  of  the  bishops ;  i  their  decrees,  however, 
were  not  fully  regarded  except  in  France,  and  there  only  as  long 
as  the  Pragmatic  Sanction  continued  to  be  observed.  On  the  other 
hand,  they  clung  in  France  to  the  theory,  which  had  first  been  ad- 
vanced in  the  controversies  with  the  Mendicant  orders,  that  the 
inferior  clergy  received  their  authority,  not  from  the  bishops,  but,  like 
the    bishops,    from  Christ    himself-     Out  of  France,   however,  this 

'  Thus  Ludovieus  Card.  Arelatensis  .says  at  the  Council  of  Basil,  at  which  he 
presided,  in  JEnea;  Sylvii  de  Cone.  Basileensi,  lib.  I.  (ed.  Cattopoli.  1667.  4to. 
p.  40)  :  Nee  forsan  absoniim  fuerit  dicere,  nullam  unquam  fuisse  Synodum,  quas 
magis  quam  ista  potestatem  Episcopoi-um  ainpliaverit :  etenim  quid  hodie  erant 
Episcopi,  nisi  umbra"  qua>dam  .'  (comp.  Gersori's  simulacra  depicta,  above,  §  106, 
note  3.)  Quid  plus  iliis  restabat,  quam  baculus  et  mitra  .'  Numquid  pastores  sine 
ovibus  dici  poterant,  cum  nihil  in  subditos  statuere  possent  ?  Nenipe  cum  esset 
in  Ecclesia  primitiva  Episcoporum  summa  potestas,  hodie  ad  id  venerunt,  ut  solo 
habitu  et  reditibus  superarent  Presbyteros.  At  nos  eos  in  statu  reposuimus 
pristino :  nos  beneticiorum  collationem  ad  eos  reduximus,  nos  eis  confirmationem 
electionum  restituimus,  nos  causas  subditorum  eisdem  reddidimus  audiendas,  nos 
eos,  qui  jam  non  erant  Episcopi,  fecimus  Episcopos. 

^  See  above,  §  62,  note  23 ;  §  109,  note  3,  Gerson  de  potest,  eccl.  consid. 
12  (0pp.  II.  p.  250),  gives  the  tbllowing  determinalio  sacras  I'acultatis  thcologice 
Parisiensis  nuper  edita  contra  temcritatem  extollentium  privilegiatos  super  Cura- 
tos  in  pra;dicationibus  et  confessionibus,  fi-om  which  both  the  occasion  and  the 
character  of  this  view  may  be  seen.  Art.  I.  :  Domini  Curati  sunt  in  Ecclesia 
minores  Prslati  et  Hierarchje  ex  primaria  institutione  Christi,  quibus  competit 
ex  statu  jus  pra3dicandi,  jus  confessiones  audiendi,  jus  sacramenta  ecclesiastica 
secundum  exigentiam  sui  status  et  parochianorum  minislrandi,  jus  sepulturas 
dandi,  jus  insuper  decimas  et  alia  jura  parochialia  recipiendi.  Art.  II.  :  Jus  pras- 
dicandi  et  confessandi  competit  Praslatis  et  Curatis  pi'incipaliter  et  essentialiter,  et 
Mendicantibus  de  per  accidens  ex  privilegio  ;  quoniam  sunt  introducti  vel  admissi 
ex  concessione  et  beneplacito  Dominorum  Praelatoium.  Comp.  Gerson  de  statibus 
ecclesiasticis,  namely,  dc  statu  Curatorum  16  considcrationes  (0pp.  II.  p.  534): 
e.  g.  Consid.  I.  :  Status  Curatorum  succcdit  statui  LXXII.  discipulorum  Christi 
quoad  legem  novam,  et  figuratus  est  in  antiqua  lege  per  Levitas.  Ac  proinde 
status  Curatorum  est  de  institutione  Chiisti  et  Apostolorum  suorum.  Cons.  II.  : 
Status  Curatorum  est  de  essentiali  ac  intrinseca  Ecclesiae  hierarchia,  sicut  status 
Praelatoi-um,  quamvis  inferior  sit,  et  pro  sua  perfectione  variabilior.  Qua  ratione 
Curati  simplices  non  a?que  proprie  dicuntur  sponsi,  sicut  Episcopi,  liberiusque 
permittuntur  cedere,  vel  renuntiare  curis  suis.  Cons.  VII.  :  Status  Curatorum 
Ecclesias  parochiales  sibi  deputatas  habet  in  tali  libertate,  quod  nulli  alteri  sacer- 
doti  fas  est,  ipsis  invitis,  aut  sine  eorum  licentia  pra-dicare  in  eadem,  praesertim 
dum  pra=dicare  voluerint  ipsi,  sed  nee  confessiones  illic  audire,  nee  sacramenta 
ministrare  :  salva  semper  auctoritate,  vel  rationabili  ordinatione  superiorum  Pra?la- 
torum.  Namely,  De  potest,  eccl.  Epilogus  Concl.  2  (0pp.  II.  p.  256) :  Extendi- 
tur  plenitudo  potestatis  Papae  super  omnes  inferiores  solum  dum  subest  necessitas 
ex  defectu  Ordinariorum  inferiorum,  vel  dum  apparet  evidens  utilitas  Ecclesias : 
quemadraodum  dici  potest  de  Episcopis  respectu  Plebanorum,  seu  propriorum 
sacerdotum,  quorum  possuiit  supplere  defcctus.  Therefore,  Sermo  contra  bullam 
Mendicanlium  (1.  c.  p.  437)  :  Ad  curatos  spectat  ex  statu  eorum,  jure,  aut  facul- 
tate  concionari.  —  Sequitur,  Papam  aut  aliuin  quemvis  jus  hoc  Curatis  auferr.e,  aut 
impedire  non  debere.     Et  ideo  nuUus  in  Ecclesia  eorum  concionari  debet  absque 


Chap.  II.  National  Churches.  §  138.  31orals  of  the  Clergy.     277 

theory  was  not  even  common  to  all  the  liberal  canonists,'^  and  by  the 
papal  party  was  most  decidedly  rejected."*  On  the  whole,  the  inferior 
clergy  were  not  seldom  much  oppressed  by  their  superiors.''^ 


«§,  138. 

MORAL    CONDITION    OF    THE    CLERGY. 

The  reformation  of  the   clergy  was  the  main   point  in  the  reform 

eorum  facultate.  —  Ad  Curatos  pertinet  jus  audiendi  confessiones.  —  Sequitur 
Papam  —  non  debere  auferre  istain  potestatem  aut  jus  ipsis  Curatis  absque  eorum 
placito  et  voluntate,  saltern  expedieiis  non  est.  Sequitur,  nullum  Privilegiatuni 
confessionem  audire  debere  in  loco  parochialis  Ecclesiaj  absque  consensu  et  facul- 
tate Curati.  Almainus  even  maintains  that  the  inferior  clergy  should  have  a  vote 
at  the  Councils.  Expositio  circa  decisiones  M.  Occam  super  potestate  summi 
Pontif.  Qu.  I.  c.  18,  sect.  1  ( Gersoni  opp.  II.  p.  1067):  Secundo,  dicitur  Concili- 
um debere  congregari  ex  oiniii  statu  hierarchico  :  nam  sunt  duo  status  hierarchici 
in  Ecclesia,  scil.  status  Pra-latorum  superiorum  et  inferioi-uin  :  unde  in  tali  Conci- 
lio  debent  interesse  singuli  Episcopi,  similiter  ex  parte  Cleri  et  Curatorum  de 
singulis  Episcopatibus  aliquis  debet  interesse,  et  tales  habent  voces  et  auctorita- 
tem  deliberandi  in  Concilio.  All  opposition  to  this  theory  was  at  once  condemned 
by  the  Sorbonne,  and  those  who  expressed  it  forced  to  retract.  Thus  the  Do- 
minican, Jo.  Sarrazin  (see  §  135,  note  23),  1429,  had  to  retract  the  proposition 
(d'Argentri.  I,  II.  p.  227)  :  Dicere,  inferiorum  Praelatorum  potestatem  jurisdicti- 
onis,  sive  sint  Episcopi  sive  Curati,  esse  immediate  a  Deo,  sicut  potestatem  Papae, 
veritati  quodammodo  repugnat,  and  acknowledge  :  evangelical  et  apostolicse  conso- 
nat  veritati.  The  Franciscan  Joannes  Bartholomei,  A.  D.  14.51,  was  refused  the 
degree  of  licentiate  because  he  had  preached  ((VArgentrl  I,  II.  p.  251),  quod 
Parochiani  possunt  libere  se  Mendicantibus  per  Ordinaries  admissis  contiteri  absque 
Curatorum  licentia.  Amongst  the  fourteen  propositions  of  (he  Franciscan  Joannes 
Angeli  (see  §  135,  note  23),  which  were  condemned  1482,  one  was  (iVJlrgentri 
I,  II.  p.  305)  :  I.  Fratres  minores  prsesentati  Episcopo  et  admissi  sunt  proprii 
Sacerdotes  et  veri  Curati,  et  melius  quam  Presbyteri  parochiales,  quia  facuKatem 
suam  habent  a  summo  Pontiflce,  et  dicti  Presbyteri  ah  ipso  Episcopo  dumtaxat, 
and  others  similar. 

3  e.  g.  Alphonso  Tostatus  (see  §  135,  note  5),  Quaest.  87,  in  Matth.  16 :  Epi- 
scopus  sub  se  nullos  habet  habentes  ordinariam  jurisdictionem,  sed  Curati  omnes 
sunt  Commissarii :  et  sic  tota  jurisdictio  est  Episcopi  immediate.  Et  si  nollet 
ponere  Curatos,  sed  ipse  administrai-et,  licite  faceret,  si  sufticeret  ad  hoc. 

''  See  §  135,  note  15.  Comp.  especially  Joannes  de  Turrecremata  (see  §  135, 
note  12)  essay  against  Joannes  de  Poliaco  (see  above,  §  109,  note  3)  in  his  Summa 
de  Ecclesia  II.  c.  59  seq.  He  says,  c.  63,  in  the  words  of  Petrus  de  Palude, 
quia  Christus  per  se  non  fecit  nisi  unum  Curatum,  scilicet  Petrum  : — sed  quia 
impossibile  erat,  quod  per  se  solum  (Petrus)  perfecte  totius  gregis  curam  ageret, 
ideo  per  consequens  CC%;/sf  us  J  commisit  illi  facere  alios  Curatos,  quotquot  ipse 
pro  adjutorio  suo  et  populi  salute  opus  esse  cognosceret.  Nee  Christus  per  se 
instituit,  nisi  unam  solaiu  curam; — sed  Petrus  postmodum  per  se  et  per  alios 
divisit  provincias,  et  dioeceses,  et  parochias.  The  two  last  propositions,  which 
Joh.  Kaltenmarkter  was  forced  to  retract  in  Vienna,  1492  (see  §  135,  note  24), 
differ  only  in  form  from  the  theory  of  the  French  church  (see  Gersonii  sermo 
contra  bull.  Mendicant,  note  2,  above. 

^  Epistola  de  miseria  Curatorum.  Aug.  Vind.  1489,  extracted  in  the  Auctarium 
catal.  test,  verit.  p.  283.  In  this  novem  diaboli  are  enumerated,  by  whom  the 
curate  is  tormented.  Sextus  diabolus  est  OfficiaHs,  qui  sine  causa  infamat  Pleba- 
num,  recipit  pecuniam,  et  admittit  ignominiam ;  amat  denarium,  et  tolerat  forni- 
carium ;  tollit  munera,  et  destruit  jura.  Septimus  diabolus  est  Episcopus,  qui 
jam  contributum,  jam  postulat  subsidium,  etc. 


278  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

which  was  so  loudly  called  for  throiisfhout  this  whole  period.  But  here, 
too,  all  measures  failed,  and  the  complaints  of  their  rudeness  and  igno- 
rance, as  well  as  their  immoral  and  unclerical  lives,  continue  to  the  end.^ 
Their  chief  offence,  their  incontinence,  seemed  to  grow  worse,  the 
more  there  was  done  to  restrain  it.~  The  severe  lectures  read  them 
on  the  subject  at  the  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basil  had  as  little 
influence  upon  the  conduct  of  most  of  the  clergy  there  assembled,^  as 
the  decrees  passed  at  those  councils  had  on  the  state  of  the  church 


'  See  Jo.  Trithemii  Abb.  Spanbeimensis  institutio  vita  sacerdotalis  (wiitfen  about 
1485,  in  ejusd.  0pp.  pia  et  spiritualia,  ed.  Jo.  Busscbus.  Mogunt.  160,'5.  fbl.  p.  765 
seq.),  c.  1  :  Imlocti,  ludes,  jam  sine  discretione  meiiti  ad  sacerdotium  veniunt,  qui 
iTioribus  suis  pessiinis  Cliiisli  ores  iiifeliciter  occid\irit.  Nulla  jam  in  ordinandis 
Clerifis  vitje  sanctitas  reqviirilur,  literaruni  erudilio  nulla  postulatur,  conscientiae 
puritas  non  attcnditur.  Sullicit  apud  eos,  si  currcntem  sortcu)  possint  construere, 
si  cujus  partis  orationis  sit  Doininiis,  icsponderc,  si  ita,  ct  non,  intelligcre.  Vae 
nosti-K  tempestatis  Episcopis,  (]ui  sa'culaiibus  negotiis  intenti  ordinationcs  clcrico- 
rum  non  considerant,  sed  curam  examinandi  inipcritis  locant !  Quam  districtam 
sunt  subituri  sententiam,  qui  se  totius  in  Ecclesia  mali  exbibent  causam  !  Cap.  4  : 
Studium  scripturarum  sacerdotcs  nostri  abjiciunt,  eruditionem  negligunt,  pro  libris 
scripturarum  aves  et  canes  enutiiunt.  —  Nibil  aliud  quam  mundanum  sapiunt,  nihil 
quam  vanum  diligunt,  nibil  nisi  carnale  intelligunt.  —  Sedent  in  insidiis  cum  potatori- 
bus  in  tabernis,  hidis  et  comessationibus  vacant,  non  est  timor  Dei  ante  oculos  eorum. 
—  Nibil  pcnitus  de  sciipturis  inlclligunt,  discere  contemnunt.  Romana  lingua  scri- 
beie  vel  loqui  nesciunt,  vix  in  vulgari  exponerc  Evangelia  didicerunt.  Quantos  cito- 
res,  fabulas  et  bareses  in  Ecclesia  prfedicando  populis  enuncient,  quis  nisi  expertus 
credere  posset !  Pro  libris  sibi  liberos  comparant,  pro  studio  concubinas  amant. 
Isti  sunt  ca'ci  duces  cajcorum,  qui  populum  Dei  ad  juslitiam  non  erudiunt,  sed 
potius  seducunt.  —  Non  possum  non  doleie,  vidcns  omne  malum  in  Ecclesia  ex 
ignorantia  sacerdotum  procedere.  Quis  enim  non  doleat,  illos  mandata  ncscire, 
qui  constituti  sunt  alios  instruere  ?  —  Sacerdotes  nostri  mundanis  cupiditafibus 
effluunt,  corrigere  vitiosos  non  prassumunt,  quia  se  deliquisse  in  majoribus  agno- 
scunt. —  Nee  mirum,  si  minores  vacent  a  studio  scripturarum,  cum  inter  Pra;- 
latos  paucos  invenias,  qui  veterum  exemplis  inba-reant.  Eliguntur  enim  ut 
plurimum  non  doctiores,  sed  ad  congregandas  divilias  perituras  avidiores.  Codices 
scripturarum  aut  nullos  babent,  aut  paucos,  quippe  qui  odio  scientiam  perse- 
quuntur.  Et  quia,  sicut  Dominus  per  prophelam  (Malacb.  2)  loquitur,  sacerdotcs 
notitiam  legis  abjecerunt,  propterea  contemptibiles  in  populo  facti  sunt.  Clamant 
quidem  in  tribulatione  ad  Dominum,  sed  non  exaudit  cos  :  quoniani  qui  avertit 
aures  suas  ne  audiat  legem,  oratio  ejus  erit  execrabilis.  Non  ergo  mirentur 
sacerdotes,  quod  eos  contemnunt  Laici,  quoniam  ipsi  spernunt  mandata  Christi.  — 
Timeo  autem  vehementer,  in  brevi  contra  Clerum  graviora  futura. 

2  See  J.  A.  Theine  r  u.  A.  Theiner  die  Einfiibrung  der  erzwungenen 
Ehelosigkeit  bei  den  cbrisfl.  Gcistlichen  u.  ihre  Folgen.  Bd.  2.  Abth.  2.  S.  642  ff. 
J.  W.  C  a  rove  voilslfindige  Sammluno- der  Colibalgesetze  far  die  katbol.  Welt- 
geistlicben  mit  Anm.  (oder  Uber  das  Colibalgesetz  des  rom.  kathol.  Klerus  2te 
Abth.)  Frankf.  a.  RI.  1833.  8vo.  S.  342  ff. 

3  See  a  catalogue  of  the  addresses  made  at  Constance,  and  published  by  Walch 
in  Theiner,  S.  647  ff'.,  at  Basil,  ibid.  S.  692  ff.  Coirip.  the  extract  given  by  Scbel- 
horn  in  the  prefoce  to  Raupachs  evangel.  Oesterreich,  Th.  2.  S.  XVIII.  from 
the  address  of  Petrus  de  Pulka,  professor  in  Vienna  before  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance, A.  D.  1416  :  Attendite  et  videte,  ecce  Clerus  Romana"  Curia?,  qua?  a  tem- 
pore schismatis  ultra  humanam  malitiam  depravata  ffistimatur,  similiter  Clerus 
hujus  dioeceseos,  imo  hujus  civitatis  et  ipsiusmet  synodi,  quam  obediens  nobis 
existat.  Con'^iderate  qua;so,  an  reverendo  banc  sacram  synodum,  in  cujus  oculis 
versatur  cottidie,  saltern  in  minimo  vitam  dissolutam  emendaverit.  Pro  certo 
dicuntur  Clerici  curiales  adbuc  suas  tenere  concubinas  inverecunde  palam  omni- 
bus, adhuc  justitiam  venderc,  ac  veluti  omni  specie  leprae  ut  prius  sordescere, 
etc. 


Chap.  II.    National  Churches.    §   138.  Morals  of  the  Clergy.     279 

at  large  in  this  respect.'^  In  no  century  had  there  been  so  many  de- 
crees passed  against  the  concubinage  of  the  clergy,  as  in  the  loth  ;^ 
yet  in  none  were  complaints  so  common  of  their  incontinence  (which 
in  Italy  degenerated  even  into  unnatural  vices,)  "^  as  well  as  derision 
and  lamentation  over  the  inefficiency  of  all  the  means  used  to  re- 
strain   themJ     The    numbers  of  the  offenders  made  it  difficult,  or 

*  At  Constance  the  matter  was  taken  up  very  seriously,  as  may  be  seen  from 
the  Reforiiiatorium  (conip.  §  130,  note  13),  cap.  33  (see  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const. 
I.  X.  p.  635),  but  no  resolution  was  taken  upon  it,  as,  like  all  the  other  subjects  of 
reform  which  were  left  fill  alter  the  election,  it  ended  in  nothing.  The  decree 
passed  at  Basil,  Sess.  XX.  see  in  §   131,  note  22. 

®  See  the  works  cited  above,  of  Theiner  and  Carove. 

*  Jo.  Franc.  Pici,  Miranduls  Domini,  ad  Leonem  P.  M.  de  reformandis  morl- 
bus  oratio,  A.  D.  1517  (in  the  Fasciculus  rerum  expetend.  et  i'ugiendarum,  ed. 
E.  Brown,  p.  419):  Ab  illis  (sacerdotibus)  etiam  (proh  pudor!)  foeiiiince  abi- 
guntur  ad  eoruin  libidines  explendas,  et  meritorii  pueri  a  parentibus  comniodan- 
tur  et  condonantur  his,  qui  ab  oinni  corporis  etiani  concessa  voluptate  sese  im- 
maculatos  custodire  deberent ;  hi  postea  ad  sacerdotiorum  gradus  promoventur, 
astatis  flore  transacto  jam  exoleti. 

'  See  especially  the  following  writers :  Laurenfius  Jiistinianus,  patriarch  of 
Venice,  'f  1455  :  De  complanctu  Christianae  perfectionis  (0pp.  ed.  Venetiis,  1751. 
fol.  T.  II.  p.  6),  De  institutione  et  regimine  Pra;laforuni.  c.  20.  —  Alphonsus 
Tostatus,  bishop  of  Avila,  and  high  chancellor  of  Castile,  -f*  1454:  Contra  Clericos 
concubinarios  (0pp.  ed.  Venet.  172S.  fol.  T.  XXV.  p.  58).  —  Antoninus,  arch- 
bishop of  Florence,  "f  1459  :  Sumnia  confessionalis  P.  III.  de  Clericis,  Pra?]atis, 
Episcopis.  c.  10-16.  —  Felix  Hflmmerlin  (Malleolus)  chorister  of  Zurich, -f  be- 
tween 1457  and  1464.  Extracts  from  his  works,  which  are  for  the  most  part  in  Ms. 
(there  is,  however,  a  collection  entitled  varia?  oblectationis  opuscula,  Basil.  1479. 
fol.)  see  in  Meister's  beriihmte  Zilricher.  Basel.  1782.  Th.  1.  S.  34  ff.  Mirz 
helvefische  Kirchengeschichte,  Th.  3.  S.  201  fT.  J.  v.  M  il  1 1  e  r' s  Geschichte 
SchweizerischerEidgenossenschaft,neue  Aufl.  1826.  Th.  4.  S.  225  seq. — Dionysius 
de  Leeivis,  from  his  native  place  commonly  called  a  Byckel,  a  Carthusian  in  Rure- 
monde,  "f  1471.  De  vita  et  regimine  Prajsulum.  Ait!  IS.  27  seq.  37.  De  vita  et 
regimine  Archidiaconorum.  Art.  19.  seq.  De  vita  Canonicorum.  De  vita  Cura- 
torum.  —  Hermannus  Ryd  de  Been  (Prior  in  the  convent  of  Neuwerk  near  Halle, 
afterwards  a  priest,  -f  1476.  See  Leibnifii  Scriptt.  Brunsvic.  II.  p.  489)  de  vita  et 
honestate  Clericorum  (written  1467.  Magdeburgi;  inBrownii  Appendix  ad  fascicu- 
lum  rerum  expetend.  et  fugiend.  p.  129  seq.  —  Bodericus  Sancius  Episc.  Zamo- 
rensis  et  Referendarius  Pauli  P.  ll.  Speculum  vitas  humans  (appeared  Romaj 
1468,  afterwards  often  reprinted)  lib.  II.  c.  19.  —  Lavacrum  conscientiEe  (anony- 
mous, probably  first  printed  at  Augsburg,  1489,  afterwards  Colon.  1499.  4to.)  cap. 
4,13,15,  17. — Baptista  .Mantuanus,  a  Carmelite  in  Mantua,  for  three  years 
General  of  his  Order,  ►f  1516,  Alfonsus  lib.  III.     De  calamitatibus  temporum  lib, 

III. Joannes   Trithemius,  a  Benedictine  abbot  in  Spanheim,  afterwards  at  St. 

James  in  Wiirzburg,  *J-  1516,  Institutio  vitse  sacerdotalis,  especially  cap.  2.  (ejusd. 
0pp.  pia  et  spiritualia  ed.  Jo.  Buscbus.  Mogunt.  1605.  fol.  p.  768  seq.).  —  Jacobus 
Wimpheling,  Professor  in  Heidelberg,  -f  1528,  Apologia  pro  republica  Christiana. 
Libellus  de  integritate.  Epistola  ad  sacerdotem,  ut  Concubinam  dimittat  in  the 
Anctarium  catal.  test,  verit.  p.  275  seq.  —  Sebastian  Brandt,  chancellor  at  Strass- 
burg,  "f  1520.  Das  nilw  Schitf  von  Narragonia,  1494. To.  Geiler  von  Kaisers- 
berg,  Preacher  in  Strassburg,  "f  1510,  Navicula  s.  speculum  fatuorum  (sermons 
preached  in  1498)  1511.  Das  Buch  von  der  Omeissen.  —  Jac.  Siberti,  a  monk  in 
the  convent  of  Laach.  De  calamitatibus  hujus  temporis,  written  1509-1516 
(published  in  Vater's  kirchenhist.  Archip,  1826.  Heft  2.  S.  109  ff.).  — Salires  on 
the  incontinence  of  the  clei-gy  see  in  Poggii  Florentini,  chancellor  of  the  Republic 
of  Florence,  'f'  1459,  Facetia?,and  in  Henr.  Bebelii,  Professor  in  Tilbingen,  'f  1516, 
triumpbus  Veneris,  lib.  III-V.  and  Facetise.  So  too  in  Laurentii  Mstemii, 
Librarian  in  Urbino,   "f   after  1516,  fables,  which  are  usually  appended  to  the 


280  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

impossible  to  carry  into  effect  the  more  severe  punishments,  whilst 
the  avarice  of  the  bishops  was  easily  gratified  by  substituting  therefor 
pecuniary  mulcts,  which  soon  changed  into  a  fixed  annual  tax.^  The 
commonness  of  the  offence  made  it  seem  to  the  clergy  themselves  a 
light  thing.9     Of  course  the  laity  could  not  be  expected  to  view  it  in 

editions  of  ^sop's  fables,  in  the  16th  century.  Extracts  from  most  of  these  works 
in  Theiner,  1.  c.  See  the  reflections  in  the  Epist.  de  miseria  Curaforum,  Aug. 
Vind.  1489  (in  the  Append,  ad  catal.  test,  verit.  p.  2S3)  :  Si  fortitudo,  sanctitas, 
sapientia  Samsonem,  David,  Salomoneni  aconcubitu  mulieris  prsservare  non  potuit, 
quis  Curatores  ab  eodem  veneno  unquam  liberavit  ?  Sicut  impossibile  est,  cum 
pice  communicari,  et  ab  ea  non  coinquinari ;  ita  non  suscipiendum  est,  cum 
inulierc  habitare,  et  al)  ea  non  niaculari.  O,  quam  rarum  est,  si  Curator,  uxorem 
non  habens,  se  non  coinquinat!  Ab  hoc  tempore,  quo  Clericos  ab  uxoribus  sanctio 
Apostolica  sequestravit,  nulius  unquam,  quantumcunque  sanctus  et  continens,  sine 
suspicione  fuit.  Antea  per  sacerdotis  prolcm  tota  nostra  salus  profluxit,  nunc  autem 
non  nisi  scandalum  venit.  Olim  unusquisque  sacerdotum  in  sua  legitima  contenta- 
batur:  nunc  vero  saccrdos,  qui  propriam  non  habet,  feminis  indilTerenter  utitur. 
De  illis  nemo  quod  malum  est  promebat :  de  istis,  quomodo  luxuriantur,  etiam  puer 
cantat ! 

**  This  was,  to  be  sure,  expressly  forbidden  by  the  Cone.  Paris,  ann.  1429.  c.  23. 
(Mansi  XXVIII.  p.  1107)  ;  Cone.  Dertusanum  (i.  e.  Tortosanum)  ann.  1529.  c.  2. 
(I.  c.  p.  1144)  ;  Cone.  Basileense,  Sess.  XX.  (see  §  131,  note  22)  and  those  who 
were  found  guilty  of  concubinage  condenmed  to  be  suspended  and  deposed  :  still 
at  a  Synod  in  Breslau,  1447  and  1456,  it  was  decreed  by  the  bishop,  Peter  II. 
(Hartzheim  Concil.  Germ.  V.  p.  445),  quatenus  omnes  Clerici  —  concubinas,  sive 
focarias,  aut  alias  mulieres  quascunque  de  incontinentia  suspectas  —  rcjiciant  et 
desistant,  —  subpoena  decern  florenorum  nobis  ad  Cameram  nostram  irremissibiliter 
persolvendorum.  Hence  continued  complaints  of  this  abuse,  see  Theobaldi  publica 
conqueslio  in  Cone.  Const,  ann.  1417,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  XIX.  p,  909.  Fel.  Ham- 
merlin,  see  W  i  r  z  hclvet.  Kirchengesch.  Th.  3.  S.  77.  Dionysius  Carthmianus 
de  vita  et  regimine  Archidiaconorum.  Art.  XIX.  contra  periculosam,  vitiosam 
atque  damnabilem  consuetudinem  visitandi,  et  pecuniam  recipiendi  a  fornicariis. 
Hermannus  Hyd  de  lieen  de  vita  et  honestafe  Cleiicorum  c.  1.  in  Broicnii  App. 
p.  133.  Jacobus  Siberti  de  calamitatibus  hujus  temporis  relates  (Vater's  Archiv, 
1826.  S.  181),  that  an  archbishop  of  Cologne  (Theoderich  1423)  having  ordered  the 
clergy  to  put  away  their  concubines  under  severe  penalty,  was  soon  obliged  to  give 
up  the  point,  p.  184 :  accepit  nempe  antistes  a  sacerdotibus  pecunias,  et  dimisit  illis 
concubinas:  forte  vel  nesciebat  alio  remedio  malitis  temporum  obviare,  —  vel 
multitudine  territus  proficere  desperabat.  John  Busch,  Provost  of  the  convent  of 
Neuwerk  near  Halle,  about  1450,  having  ordered  the  inferior  clergy  under  him  to 
give  up  their  concubines  (see  his  own  account  of  the  matter  in  Leibnitii  Scriptt. 
Brunsv.  II.  p.  819),  quidam  eorum  potius  elegerunt  Ecclesias  suas  quam  famulas  suas 
dimittere.  Ecclesias  enim  suas  sine  rectore  relinquentes  cum  famulabus  suis  inde 
recesserunt.  In  this  state  of  things  complaint  was  made  to  the  Provost:  Populus 
illarum  Ecclesiarum  missas  non  habent,  nee  sermones,  nee  alia  divina,  sed  vadunt 
quasi  sine  Deo  sicut  gentiles.  Melius  esset,  quod  permitteretis,  ut  Plebani  suas 
retinerent  concubinas,  quam  ut  populus  ille  tanquam  gentilis  efficeretur :  hoc  enim 
esset  minus  rualum. 

9  Stephani  Episc.  Brandenburgensis  (1422  - 1459)  comm.  ad  orat.  domin.  c.  17 
(in  Ph.  W.  Gercken's  ausfiihrl.  Stiftshistorie  von  Brandenburg.  Braunsch- 
weig u.  Wolfenbilttel,  1766.  4to.  S.  226):  Quid  ergo  dicemus  de  Clero  nostro  et 
sacerdotibus,  inter  quos  etsi  pauci  sunt  simoniaci,  pauciores  vero  schismatici,  pau- 
cissimi  vel  nulli,  ut  spcramus,  extant  ha;retici  a  quibus  ut  sic  populus  ad  ipsorum 
perniciem  ecclesiastica  reciperet  sacramenta ;  sunt  tamen,  quod  cum  dolore  et  non 
sine  magnis  gemitibus  dicere  nos  ventas  compeliit,  heu  plurimi  concubinarii  et 
fornicatores  etiam  notorii,  ex  quorum  vita  plurimi  scandalizantur,  non  solum  vul- 
gares  et  plebeji,  sed  etiam  Magnates  et  principes.  Et  adeo  pestis  ista  et  crimen 
hoc  invaluit,  ut  talibus  sacerdotibus  frons  meretricis  facta  sit,  sic  ut  pro  modico 
ducant,  fornicationem  et  adulteria  committere.  —  Nam  etsi  ex  lapsu  carnis  impraeg- 


Chap.  II.     National  Churches.   §  138.    3Ior ah  of  the  Clergy.     281 

any  other  light,  and  in  consequence  the  vice   increased  to   a  fearful 
degree,!'^  so^as  at  the  end  of  the  loth  century  to  give  birth  to  a  new 

nantur  ah  eis,  vel  forte  ab  aliis,  focariEe  et  nieretrices  eonim,  non  inficiantur  vel 
abne2;ant  peccitum,  scd  pro  suiniiio  honore  arbitrantur,  se  pareiites  illoruin  esse, 
qui  de  dainnabili  coitu  procreantur.  Unde  et  gloiiando  de  inalitia  sua  coiivicinos 
presbyteros  et  alios  laicos  utriusque  sexus  convocant,  et  per  se  patrinos  ad  hliorum 
suoruin  baptisma  invitant,  mao;namque  festivitatem  pro  talium  tiliorum  generatione 
et  solemnitatem  et  gaudium  faciunt,  de  quo  potius  deberent  luctuin  suscipere,  etc. 
See  witli  wbat  frivolity  yEneas  Sylvius,  after  he  had  become  a  priest  and  was 
enoao-ed  at  the  Council  of  Basle,  announces  to  his  father  the  birth  of  a  son  in 
Str'asburo-,  Ep.  15  :  Certe  nee  lapideum  nee  ferreuiu  genuisti  filiuia,  cum  esses  tu 
carneus."  Scis,  qualis  tu  gallus  fueris  :  at  nee  ego  castratus  sum,  neque  ex  fngi- 
dorum  nuniero.  Nee  sum  hypocrita,  ut  videri  bonus  quam  esse  malim.  Fateor 
ino-enue  mcum  erratum,  quia  nee  sanctior  sum  David  Rege,  nee  Salomone  sapien- 
tior  Antiquum  et  vetus  est  hoc  delictum,  nee  scio,  quis  eo  careat.  Late  patet 
h«c  pestis  (si  pestis  est,  naturalibus  uti),  quamquam  non  video,  cur  tantopere 
damnari  coitus  debeat,  cum  natura,  quae  nihil  perperam  operatur,  omnibus  inge- 
nuerit  animantibus  hunc  appetitum,  ut  genus  continuaretur  huraanum,  etc.  in 
the  diocese  of  Speyer  two  successive  bishops  labored  with  great  zeal  against  this 
abuse,  namely,  Louis  of  Helmstadt,  1478-1504  (see  the  Acta  of  the  Synod  in 
Pf^«r£^^!t'emsubsidiadiplom.XIL  p.  196seq.),and  Philip  of  Rosenberg,  Io04-lol3 
(Wiirdtu-em  nova  subsid.  dipl.  VHI.  p.  294  seo,.).  The  only  consequence  was 
(see  150.5  nova  subsid.  dipl.  VIIL  p.  299),  that  the  clergy  complained  inter  convivas 
et  scortorum  consortia,  in  Episcopatu  Spirensi  solam  luxunam  esse  peccatum,  et 
pene  nemiuem  fuisse  punitum,  nisi  solum  illos  aut  eos  irequentius,  qui  castitatis 
vitio  laborabant,  cKteros  verolonge  enormioribus  gravioribusque  irretitos  cnminibus 
aut  a  poena  fuisse  immunes,  aut  saltern  mediocriter  in  comparatione  lascivorum 
mulctatos :  cum  tamen  sancti  Doctores  et  jura  canonica  alterant,  incontinentiam 
inter  peccata  mortalia  esse  minimum.  The  bishop,  however,  perseveres  in  his 
deciees,  rnoti  ex  hoc  verbo  Gregorii,  quo  dicit,  fornicationem  minoris  quidem  esse 
culpa",  majoris  autem  diffimiia',  cujus  auctoritatis  huic  vitio  dediti  prima  verba,  no3 
vero  ultima  attendimus,  propter  quod  ipsi  peccatum  hoc  suum  in  se  parvi  faciunt, 
nos  difflimiam  et  scandalum  magnifacimus.  Pensamus  hsc  et  multa  aha  innume- 
rabilia  mala  corporis,  famse  et  amm«,  qua;  hajc  cum  mulieribus  suspectis  conversatio 
et  cohabitatio  secum  afferunt,  inprimis  autem  illud,  quod  raro  tales  vera  et  catholice 
peccata  sua  confitentur:  emendandi  propositum,  quod  habere  se  dicunt,  regulariter 
aut  fictum  est  aut  falsum,  et—  legitime  et  coram  Deo  non  absolvuntur.  Hermannus 
Rml  de  Rcen  de  vita  et  honestate  Clericorum,  c.  1.  in  Brown  App.  ad  fasciculum, 
p  133  ■  Antiquitus  —  mali  Clerici  et  sacerdotes  fuerunt  hypocritae,  —  quibus  valde 
erat  infestus  Salvator,  — cum  sajpe  eos  redarguit,  contra  eos  prsdicavit.  —  Moderni 
autem  Clerici  pejores  sunt  illis  hypocritis,  qui,  licet  mali  sunt  et  pessimi  prffivari- 
catores  pro  majori  parte,  non  tamen  talia  in  occulfo  homimbus  nescientibus,  ut 
hvpocrita;  fecerunt.  Utinam  foret  ita  bonum,  ut  justi  coram  honunibus  apparerent, 
ne  homines  in  eis  scandaUzarentur.  Sed  aliter  est  negotium  :  quoniain  minus 
verecundantur  laicis,  gloriantes  de  inalitia  eorum  et  male  actis.  Quot  publicos 
fornicatus  sive  fornicarios  videmus  !  imo,  quod  pejus  est,  tales  et  hujusmodi  sic 
vivere  permittuntur  publice  ab  eorum  Pralatis,  solum  quod  omni  anno  porngant 
certain  quolam  pecuniirum  Oflicialibus  eorum! 

10  Complaint=i  of  the  effect  of  this  example  Concilium  Parisiense,  ann.  1429.  c. 
23  CMansi  XXVIIL  p.  1107).  Cum  propter  crimen  concuhinatus,  quo  multi 
ecclesiastici  et  religiosi  viri  inficiuntur,  habeantur  Ecclesia  Dei  et  totus  Clerus  in 
derisum,  abominationem,  et  opprobrium  cunctis  gentibus  ;  et  illud  nefandissimum 
scelus  in  Ecclesia  Dei  adeo  invaluit,  ut  jam  non  credant  Christiani,  simphcem 
fornicationem  esse  peccatum  mortale  (see  Huss  sermo  syn.  ann.  1405,  below. 
S  149  note  5):  nos  volentes  ad  exstirpationem  tanti  iacinons  — providere,  etc. 
In  the  summons  to  the  Synod  on  St.  IVL^rtin's  day,  1486,  the  bishop  of  Speyer 
romv\e^ms  (Wnrdta-em  stik^idia  diplom.  XIL  p.  247)  :  l.cet -nos  contra  concu- 
binarios  nostrarum  civitatis  et  diocesis  Spirensis  processus  nostros  varios  et  quidem 
formidabiles  et  diras  in  se  continentes  pcenas  pro  hujusmodi  vitio  concuhinatus  ex- 
tinguendo  promulgaverimus  ;  nihilominus  tamen  validus  et  Irequens  clamor  ad  nos 

VOL.     III.  '^^ 


282  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

and  disgusting  disease. ^^  As  early  as  the  Council  of  Constance,  it  was 
openly  said  that  nothing  could  remedy  these  evils  but  to  allow  the 
marriage  of  priests  :  1-  but  such  was  the  strength  of  prejudice  that 
men  in  other  respects  liberal  in  their  views,  as  for  instance  the  chan- 
cellor Gerson,  resisted  every  effort  to  change  the  existing  laws  of  the 
church. 1^  There  always  continued  to  be  intelligent  men,  who  advo- 
cated  the  marriage  of  priests ;  i"*  but  the   interests  of  the  hierarchy 

perduxit,  quod  nonnulli,  immo  ut  asseiitur  multi,  per  civitatem  et  diocesim  nostras 
adeo  patule  et  publico  secuni  tunueiint  et  teneant  iiiuliere*  suspectas  et  concubinas, 
tainque  lepi-ehensibilem  cum  eis  agant  vitam,  quod  exinde  Laici  non  tantuin 
scandalisaiUur,  sed  et  ipsi  corum  exeiiiplo  similiter  peccandi  suniaut  occasionem, 
etc.  Lavacrum  conscientia,  c.  VJI.  :  Propter  quod  secundum  b.  Bernardum  in 
districto  Dei  judicio  judicantur  non  solum  (juia  in  bis  peccaverunt,  sed  etiam  ideo 
quia  suis  nefandis  exemplis  rudibus  et  siiui)!icil)us  occasionem  peccandi  dederunt. 
Propter  quod  etiam  in  bac  vita  corda  eorum  indurantur,  quod  raro  aut  nunquam 
pa'riitent,  pnecipue  bi,  qui  peste  luxuria;  aut  avaritite  infecti  sunt,  quia  a  nullo 
volunt  corrigi  nee  alicujus  informationcm  accipere.  Citius  enim  decem  laici  vel 
plures  ab  errore  suo  revocantur,  quam  unus  Clericus  vel  literatus  perverse  vivens. 
Et  ideo  in  sensum  reprobum  raulti  talcs  traduntur,  et  ca;citate  justo  Dei  judicio 
percutiuntur,  etc. 

''  Ph.  G.  Hensler's  Gesch.  der  Lustseuche,  die  zu  Ende  des  funfzehnten 
Jahrh.  in  Europa  ausbrach.  Altona,  1783.     Thciner  II.  II.  S.  803  ff. 

'^  Frnnciscus  Zabardla  (from  1411  Cardinalis  Florentinus,  'f  1417)  capita 
agendorum  in  Cone.  Constant,  de  ret'ormatione  Ecclesia-,  c.  12  {y.  d.  Hardt  Cone. 
Const.  I.  IX.  p.  524) :  Circa  concubinarios  providealur  cum  effectu  ;  alias  sic 
negligendo  praestaret  permittere  conjugium  Clericis.  Et  de  hoc  etiam  disponetur. 
Especially  Wilhclmi  Sagineti  (Saignet,  a  French  knight)  lanientatio  ob  coslibatum 
sacerdotum,  seu  dialogus  Nica^nce  constitutionis,  et  natui-a;  ca  de  re  conquerentis, 
Ms.  in  Basle  cf.  Oudini  comm.  de  scriptoribus  Eccles.  antiquis.  T.  III.  p.  2325. 

"  Gerson  answered  Saignet  in  the  dialogus  sophiae  et  naturae  super  cslibatu 
Ecclesiasticorum  (0pp.  II.  p.  617  seq.).  In  this  he  asknowledges  the  impossibility 
of  checking  the  incontinence  of  the  clergy,  but  still  will  not  hear  of  the  marriage 
of  piiests,  comforting  himself  with  the  i-etiection,  p.  634,  de  duobus  malis  minus  est 
incontinentes  tolerare  sacerdotes,  quam  nullos  habere.  His  views  on  the  subject, 
too,  are  lax  to  a  degree  in  him  surprising  ;  e.  g.  Sermo  contra  luxuriam  Dom.  II. 
Adv.  (0pp.  III.  p.  917):  Violatne  persona  votum  suum,  quando  non  servat  casti- 
tatem  suam,  vel  etiam  Presbyter,  aut  rcligiosa  persona  .'  Respondco,  quod  regu- 
lariter  votum  castitatis  tit,  quod  nunquam  vovens  contrahere  velit  matrimonium,  et 
pro  hoc  quis  consequenter  obligatus  est  ad  castitatein.  Ideo  non  violat  votum 
suum  is,  qui  non  contrahit  matiimonium,  quamvis  peccet  gravissime.  One  of  the 
means  recommended  to  prevent  such  offences,  Sermo  contra  luxur.  Dom.  IV.  Adv. 
(1.  c.  p.  932) :  Tertium  remedium  est  elRcere,  ut  paucissima  I'aciant  peccata,  et 
interdum  multa  bona  tacere.  Notate,  quod  sit  in  secreto,  et  extra  festa  et  loca 
sancta,  cum  personis  sine  vinculo. 

'^  Sigismunds  Reformation  (first  ed.  by  Joh.  Bjlmler.  Augsburg,  1476,  and 
in  Goldasti  Constitt.  imperial.  I.  p.  170  ;  with  some  arbitrary  changes  in  Basil 
1521)  was  not,  to  be  sure,  presented  to  the  Council  of  Basil,  as  the  title-page  of 
the  ed.  of  1476  represents,  nor  to  the  Council  of  Constance,  as  is  represented  by 
the  title  of  the  ed.  of  1521  ;  nor  is  it  by  Sigismund,  but  more  probably  (as  is  sup- 
posed hyv.d.  Hardt,  Cone.  Const.  I.  XX VII.  p.  1121)  by  the  imperial  counsellor, 
Frederick  v.  Land^kron,  after  Sigismund's  death,  but  still  it  is  an  important  docu- 
ment. In  the  Section  Von  Ordenung  aller  Pfarrkirchen  it  is  stated  that  all  the 
measures  against  concubinage  had  proved  ineffectual.  It  is  then  proposed  that 
each  church  shall  have  two  married  piiests  ;  that  they  shall  serve  on  alternate 
weeks,  and  that  each  in  his  week  shall  refrain  from  intercourse  with  his  wife.  — 
JVicolaiis  Paiiormitanus  (see  §  131,  note  38,  'f  1445)  Lectura  super  c.  cum  olim. 
De  clericis  conjugatus  (i.  e.  ad  Deer.  Greg.  Lib.  III.  Tit.  III.  c.  6.)  ed.  Taurin. 
1577.  fol.  361.  proposes  the  question  :  Numquid  hodie  Ecclesia  possit  statuere,  ut 


Chap.   II.    National  Churches.     §  138.     3Ior ah  of  the  Clergy.  283 
were  too  deeply   involved   in   the  question  to  expect  them  to  yield. 

Clericus  possit  contrahere  matrimonium,  sicut  Graeci  ?  and  answers:  Credo,  quod 
sic,  —  et  non  solum  credo,  potestatem  inesse  Eeclesiaj  hoc  coiidendi,  sed  credo  pro 
bono  et  salute  aniinarum  quod  esset  salubre  statutuin,  ut  volentes  coniinere  et 
niagis  mereii,  relinquerentur  voluntati  eorum  ;  non  volentes  autem  continere, 
possint  contrahere  :  quia  experientia  docentc  contrarius  prorsus  effectus  sequitur 
ex  ilia  lege  continentiae,  quuni  hodie  non  vivant  spiritualiter,  nee  sint  niundi,  sed 
maculentur  illicito  coitu  cum  eorum  gravissimo  pcccato,  ubi  cum  propria  uxore 
esset  castitas,  ut  dicitur  Cap.  J\'ica;na  (Decretum  Grat.  P.  1.  Dist.  XXXI.  c.  12). 
Unde  deberet  Ecclesia  facere,  sicut  bonus  medicus,  ut  si  medicina,  experientia 
docente,  potius  officit  quam  prosit,  earn  tollat.  Et  utinam  idem  esset  in  omnibus 
constitutionibus  positivis,  ut  saltem  obligarent  quoad  pcenam,  et  non  quoad  culpani. 
Nam  ita  creverunt  statuta  positiva,  ut  vix  reperiantur  aliqui,  qui  non  corrupei-int 
viam  suam.  —  JEneas  Sylvius  hut.  Cone.  Basil,  lib.  II.  (ed.  Catopoli,  1667.  4to. 
p.  86)  :  Ibrtasse  non  esset  pejus,  sacerdotes  quainplures  uxorari :  quoniam  multi 
salvarentur  in  sacerdotio  conjugate,  qui  sterili  in  Presbyteratu  danmantur.  De 
auctoritate  Cone.  Basil,  dialogus  (in  Kollar  Analecta  Vindobonensia  II.  p.  780)  : 
olim  conjugem  nee  habere,  nee  habuisse  indecorum  sacerdotibus  fuit ;  hodie  vero 
solum  habere  interdicitur,  qua;  probibitio,  ut  ego  existimo,  utilius  quoque  hodie 
prohiberetur.  When  Cardinal  he  wrote  to  his  fiiend  Jo.  Frunt  (Ep.  307)  :  Credi- 
mus  te  uti  non  insulso  consilio,  si,  quum  nequeas  continere,  conjugium  qusris, 
quamvis  id  prius  cogitandum  t'uerat,  antequam  iniliareris  sacris  ordinibus.  Sed 
non  sumus  Dii  onines,  qui  futura  prospicere  valeamus.  Quando  hue  ventum  est, 
ut  legi  carnis  resistere  nequeas,  melius  est  nubeie,  quam  uri.  Non  tamen  haec 
Pontilicis  sententia,  ut  dispensandum  ccnseat :  stat  in  sua  severitate.  —  Expectan- 
dus  est  ergo,  ut  tute  agas,  alterius  Apo>tolatus,  qui  mitior  sit.  So  too  when  Pope. 
One  of  his  sayings  was  {Platina  de  vitis  Pontilf.  ed.  1645.  p.  762)  :  Sacerdotibus 
magna  rations  sublatas  nuptias,  majori  restitucndas  videri.  —  Also  the  French 
Carmelite,  Thomas  de  Rennes  (Thomas  Redonensis),  who  preached  with  great 
zeal  in  France  and  Italy  against  the  corruption  of  the  Roman  church,  and  insisted 
upon  a  reformation  (for  which  he  was  burned  at  the  stake  in  Rome,  ]4;?6),  is  sup- 
posed to  have  been  an  advocate  for  the  marriage  of  the  priests.  The  passage 
attributed  to  him  in  Flacii  catalog,  no.  365,  is,  however,  that  of  Panormitanus, 
above  cited.  See  Baleus.  Centur.  VII.  c.  100.  —  Felix  Hdmmerlin  also,  in  his  work 
de  liberfate  eccl.,  wished  that  the  priests  might  be  allowed  to  marry.  See 
Mil  Iter's  Schweizer.  Gesch.  Th.  4.  S.  261.  Anm.  309.  —  ^Zam  Chartier, 
secretary  of  the  kings  Charles  VI.  and  VII.,  'f  1458,  in  his  work  I'esperance  ou 
consolation  des  trois  vertus  (Les  oeuvres  de  Maistre  Jllain  Chartier,  reveufis, 
corrigees  par  A.  du  Chesne.  a  Pai-is,  1617.  4to.  p.  388.  The  passage  given  by 
Flacivs  catal.  test.  no.  200,  and  Theiner  II.  II.  697,  in  Latin,  but  erroneously 
cited  from  the  work  le  Curial  citirt)  :  Or  fut  il  pie(;a  fait  un  nouvel  statut  en 
I'Eglise  latine,  qui  desseura  I'ordre  du  sainct  mariage  d'avec  la  dignite  de  Prestrise 
souz  couleur  de  purtc  et  chastete  sans  souilleurc.  IMaintenant  court  le  statut  de 
concubinage  au  contraire,  qui  les  a  attraits  aux  estats  niondains,  et  aux  deliz 
sensuels  et  corporels.  Et  qui  plus  est,  se  sont  rendus  a  immoderee  avarice,  en  pro- 
curant  par  symonie  et  par  autres  voyes  illicites,  litigieuses,  et  processives  en  corrup- 
tion, et  autrement,  benefices  et  prelatures  espirituelles.  Et  avec  ce  se  sont  souillez 
et  occupez  es  affaires  citoyens,  et  es  negoces  et  cures  temporelles.  Et  ce  premier 
statut  departit  pie(^,a  I'Eglise  grecque  d'avec  la  latine.  Et  ores  la  desordonnanee 
avaricieuse  des  Presti-es  a  fait  separcr  les  peuples  de  Behaigne  (Bohmen)  d'Eglise 
de  Rome.  Que  dy-je  de  Behaigne  .'  mais  de  Chrestiente  presque  toute.  Car  les  gens 
de  I'Eglise  ont  si  avilennc  par  leurs  coulpes  eux  et  leur  estat,  qu'ils  sont  ja  des- 
daignez  et  des  grands  et  des  menus  du  monde  :  et  les  coeurs  estrangez  de  I'obeis- 
sance  de  saincte  Eglise  par  la  dissolution  de  ses  ministres.  Car,  comme  dit  est,  ilz 
ont  laisse  les  espousailles,  mais  ils  ont  reprins  les  illegitimes,  vagues,  et  dissolues 
luxures.  Je  ne  vueil  plus  avant  eslargii-  ma  parolle.  Car  tant  ont  telles  Constitu- 
tions de  lieu,  comme  on  y  prent  de  plaisir.  Que  a  apporte  la  Constitution  de  non 
marier  les  Prestres,  si  non  tourner  et  eviter  legitime  generation  en  advoultrise,  et 
honneste  cohabitation  d'une  seule  espouse  en  multiplication  d'escande  luxure  .' 
Se  je  disoye  tout  ce  que  j'en  pense,  je  diroye  plainement,  que  la  gresse  des  bien« 
temporels  meslee  du  souffre  d'envie,  et  la  chaleur  d'ambition  et  de  luxure  ont  fait 


284  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Thus  the  hatred  of  the  laity  towards  a  clergy,  who  added  such  im- 

leiir  apprest   pour  mettre  le  feu  en  I'Eglise,  etc. To.  Anton  de  S.   Georgia, 

Professor  Juris  in  Pavia,  Provost  at  Milan,  at  last  Cardinal,  "f  1509.  In  his  Aurea 
etsingularis  lectura  super  quarto  Decretaliuin  rum  additionibus  Benedicti  de  Vadis. 
Lugd.  1522.  fol.  we  read  ad  Tit.  VI.  Qui  Clerici  vel  voventes  matrimonium  con- 
trahere  possunt,  in  the  Rubrica,  where  the  editor  speaks  :  Tempore  primitivai 
Ecclesias  licebat  Prcsbyteris,  et  sic  constitutis  in  sacris,  uxoj-eni  habere,  dumniodo 
die  celebrationis  ahstinerent  a  conjugibus.  Postea  in  occidentali  Ecclesia  venit 
prohibitio,  ut  constituti  in  sacris  deberent  continei'c.  Dicit  hie  Cardinalis  (namely, 
Jo.  Ant.  a  S.  Georgio),  quod  dat  materiam  illaqucandi  plures  animas  hoc  prscep- 
tuni,  et  ideo  credit,  (piod,  sicut  Ecclesia  incbixit  hoc  praceptum  continentia-,  quod 
quandoque  revocabit ;  et  crit  conveniens  dicto  Apostoli  levocatio,  qui  dixit :  de 
virginibus  praeceptum  non  habeo,  consilium  autem  do.  Conrad  Celtes,  Professor 
in  Ingolstadt  and  Wicn,  f  1508,  Amorum  lib.  II.  Elegia  6  : 

Gregorius  primi  Eriderici  tempore  regni,  / 

O  quantum  incauti  pectoris  egit  opus! 
Ille  sacris  vetuit  ca,'lebs  connubia  Icctis, 

Liberior  vitiis  ut  sacra  vita  foret. 
Nullus  enim  pudor  est  teneras  violarc  puellas, 

Et  nequc  legitimas  sollicitare  faces. 
Quique  uno  quondam  fuerat  contentus  amore, 

Ille  modo  plures  rite  foverc  potest,  etc. 

Baptista  Mantuanus,  Carmelite  in  Mantua,  •f  1516,  Fastorum  lib.  I.  De  s.  Hila- 
rio  (0pp.  ed.  Antverp.  1576.  8vo.  T.  II.  fol.  252) : 

Non  nocuit  tibi  progenies,  non  ohstitit  uxor 
Legitimo  conjuncta  thoro,  non  horruit  ilia 
Tempestate  Deus  thalamos,  cunabula,  ta;das  ; 
Sola  erat  in  pretio,  quaj  nunc  incognita  virtus 
Sordet,  et  attrito  vivit  cum  plebe  cucullo. 
Propterea  leges,  quae  sunt  connubia  contra. 
Esse  nialas  quidam  perhibent :  prudentia  patrum 
Non  satis  advertit,  dicunt,  quid  ferrc  recuset. 
Quid  valeat  natura  pati :  cervicibus,  ajunt. 
Hoc  insuave  jugum  nostris  imponere  Christus 
Noluit,  istud  onus,  quod  adhuc  quam  pluiima  monstra 
Fecit,  ah  audaci,  dicunt,  pietate  I'epertum. 
Tutius  esse  volunt,  qua  lex  divina  sinebat 
Isse  via,  vctcrumque  sequi  vestigia  patrum. 
Quorum  vita  fuit  melior  cum  conjuge,  quam  nunc 
Nostra  sit,  exclusis  thalamis,  et  conjugis  usu. 

Jo.  Marius  Bclga  (le  Maire,  Historian  of  Louis  XII.)  de  schismatum  et  Concilio- 
rum  Ecclesia;  universalis  ditferentia,  written  in  f'rencli,  1511,  translated  into  Latin 
by  Simon  Schardius,  and  appended  to  his  life  of  Theodoricus  a  Niem  (Argentor. 
1609.  8vo.  p.  571  seq.).  Pai'S  I.  c.  2  :  Tiia  prascipue  Ecclesiae  universal!  magnum 
damnum  atlulere,  nimirum  ambitio,  avaritife  mater,  omissio  seu  neglectus  Concilio- 
rum  generalium,  legitimi  mati'imonii  sacerdotum  in  Ecclesia  latina  prohibitio :  de 
quibus  singulis  ample  fuse([ue  in  toto  hoc  opere  dicctur.  On  the  last  head  he 
brings  extracts  fioin  Chartier,  P.  III.  c.  15,  and  then  remarks,  cap.  16:  quan- 
tumvis  diligenter  investigarim,  quo  Papa  auctore,  vel  cujus  ConciUi  decreto  conju- 
gium  sacerdotibus  sit  interdictum  in  Ecclesia  latina,  id  tamen  nusquam  invenire 
potui.  Alii  siquidem  id  tempore  Gregorii  septimi,  monachi  Cluniacensis,  factum 
esse  tradunt :  —  alii  id  multo  ante  factum  esse  existimant  in  Concilio  Nica^no,  cujus 
tamen  decreto  Gra;ci  subscribere  noluerunt :  in  Belgico,  seu  inferiori  Germania 
sentiunt,  id  auctore  Papa  Calixto  factum,  et  ad  hoc  versiculos  hosce,  cum  barbaros, 
turn  ridiculos  allegant : 

O  bone  Calixto,  nunc  omnis  Clerus  odit  te  : 

Olim  Presbyteri  poterant  uxoribus  uti : 

Hoc  dcstruxisli,  tu  Papa  quando  fuisti : 

Ergo  tuum  festum  nunquam  ceiebratur  honestum. 


Chap.  II.    National  Churches.    §  138.    Morals  of  the  Clergy .     385 

morality  to  their  presumption  and  avarice,  was  more  and  more  em- 
bittered ;  1^  and  seeing  in  the  riches  with  which  they  were  endowed 
the  origin  of  their  corruption,  the  feeling  was  constantly  gaining 
ground  that  no  reform  could  be  hoped  for  till  they  should  be  deprived 
of  their  possessions. '"^ 

Polydorus  Vergilius  of  Urbino,  who  was  a  long  time  in  England,  -f  1555,  de  rcrum 
inventoribus  (appeared  first  in  Bonon.  1499.  4to.)  lib.  V.  c.  4  :  llliid  tamen  dixe- 
rim,  tantum  abfuisse,  ut  ista  coacta  castitas  illain  conjugalem  vicerit,  ut  ctiani 
nullius  delicti  crimen  majus  ordini  dedecus,  plus  mali  religioni,  plus  doloris  omnibus 
bonis  impresserit,  inusserit,  attulerit,  quam  sacerdotum  libidinis  labes.  Proinde 
forsitan  tam  e  rcpublica  Christiana,  quam  ex  ordinis  usu  esset,  ut  tandem  aliquando 
jus  publici  matrimonii  sacerdotibus  restitueretur,  quod  illi  sine  infamia  sancte  potius 
colerent,  quam  se  spurcissime  ejuscemodi  naturae  vitio  turpificarent. 

'*  Lavacrum  conscientia,  cap.  VI. :  Quid  est  ergo,  quod  caetei'i  homines  cujus- 
cunque  status  nobis  infesti  sunt  ?  Certe  non  possumus  dicere,  quod  ha?c  sit  causa, 
quod  tilii  hujus  sKCuli  persequuntur  nos,  tanquam  filios  lucis  :  —  quia  non  sumus 
filii  lucis  sed  tenebrarum.  —  Noc  occurrit  nobis  alia  causa,  nisi  quod  transgressores 
legis  sumus,  nee  eam  in  corde  diligimus,  nee  eain  in  ore  prKdicamus,  nee  ctiam 
eam  opere  adimplemus  :  et  sic  abutimur  sacerdotii  dignitate.  —  Ubi  enim  major 
£emulatio  peccatorum  nisi  in  sacerdotibus,  qui  non  solum  in  se  omni  iniquitate  sunt 
pleni,  sed  etiam  aliis  sunt  occasio  peccandi  et  ruinae  eeterns  damnationis.  —  Nam  si 
Presbyter  sit  avarus,  usurarius,  gulosus,  etc.,  solum  non  sit  luxuriosus  ;  tunc  ab 
omnibus  hominibus  habetur  sanctus  et  honestus.  Si  vero  de  aliis  vitiis  est  in- 
noxius,  sed  vacet  solummodo  luxuriaj,  contemnitur  ab  omnibus  hominibus  tanquam 
presbyter  vitiosus.  Cap.  VII.  :  Et  propter  heec  et  his  similia  multi  laicorum  ab 
elargitione  eleemosynarum  et  a  fundatione  beneficiorum  retrahuntur.  Sicque 
viluit  sacerdotium  et  quotidie  vilescit,  et  multi  erubescunt  Clerici  fieri,  vel  suos 
permittere  clericari :  et  si  Clerici  etiiciuntur,  tamen  perversa  intentione  hoc  fit. 
Nam  divites  lioc  faciunt  propter  pinguiores  prffibendas,  pauperes  vero  ideo,  quod 
leviori  et  meliori  modo  se  nutrire  possunt.  Trithemius  instit.  vitce  sacerdot.  cap. 
4.  note  1,  above. 

'®  See  Juliani  Card,  epist.  ad  Eugen.  IV.  §  131,  note  6.  Andreas  Episc. 
Megarensis.  §  131,  note  19.  Also  the  so-called  Reformation  of  Frederick  III. 
(Goldast's  Reichssatzung,  S.  280). —  Gravamina  Ord.  Equestris  in  Bavaria 
Georgio  diviti  Duci  Landshutensi,  ann.  1499,  exhibita  in  the  Bibliotheca  hist. 
Goettingensis.  Th.  1.  1758.  4to.  S.  289  :  plura  tributa  et  prasdia  cum  possident 
Ecclesiastici,  quam  Principes  et  Nobilitas  sua,  fere  onmia  suse  subjiciunt  avaritiae  ; 
et  licet,  ut  ait  divus  Hieronymus,  temporalibus  augmentis  spiiitualia  etiam  in  dies 
augmentari  deberent,  ea  tamen  magis  atque  magis  diminuuntur,  et  onmino  obli- 
viscuntur  Ecclesiastici  illi  majorum  nostrorum,  qui  eos  ditarunt.  —  Religio  pepeiit 
divitias,  sed  filia  conspiravit  in  necem  parentis ;  crescit  animus,  crescunt  atfectus. 
Jo.  Marius  Belga  de  schismat.  et  Concill.  seeks  to  show,  P.  I.  (see  P.  I.  c.  1), 
quomodo  opes  EcclesiEe  datEe,  maxime  a  Constantino  M.  et  successoribus  ejus, 
Pipino,  Carolo  M.,  Ludovico  Pio,  et  aliis,  etsi  primo  sub  specie  sanctitatis,  probi- 
tatis  et  castitatis  sint  part*,  nihilominus  tamen  postea  pessimos  fructus  produxerint, 
nimirum  superbiam,  arrogantiam,  fastum,  haeresin,  principum  contemptum,  tyran- 
nidem  in  subditos,  iuiprudentiam,  aliaque  ejus  generis  vitia  complura.  Compare 
Alain  Chartier,  note  14,  above. 


286  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

CHAPTER    THIRD. 

HISTORY     OF    MONACHISM. 

«§>  139. 

ATTEMPTS  TO  REFORM  THE  OLDER  ORDERS. 

The  corruption  of  the  convents  ^  could  not  well  escape  notice  in 
this  period,  in  which  so  much  was  said  of  reform ;  and  we  find,  there- 
fore, constant  complaints  of  their  state  as  well  as  attempts  to  remedy 
the  evil.  The  Council  of  Constance  began  these  efforts  by  causing  a 
Chapter  of  the  German  Benedictines,  the  first  for  many  years,  to  be 
held  under  its  superintendence  in  ]417.'-^  This  example  was  followed 
in  other  countries,^  but  without  much  success,  till  the  Council  of 
Basil,  when  the  reformation  of  the  Regular  Canons  of  Germany  was 
committed  to  the  general  chapter  of  the  convent  of  Windesheim ;  ^ 

*  See  §  108.  The  only  exception  was  the  Carthusian  Order,  see  Jo.  Buscius 
de  reform,  monasteriorum  lib.  III.  c.  32.  in  Leibnitii  Scriptt.  Brunsv.  II.  p.  935: 
Carthusia  a  prima  sui  institutione  semper  in  observantia  regular!  permansit  propter 
tria,  videlicet  solitudinem,  silentium  et  visitationem,  ut  patet  in  hoc  versu  : 

Per  tria  So.  Si.  Vi.  Carthusia  permanet  in  vi. 
^  This  was  a  Capitulum  provinciate  monachorum  nigrorum  Provinciac  Mogun- 
tinensis  et  Dioeceseos  Bambejgensis,  see  Trithemii  Chion.  Hirsaug.  ad  ann.  1417. 
T.  II.  p.  346  seq.  The  Acts  of  this  Chapter  see  in  Trithemii  opp.  pia  ed.  Busatus 
p.  1030  seq.,  more  complete  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  I.  XXVI.  p.  1086  seq. 
That  very  important  reforms  for  the  Monastic  Orders  were  pi'oposed  at  Constance 
may  be  seen  from  the  Reformatorium  (see  §  130,  note  13)  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  X. 
p.  703  seq.,  but  they  never  were  carried  into  effect. 

^  See  the  Capitulum  provinciale  nigrorum  monachorum  apud  Westmonasterium 
ann.  1422.  (in  Mansi  XXV'III.  p.  1037).  Concil.  Parisiense,  ann.  1429.  c.  12  seq. 
(1.  c.  p.  1102). 

*  The  chief  authority  on  this  suhject  is  Jo.  Buschii  (of  Zwolle,  from  1419  a 
Canon  in  Windsheim,  afterwards  Prior  in  Sulta  near  Hildesheim,  Abbot  of  the 
convent  Neuvverk  near  Halle,  and  again  Prior  in  Sulta,  'f  1479)  de  reformatione 
monasteriorum  quorundam  Saxoniae,  libb.  IV.  in  Leibnitii  Scriptt.  Brunsvic.  II. 
p.  476  seq.,  and  p.  806  seq.  The  convent  of  AVindsheim  near  Zwolle  was  the  most 
important  among  those  of  the  Regular  Canons,  who  were  connected  with  the  fratres 
vitae  communis,  and  the  seat  of  the  Capitulum  generale,  which  assembled  yearly 
from  all  the  convents  of  these  two  orders.  Although  very  strict  in  the  observance 
of  their  rules,  the  Regular  Canons  were  fiir  removed  from  any  thing  like  exagge- 
rated ascetic  notions.  Jo.  Biisch,  Chi'on.  Windesemense  (ed.  Herib.  Roswydus. 
Antverp.  1621.  Svo.)  lib.  II.  c.  5.  p.  276,  relates:  duo  fratres  in  Windesem  propter 
hujusmodi  rigidam  abstinentiam  et  occultam  alimenlorum  sibi  necessariorum  sub- 
tractionem  cerebrum  et  naturalia  conturbantes,  rationis  facti  sunt  impotentes. — 
Perpendentcs  igitur  Patres  nostri  et  seniores,  hujusmodi  rigidam  abstinentiam  pro 
animarum  non  esse  salute,  nee  corporum  sanitate,  sed  in  personarum  et  Ordinis 
nostri  perpetuam  vergere  destructionem,  —  plenam  dederunt  licentiam  omnibus 
fratribus  et  familiaribus  suis  bene  comedendi,  et  dc  cibariis  quae  dantur  in  communi 
quantum  poterant  sine  scrupulo  et  cum  bona  conscientia  libere  assumendi,  immo 
etiamsi  noluerunt,  natura  ne  deficiat,  ad  sumendum  compellendi.  —  Unde  et  mos 
apud  DOS  inolevit,  ut,  cum  Clericus  quis  ad  religionem  se  suscipi  deprecatur,  tria 


Chap.  III.  National  Churches.  §  139.  History  of  Monachism.    287 

in  conjunction  with  which  the  reformation  of  the  Benedictines  was 
begun  by  the  convent  of  Bursfeld.^  Soon  after  tliis  (1450-1451) 
the  Cardinal  Nicliolas  de  Cusa  appeared  in  Germany  as  papal  legate 
to  advance  the  cause  of  reform  generally,  so  far  as  the  necessity  of 
reform  was  recognised  by  the  court  of  Rome ;  and  he  too  engaged 
in  the  reformation  of  the  convents.'^ 


primum  puncta  ab  ipso  interrogentur,  videlicet  an  bene  possit  coraedere,  an  possit 
bene  donnire,  et  an  velit  libenter  obedire  :  quoniam  in  istis  tribus  punctis  funda- 
mentum  perseverantire  in  religione  consisUt,  et  cum  ex  premissis  unum  defuerit, 
ad  religionem  aptus  et  idoneus  non  erit.  The  reputation  of  the  convent  induced 
the  bishops  to  call  on  them  to  reform  other  convents  of  their  Order  in  the  Nether- 
lands, and  on  the  Rhine  ;  in  Saxony  they  were  called  on  to  assist  in  the  reformation 
of  a  convent  in  Wittenburg,  A.  D.  1423  (Busch  de  reform,  monast.  1.  c.  11.  p. 
488).  After  this,  A.  D.  1435,  the  Priors  of  Windsheim  and  Wittenburg  were  com- 
missioned by  the  Council  of  Basil  to  conduct  a  reformation  of  all  the  convents  of 
their  Order,  male  and  female,  in  Ducatu  Brunsviccnsi,  ac  Hildeseniensi,  Hal- 
berstadiensi,  Verdensi  dioecesi,  and  invested  with  full  powers  for  the  purpo>e 
(see  the  commission  in  Busch,  p.  486).  John  Busch  was  appointed  Subprior  in 
Wittenburg,  A.  D.  1439,  was  commissioned  tirst  with  the  reformation  of  the  con- 
vent of  Sulta  near  Hildesheim  (1.  c.  p.  491  seq.),  and  from  that  time  forward  was 
very  active  in  the  service.  —  At  a  later  period  Canons  from  Windsheim,  with 
Jo.  Mauburnus  at  their  head,  were  called  upon  to  undeitake  the  reformation  of  the 
Augustine  and  Benedictine  convents  in  France,  see  Gallia  christiana  VII.  p.  836. 
1744.  XII.  p.  1770.  See  the  correspondence  between  Mauburnus  and  Erasmus, 
Ibid.  VII.  Instrum.  p.  230. 

*  Concerning  which  see  Busch  I.  c.  43  seq.  in  Leibnitius  II.  p.  841  seq.  Tri- 
themii  Chron.  Hirsaug.  II.  p.  350  seq.  ejusd.  Chron.  Spanhemiense  in  0pp.  hist, 
ed.  Freheri  P.  II.  p.  350  seq.  J.  G.  Leuckfeld's  antiquitates  Bui-sfeldenses, 
od.  histor.  Beschi-eibung  des  ehemal.  Klosters  Bursfelde,  und  der  daher  rtllirenden 
Bursfeldischen  Societiit  Benedictinerordens.  Leipzig  u.  Wolfenbtlttel,  1713.  4to. 
It  was  begun  by  John  of  Minden,  who  was  at  Constance  at  the  Benedictine 
chapter  as  representative  of  the  convent  of  Rheinhausen,  and  himself  had  been 
a  zealous  advocate  of  reform.  Having  been  appointed  Abbot  of  the  convent 
Clus  near  Gandersheim  by  Otho,  duke  of  Brunswick,  1430,  he  undertook  and 
carried  thi-ough  a  reform  ;  as  also  in  the  convent  of  Bursfeld,  where  he  was  ap- 
pointed Abbot,  A.  D.  1433.  After  this  he  connected  himself  with  John  Rode, 
Abbot  of  St.  Matthews,  near  Triers,  who  was  distinguished  by  like  zeal  in  the 
cause,  and  the  union  of  these  two  convents  laid  the  foundation  of  the  congrega- 
tion of  Bursfeld.  By  the  influence  of  these  convents,  namely,  many  of  the  Bene- 
dictines in  Saxony  and  Westphalia,  as  also  on  the  Rhine,  having  been  reformed 
(see  Symbols  ad  hist,  monasterii  Lacensis  ex  codd.  Bonnensibus  depromta^.  Bon- 
nae,  1826.  4to.  p.  8  seq.),  an  association  was  formed  amongst  them.  In  this  reforma- 
tion also  the  Regular  Canons  were  called  on  to  assist,  see  Busch  I.  c.  46.  p.  844 
seq.  He  relates,  I.  c.  43.  p.  841  :  Praefati  patres  Johannes  (v.  Minden,  whom  he 
calls  de  Northem)  et  Rembertus  (Prior  in  Wittenburg)  a  Concilio  Basileensi  buUas 
impetrarant,  ut  unusquisque  eorum  sui  Ordinis  monasteria  sexus  utriusque  per 
Saxoniam  et  Ducatum  Brunsvicensem  assumto  adjutorio  cum  invocatione  brachii 
saecularis  possent  reformare  :  et  cuncta  ad  id  necessaria  in  bullis  eorum  sunt  ex- 
pressa,  videlicet  ut  per  censuras  ecclesiasticas  eos  ad  se  reformandum  possent 
compellere  cum  invocatione  brachii  saecularis,  cum  absolutionibus  a  sententiis 
quibuscunque.  He  dates  these  bulls,  however,  before  the  i-efoi'ination  of  the 
convent  Clus,  at  which  time  the  Council  of  Basil  had  not  yet  met ;  but  probably 
both  events  took  place  in  1435,  see  note  4.  The  Council  issued  a  new  call  for  the 
reformation  of  the  Benedictine  convents,  dd.  X.  Kal.  Martii,  1439  (Trithemii  opp. 
pia  ed.  Buscbus,  p.  1016  seq.). 

®  He  empowered  John  Busch,  and  Paul,  provost  of  the  Afaurice-convent  in 
Halle,  1451,  to  reform  all  the  convents  of  the  Canonici  regulares  per  provinciam 
Magdeburgensem  et  Moguntinam,  Saxoniarn  et  Thuringiam  ;  see  the  document  in 
Busch  IV.  c.  2,  p.  956.     The  aim  of  the  reform  was  given  as  follows :  Volumus, 


288  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

In  spite  of  all  these  efforts,  however,  only  a  partial  reformation 
could  be  effected.^  The  custom  which  had  been  introduced  into 
almost  all  the  convents  of  sharing  tlie  revenues,  and  the  independence 
which  this  secured  them,  had  for  the  monks  too  great  a  charm.^  At 
Constance  a  Cistercensian  monk  even  undertook  formally  to  justify 
this  practice  ;  ^  and  afterwards  the  most  frivolous  pretexts  were  sought 

quod  oinni  cUlisjentia  hujusinodi  visitatores  invigilent,  ut  tria  substantialia  omnis 
Religionis,  scilicet  7>aH/)e>7as,  casffYas  et  ohedientia,  exactissiine  observentur,  et 
uniibmiitas  habitus  ac  nioniiii  in  vestio  Ordine  ubique  observetur ;  ita  quod  nemo 
Caiionicoi-um  regulaiimii  Ordiuis  veslri  utiiusque  sexus  prot'essus  —  sine  Koqueto 
(Ital.  Roccetto)  roiirano  cum  manicis  deinceps  incedere  pia;sumat,  onuiibus  dispen- 
sationibus  —  non  obstantibus. 

">  Jo.  JViderus  (a  Dominican  prior  in  Basil,  "f  1438)  de  visionibus  ac  rcvelatio- 
nibus  (or  formicarius)  I.  c.  7,  ed.  v.  d.  Hardt.  Helmst.  1692.  8vo.  p.  97:  De 
reformatione  particulari  in  civitate  Ecclesias  possibili  in  multis  sfatibus  et  religioni- 
bus  non  dubito.  Quin  easdem  indies  introduci  videmus  in  quibusdam  monasteriis 
et  conventibus,  sed  cum  quanta  ditficultate,  novit  altissimus.  Si  enim  praisente 
generali  Concilio  in  Basilca  annis  sex  nee  unum  quidem  fragilis  sexus  nionasteriuni 
cooperante  etiam  sa-culaii  consulatu  rcfoi-mari  potuit  propter  quorundam  inhabi- 
tantium  vitam  malani  et  eisdem  junctara  sasvitiain  :  quid  quaeso  sperandum  est  de 
virorum  nobiiium  vel  literatorum  collegiis,  qui  ruinas  et  deformitates  suas,  in 
spiritualibus  existentes  domibus,  non  modo  armis  chalybeis,  sed  etiam  quae  deteiiora 
sunt  verbalibns  et  ligneis  possunt  defendere  !  The  Augustine  Eremite,  Jo.  Schi- 
phower  de  Meppis,  says,  1504,  in  bis  Chron.  Oldenburgensium  Archicomitum,  in 
Meibomii  Rerum  Germ.  T.  II.  p.  170,  ad  ann.  1426  :  Circa  ha=c  tempera  reforma- 
tio magna  plurimorum  monasteriorum  in  diversis  mundi  partibus  fuit.  Et  nota, 
quod  hujusmodi  reformationes  leguntur  facta-,  sed  pene  nulla  remansit,  quin  solito 
moi'e  per  successum  temporis  ad  pristinum  relaberetur  languorem  post  venerabili- 
um  patrum  mortem. 

*  See  the  account  given  by  Buschius  I.  c.  4,  p.  480,  of  the  condition  of  the 
convent  Ludinkerka  in  Friesland,  before  the  reform,  A.  D.  1428  :  Ante  reformati- 
onem  pauci  ihi  fuerunt  sacerdotes,  et  plures  conversi  ultra  XXX.  aut  L.,  qui 
pactum  fecerant  cum  conversis  Conniani  monasterii  Ordinis  Cisterciensis  ad  unum 
milliare  inde  distans,  quod  mutuo  se  juvare  vellent  cum  centum  viiis  armatis : 
idcirco  totam  illam  Frisia;  partem  sibi  subjugaverant.  Quidam  autem  Vasallus 
circa  monasterium  in  castro  babitans  —  retulit  ad  Episcopum  Trajectensem  de  mala 
et  pessima  eorum  vita,  quorum  nullus  erat  continens,  et  omnes  proprietarii, 
habentes  secum  nioniales  in  monasteiio,  quae  aliquando  imprajgnatas  genuerunt. 
Cognovi  ibi  Abbatem,  cujus  pater  conversus  dictus  fuerat,  mater  vero  nionialis.  — 
Episcopus  autem  Fridericus  de  Blankenheym,  vir  prudens  et  literatus  misit  illic 
Ambasiatores  suos,  —  qui  personas  dicti  monasterii  visitantes,  invenerunt  omnes 
pene  conversos  sine  regula  et  professione  ibi  intrasse,  et  usque  tunc  in  prKsens 
ibidem  per  multos  annos  sic  permansisse.  Quaerentes,  autem,  quomodo  ad  liabi- 
tum  conversorum  assumenduni  pervenissent,  responderunt ;  quam  prinio  hie  intra- 
vimus.  plures  hie  vidimus  alba  tunica  et  scapulari  indutos,  et  tamcn  in  armis 
bellicis  expeditos.  Comparavimus  igitur  etiam  nobis  album  pannum,  undo  tunicas 
albas,  caputia  alba,  scapularia  nobis  fieri  procuravimus,  et  per  nos  ipsos  eas 
induimus.  Interrogarunt,  an  aliquid  audisseut  de  regula  .'  Responderunt:  nun- 
quam,  sed  unusquisque  nostrum  aut  monialem,  aut  conversam,  aut  aliam  mulierem 
sibi  assumpsit,  cum  qua  sine  copulatione  matiimonii  dormivit.  It  was  not  so  bad 
in  all  the  convents,  but  a  division  of  property,  incontinence,  a  worldly  life,  and 
neglect  of  the  rules  we  find  in  all  the  unreformed  convents. 

'  Anonymi  Ordinis  Cisterc.  propositio  affirmativa  in  Constant.  Cone.  ann.  1417, 
oblata  et  examinnta,  (juod  inouacbi  Cistercienscs  possint  propria  possidere  bona 
(in  ?).  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  III.  p.  120  se(j.),  c.  1.  I.icitum  et  fas  est  interdum 
dispensare,  quod  monaclius  sen  religiosus  de  scitu  Pra;lali  sui  habet  res  temporales 
ad  usum  bonum  et  nccessarium,  quando  cogit  necessitas  cxcusabilis,  aut  suadet 
utilitas  notabiUs.     c.  5 :    To  prevent  discontent  and  murmuring,   proficuum   est, 


Chap.  III.  National  Churches.  §  139.  History  of  Monachism.    289 
out  to  ward  off  the  impending   reformation. i'*     Not  unfrequently  the 


quod  in  retroactis  teinporibus  Abbates  vel  fecerunt  convcntuum  consensu  tacite, 
vel  espresse  in  rei  veritate,  vel  saltern  gratiose  cum  religiosis  eis  subditis,  quod 
ipsi  et  eorum  quilibet  habeant  et  possideant  aliqua  pro  victu  et  veslitu.  —  Non 
tanien  sic  possidentes  de  scientia,  scitu  et  consensu  Abbalis,  tales  sunt  dicendi 
proprietarii.  Quia  solum  possident  ad  usum  et  non  ad  piopriotatem,  et  possident 
nomine  monasterii,  et  non  nomine  proprio.  (Then  c.  3  :  lllud  in  Monacho  est 
proprium,  quod  celatur  Abbati.  c.  5  :  This  follows  iiom  12  qu.  1.  JS^on  dicatis. 
Nam  ibi  tcxtus  dicit,  quod  nihil  possidere  possent  sine  Abbatis  licentia.  Ergo 
Abbalis  licentia  possunt.)  Cap.  6" :  Et  sic  quasi  in  omnibus  monasteriis  nostri 
Oidinis  sive  per  statutum,  sive  per  dispensationem,  ut  pra?dictum,  consuetudo 
jnolevit,  etiam  dudum  pacifice  observata  et  pra;scripta,  propriis  Praelatis  et  etiam 
Dominis  Visitatoribus  scientibus  et  consentlentibus.  Qua;  consuetudo  non  debet 
leviter  tolli,  maxime  ubi  timetur  verisimilitcr  scandalum  plurimorum.  This  work 
was  answered,  Magni  Monachorum  Visitatoris  constitutio  ncgativa,  quod  raonachi 
propria  non  debeant  possidere  bona  (1.  c.  p.  130  seq.)-  So  too  the  Refbrmatorium 
condemns  this  work,  and  shows  the  evil  consequences  of  a  division  of  property 
amongst  the  monks  (lib.  III.  Tit.  X.  c.  2,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  X.  p.  705)  :  Cum 
abdicatio  proprietatis  ita  monastics  profession!  et  regula;  sit  annexa,  quod  nee 
summus  Pontifex  contra  eandem  valeat  dispensare  ;  nihilominus  tamen  quanq)lure3 
regulares  persona;  utriiisque  sexus,  et  quasi  indiiTerenter  omnes,  paucis  duntaxat 
exceptis,  salutis  suae  immemores,  interdum  ante  ingressum  religionis  et  quandoque 
post,  pecunia  sibi  industriose  congregata  vel  recepta  ab  amicis  et  parentibus,  necnon 
jura,  possessiones,  rcditus,  pensiones,  portiones,  praebendas,  animaha,  et  alia  bona 
emerunt,  seu  emi  fecerunt  et  procurarunt ;  proprio  et  s»pe  nomine  alieno  multos 
contractus  tanquam  negotiatores  exercent;  pecunias  inde  acquisitas,  vel  alias 
undecunqiie  provenientes  ad  hbitum  propriae  voluntatis  expendunt ;  quamplures 
quoque  hujusmodi  pecuniam  et  alia  pra-dicta  contra  scitum  et  voluntatem  superio- 
rum  suorum  occulte  vel  illicite  tenent  in  suarum  pericula  animarum.  Quorum 
prsetextu  et  occasione  ex  tunc  vestitum  emunt,  claustralia  loca  ad  placitum  dese- 
runt,  mansiones  sibi  seorsim  procurant,  victum  et  potum  singularem  extra  conven- 
tualem  locum  sibi  disponunt,  vel  in  mensa  communi  in  pra;sentia  pauperum  fratrum 
aut  sororum  eadem  scandalose  consumunt,  reliquis  fratribus  aut  sororibus,  similia 
non  habentibus,  magnam  egestatem  cum  amaritudine  animi  patientibus.  Ex  quibus 
surgunt  invidiae,  detractiones,  rancores,  scandala,  applausiones,  comessationes,  in- 
obedientia,  incontinentia,  aliseque  infinitoe  exorbitantiae  regularis  disciplina;.  Alle- 
gantes,  se  posse  hujusmodi  abusus  detestabiles  de  licentia  et  indultu  suorum 
superiorum  talibus  consentientium,  auttalia  dissimulantium,  licite  exercere. 

1"  Jo.  J^lderus  (see  above,  n«te  7)  de  reformatione  status  cenobilici  (ed.  Ant- 
verp.  1611.  8vo.,  contents  see  in  H.  v.  d.  Hardt  Autographa  Lutheri  et  Coastaneo- 
rum.  Helmst.  1693.  Pra;f.  p.  30  seq.)  lib.  I.  c.  4  seq.  answers  in  15  chapters 
quindecim  argumenta  deformatorum  Clericorum  et  religiosorum,  quibus  se  tuentur, 
ne  a  forma  sa;culi  recedant.  Namely,  objiciunt  complexionis  debiUtatem  ;  receptam 
consuetudinem  ;  Pra;latorum  peccata  ;  reformationem  esse  novitatem  et  singulari- 
tatem  ;  esse  expectandum  cum  reformatione  usque  ad  generalem  reformationem 
Ecclesia; ;  reformare  esse  Ordinem  dividere,  et  notam  personarum  in  eo  ponere  ; 
se  jactant  vivere  ut  proceres  eorum  ;  objiciunt  dispensationem  eis  datam  ;  dicunt, 
necessaria  in  victu  se  non  habere  ;  objiciunt  status  nobilitatem  vel  dignitatem ; 
timent  sequi  in  divino  officio  personarum  paucitatem  ;  conqueruntur,  reformationem 
sequi  pacis  turbationem  ;  arguunt,  sequi  lapsum  graviorem  et  apostasiam  vel  hujus- 
modi ;  ostendere  nituntur,  quod  ex  laxa  vita  majora  sequantur  bona  quam  ex 
reformatione;  objiciunt,  niodum  procedendi  in  reformatione  ineptum.  Worthy  of 
remark,  lib.  II.  c.  9,  on  the  question,  unde  proveniat,  quod  communiter  omnes  in 
Ecclesia  clament  reformationem  debere  fieri,  et  tamen  fere  nullus,  quando  refor- 
mari  incipitur,  id  ferat.  Of  the  difficulties  experienced  in  reforming  the  Order  of 
the  Camaldulenses,  sec  Ambrosius,  from  1431  General  of  the  Order,  (f  1439,  Ho- 
doeporicon,  ed.  Florent.  1678.  4to.)  description  of  his  visits  to  the  convents,  and 
Epistolarum,  lib.  XX.  in  Martene  et  Durand  vcterum  Scriptorum  amplissima 
collectio,  T.  III.  p.  1  seq.,  compare  Meincrs  Lebensdeschrcibungcn  berdhmter 
Manner  aus  den  Zeitcn  der  Wiederherstellung  der  Wissench.  Th.  2.  S.  222  ff.  : 
as  regards  the  Regular  Canons  and  the  Benedictines,  see  Joh.  Busch. 
VOL.  111.  37 


290  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

reform  was  resisted  by  open  force.ii    In  very  few  cases  was  it  adopted 

"  At  the  Reformation  of  the  Benedictine  convent  of  St.  Godehard  in  HlMesheim, 
John  Busch  having  expelled  one  of  the  monks,  who  vi^ould  not  submit  to  the 
measui-es  proposed,  the  monk's  brother  sent  him  a  challenge  (Jo.  Biisdi  I.  c.  50. 
in  Leibnit.  11.  p.  850  :  fialer  eji\s  carnalis  militaiis,  in  Diicatu  habilans  Biunswi- 
censi,  lilerara  diffidationis  sigillatam  mihi  misit,  ad  me  et  fratres  mcos  captivandum, 
occidendiun,  bona  nostra  dirii)ienda,  et  donios  nostras  comburendas),  but  was  com- 
pelled by  the  bishop  of  Hiklesheim  and  the  duke  of  Brunswick  Ltlnebure;  to  rccal 
it.  At  the  convent  of  St.  Michael  in  Ltlneburg,  1470,  the  monks  rung  the  alarm 
bell  and  summoned  the  cilizcns  to  their  help,  so  that  duke  Otho,  and  the  bishop  of 
Verden,  as  well  as  the  reforming  abbots,  had  to  seek  their  safety  in  llight  (Busch 
I.  c.  53.  p.  852).  At  the  convent  of  Laacli,  James  de  Fredis,  who  had  been  sent 
there  as  Prior  with  some  monks,  to  introduce  a  reform,  found  himself  in  constant 
danger  of  his  life  (see  Jo.  Boutzhach,  froir»  1499  a  monk  in  this  convent,  in  Gieseler, 
Sf/mbola  ad  hist,  monast.  Laccnsis,  p.  25  :  in  tantum  sese  irreformatis  —  opposuit,  ut 
solus  ipse,  utpote  pra;  ca:teris  constanlior,  ipsis  magis  odiosus  habitus  fuerit  et  oiieri. 
Hinc  sa-pe  conclave  illius  effringentes,  eumque  ctfugantes,  evaginatis  gladiis  de 
dormitorio  per  fenestras  fugientem  persequuti  sunt),  and  after  six  months'  stay  was 
forced  to  flee  with  his  friends  to  Triers  (1.  c.  p.  24).  The  elector  of  Triers  had  to 
expel  the  monks  by  force,  cum  assumpto  sibi  exercitu  (I.  c  p.  27).  The  nuns  were 
even  more  troublesome.  The  Canonesses  of  Wennigsen  told  duke  William  of 
Brunswick,  and  the  Reformers  plainly  {Busch  II.  c.  l.'p.  858)  :  nos  omnes  pariter 
conclusimus  et  simul  juraviinus,  quod  nolumus  nos  I'eformare,  nee  regulam  nostram 
observare  :  rogamus,  ut  non  facialis  nos  perjuras.  They  then  began  in  concert  a 
song  of  execration  :  exeuntibus  nobis  de  chore  circa  dormitorium,  moniales  statim 
omnes  extensis  biachiis  et  pedibus  in  modum  crucis  ad  pavimentum  chori  super 
ventres  suos  se  posuerunt,  et  altissimis  vocibus  andphonam  :  Media  vita  in  morte 
sumus,  per  totum  exclamaverunt.  Nos  autem  hujusmodi  voces  audientes  putaba- 
mus,  responsorium  fuisse  :  revelabant  cceli  iniquitatem  Judcp.  Unde  Dux  territus 
totam  suam  terrain  metuebat  interire.  The  relatives  of  the  nuns  now  interceded 
for  them.  This  proving  in  vain,  the  nuns  refused  to  admit  the  duke,  so  that  it  was 
necessary  to  force  the  doors.  They  were  only  induced  to  yield  by  the  threat  of 
being  carried  away  in  carriages  already  provided  for  the  purpose  :  on  the  following 
day,  however,  they  retracted  their  consent,  and  the  duke,  who  had  already  departed, 
had  to  return  with  an  armed  retinue.  One  nun  was  now  so  much  affected,  that  she 
statim  corruens  in  terram,  sensus  suos  amisit.  This  was  construed  as  a  miraculous 
punishment,  and  made  the  others  more  submissive.  When  getting  together  their 
effects,  some  of  them  were  so  infuriated,  that  they  ollas  suas  tarn  valide  a  se  pro- 
jecei-unt,  ut  pedes  earum  ad  pavimentum  confringerent.  Busch,  on  his  journey 
hack,  was  twice  attacked  hy  armed  men,  and  narrowly  escaped  with  his  life.  In 
the  Cistercensian  convent  of  Mariense  (1.  c.  c.  3.  p.  862  seq.)  the  nuns  also  set  up 
a  song  of  malediction  :  in  chore  incipientes  antiphonam  :  Media  vita  super  nos 
altissimis  vocibus  decantaverunt,  et  per  Ecclesiam  cum  taU  cantu  nos  prosequentes, 
etiam  candelas  de  cera  ardentes  super  nos  et  contra  nos  in  terram  projecerunt :  et 
una  juvencula,  extra  Ecclesiam  super  cimiterium  nos  secuta,  cum  cantarent : 
Sancte  Deits,  Sancte  Jortis,  sancte  et  inunortnlis,  etc.,  trina  vice  cantando,  geni- 
bus  llexis  etiam  terram  in  signum  nostra  maledictionis  ter  momordit,  et  lapides  ac 
terram  post  nos  projecit.  After  this  they  took  refuge  in  a  gallery  super  testudinem 
chori  et  Ecclesia?  satis  ahe  et  late  conscenderunt,  and  could  only  be  induced  to 
come  down  by  the  threat  of  being  sent  out  of  the  country.  The  Prior  of  Sulta 
was  commissioned  to  reform  the  neighbouring  convent  of  Derneburg,  but  found 
great  difficulty  in  the  undertaking  (1.  c.  c.  13  seq.,  p.  874  seq.).  The  nuns  gave 
away  their  means  of  support  (c.  14),  ut  diccre  nobis  possent,  quod  non  haberent, 
undo  in  communi  vivcrent,  et  ita  earum  reformatio  propter  paupertatem  impedire- 
tur.  Etiam  per  hoc  efficere  gestiebant,  ut  parentes  et  cognati  earum,  qui  annuos 
eis  reditus  dare  consueveriint,  jure  hsereditario  aut  alias  apud  se  dispositos  ante 
reformationem,  quando  in  propriis  vixerunt ;  post  assumtam  communem  vitam  tales 
eis  reditus  dare  denegarent,  communitatem  nutrire  nolentes,  qui  proprias  tilias  sen 
nepotes  de  propriis  bonis  stiis  iibenter  enutrierant.  Busch  was  attacked  by  a  friend 
of  the  nuns  with  a  long  knife.  In  visiting  the  cells  of  the  nuns,  one  of  them  let 
him  go  in  first,  and  then  shut  and  fastened  the  door  upon  him,  so  as  to  keep  him 


Chop.  III.    National  Churches.  §139.  History  of  Monachism.     291 

by  the  monks  voluntarily.  For  the  most  part  it  was  forcibly  carried 
through  by  the  sovereigns,  or  the  bishops, i-  or  was  made  unavoidable 
by  the  poverty  into  which  the  excesses  of  the  monks  had  brought 
them.i"^  But  though  the  most  rigorous  measures  were  sometimes 
adopted  to  subdue  the  obstinate  monks/^  the  reformation  of  the  con- 

for  a  long  time  prisoner.  De  eastern  nunquam  in  aliquo  Monialium  monasterio  in 
aliquaiu  clausuiain  pra»ceclere  vohii,  ne  niihi  aliquid  simile  ibidem  contingeret, 
praisertim  unde  leviter  exire  non  potui.  Sed  quandodua;  vel  tres  me  prajcedebant, 
tunc  eas  bene  sequebar.  Una  sola  pra?cedens  non  mihi  sufficiebat,  ne  cum  una 
sola  ad  tempus  ne  recluderent,  dicentes  super  me,  quod  non  co<iitassem.  At  last, 
after  three  years,  the  nuns  succeeded  by  the  help  of  their  relations,  in  getting  as  a 
substitute  for  Busch,  the  Cistercensian  Abbot  in  Marienrode.  He  caused  most  of 
them  to  be  transferred  into  other  convents,  and  introduced  into  theirs  the  Cistercen- 
sian rules. 

'*  The  most  zealous  advocates  of  this  reform  were  Otho,  the  one-eyed,  duke  of 
Brunswick-Lilneburg,  Albrecht,  duke  of  Austria,  and  William  III.,  duke  of 
Saxony.  See  the  dcci-ees  of  the  bishop  of  Haldcrstadt,  and  William,  duke  of 
Saxony,  both  dated  A.  D.  1451,  in  Busch  IV.  c.  4,  5.  p.  959.  Comp.  /.  G.  Rein- 
hard  de  jure  Principum  Germaniae,  comprimis  Saxonise  circa  sacra,  p.  139  seq. 

"  Jac.  Junterhurgii  (see  §  135,  note  31)  de  negligentia  Pra?latorum  lib.  in 
WaJchii  monimenta  medii  svi  II.  II.  p.  109:  Divitias  peperit  —  religio, —  pro- 
leque  vastata  mater,  nee  proles  beata,  dum  disciplina  cessat,  regnatcjue  simultas, 
i.  e.  hypocrisis,  deficit  EcclesiK  virtus  pariterque  facultas.  Nam  aperte  videmus, 
quod  monasteria  olim  in  reformatione  opulentissima  jam  adeo  depauperantur,  quod 
etiam  cum  pauco  et  tenui  victu  parieteset  tecta  a?diliciorvun  a  ruina  conservari  non 
possunt.  Et  ubi  quondam  reformationis  tempore  LXX.  aut  plures  fratres  commode 
nutriebantur  regnantibus  nonduni  proprietariis,  octo  aut  decem  vix  educari  possunt 
sine  penuria.  In  hoc  manum  Domini  contra  proprietarios  ad  ulciscendum  mani- 
feste  cernimus  armatam.  Deticiente  nunc  causa  donationis  temporaliuni  bonorum," 
scil.  magna  antiquorum  patrum  devotione  et  vita;  sanctitate,  propter  quam  bona 
collata  sunt,  deficere  et  cessare  debet  etfectus  in  ipsa  bona  teiuporalia,  ideo  non 
immerito  eis  modo  auferuntur.  Also  vice  versa  it  was  often  found,  Buschius  I. 
c.  52.  p.  852  :  in  monasteriis,  ubi  ante  reformationem  vix  decem  aut  duodecim 
homines  de  bonis  Monasterii  vivere  poterant  et  se  nutrire,  vidimus  post  reformatio- 
nem plus  quam  quinquaginta  aut  centum  in  copia  omnium  rerum  abundantissime 
se  nunc  nutrire.  Sometimes  such  expedients  as  the  following  were  resorted  to, 
see  Bern.  Wittii  (a  Benedictine  in  Liesborn,  about  A.  D.  1517)  hist,  antiquae  occi- 
dentalis  Saxonise  seu  nunc  Westphalis,  Monasterii,  177S.  4lo.  lib.  VJII.  p.  558,  ad 
ann.  1460  :  Eodem  fere  tempore  in  ipsa  item  Padeburnensi  diocesi  in  nionte  dicto 
Hallesberge,  in  desolata  quadam  Ecclesia,  nescio  cui  opilioni  revelationem  factam 
fuisse  vulgatum  est,  quasi  s.  Jacobus,  ejusdem  Ecclesiaj  patronus,  se  ibi,  prout  in 
Compostella  Gallatia;  hactenus,  peregrinis  suis  patrocinium  concessurum  spopon- 
disset.  Curritur  certatim  ad  locum,  prodigia  et  signa  ibidem  fieri  publicatur,  multa 
a  peregrinis  pectinia  defertur.  Fuere  tanien,  qui  rem  profundius  ruminarent  ac 
dicerent,  nullum  unquam  ibidem  verum  miraculum  factum  fuisse,  iliusione  diabo- 
lica  rem  procuratam,  ut  scilicet  novam  jam  assumptam  in  Corbiensi  monasterio 
reformationem  eliminaret.  Locus  enim  Corbiensi  monasterio  subjectus  erat ;  hoc 
ipsum  autem  monasterium  jam  diu  a  regulari  observatione  defecerat,  unde  aliquan- 
do  necessariorum  defectu  reformationem  accipere  aut  loco  cedere  arlati  sunt.  At 
Abbas  s.  Jacobi  thesauris  ac  peregrinornm  oblationibus  sustentatus  aratrum  dese- 
ruit,  ac  post  tergum  vidit,  et  membratim  habentes  unde  voluptuose  viverent, 
expulsis  qui  reformationem  inducere  laborabant,  quam  ob  causam  in  sanctioris  vitae 
propositum  consensissent,  docuerunt.  Eliminata  autem  religione  iterum  inchoata, 
paulatim  et  miracula  et  peregrinationes  solitse  cessaverunt.  Corvey  was  reformed 
1486,  and  joined  the  congregation  of  Bursfeld. 

"  Especially  by  duke  Albrecht  of  Austria,  see  Busch  III.  c.  22.  p.  928,  de 
reformatione  per  suspendium  :  A  Benedictine  abbot  being  unable  to  induce  his 
monks  to  enter  upon  a  reformation,  Albrecht  ordered  them  all  to  be  assembled,  and 
asked  each  of  them  singly  whether  they  would  submit.     Those  who  refused  were 


292         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

vents  was  far  from  complete,  and  the  complaints  of  the  corruption  of 
the  monks  still  continued. i-'  The  reformed  convents,  therefore,  of 
each  order,  united  themselves  into  separate  congregations,  in  which 
a  strict  supervision  was  exercised  to  prevent  any  relapse. i**  Of  these 
the  Bursfeld  Congregation  of  German  Benedictines  became  the  most 
celebrated. 1^ 


ordered  to  go  out :  tlie  duke,  however,  had  previously  given  orders  to  his  servants, 
ut  quemcunque  de  donio  Capituli  exire  vidercnt,  stalim  apprelienderent,  et  funem 
ad  collum  ejus  ligarent,  et  in  domo  ad  hoc  deputata  ad  trabes  suspendercnt.  Cap. 
24.  Reformatio  facta  per  flaoreUa.  Another  abbot,  who  could  not  manage  liis 
monks,  availed  himself  of  the  assistance  of  the  same  prince  to  take  them,  magnisque 
catenis,  manicis  et  compedibus  pedes  et  manus  eorum  constiingens,  ad  postes 
dormitorii  eos  fecit  a^tringi  ot  alligi.  Divinorum  autem  tempore  quando  in  choro 
horse  cantabantur,  libi-os  cantuales  jussit  eis  anteponi,ut  ibi  horas  cantarent  canoni- 
cas,  quas  in  choro  cantare  recusabant.  Qui  ibidem  cantare  noluit,  tam  diu,  scapulis 
denudatis,  magnis  virgis  caxlebatur,  seu  etiam  vestibus  usque  ad  cingulum  dimissis 
vel  ultra,  donee  poena  urgente  carne  cuteque  laceratus  cantare  compelleretur. 
Tempore  refectionis  fratrum  conventualium  fecit  similiter.  Cibum  et  potum  jussit 
eis  tunc  anteponi,  et  si  mandncare  nollent,  fecit  eos  acerrime  vapulare,  donee 
cibum  attingentes  manducarent  et  bibei-ent,  ut  jubebantur.  Cumque  per  aliquod 
tempus  die  ac  nocte  ita  cantare  cogerentur,  et  suo  tempore  manducare,  horum 
exactoribus  cum  virgis  recentibus  carnes  eorum  exsulcantibus  et  livore  conficienti- 
hus ;  tandem  de  necessitate  fecerunt  virtutem,  pi'omiltentes,  sponte  et  libcnter  se 
velle  in  choro  cantare,  et  in  refectorio  comedcrc,  ut  ab  iis  plagis  possent  libcraii ; 
regulam  quoque  suam  et  tria  substantialia  libentissime  se  velle  amplius  servare, 
nee  de  teneritudine,  impotcntia  aut  perversitate  aliqua  amplius  facere  qucrelam, 
sed  in  cunctis  se  hbenter  velle  obedire. 

^^  Of  the  corruption  of  the  convents  in  Switzerland  in  the  15th  century,  see 
Joh.  V.  Moller  u.  R.  Glutz  Blotzheims  Geschichten  Schweizer  Eidgenossen- 
schaft,  fortgessetzt von  J.  J.  Hettinger.  Bd.  6.  Zurich,  1825.  S.  254  ff".  In 
France,  see  Joannes  Raulinus  (Doctor  of  Theol.  in  Paris,  then  a  Cluniacensian 
monk,  *f  1514)  Oratio  de  reformatione  Cleri  ad  Capitulum  generale,  ed  Basil.  1498 
(see  the  extracts  in  the  Auctarium  catal.  test,  veritatis,  p.  113).  Giiido  Juvenalis 
(a  Benedictine,  afterwards  Abbot  of  St.  Sulpice  in  Bourges)  reformationis  monasti- 
cae  vindicice  seu  dcfensio.  Paris.  1503.  In  Germany,  see  Geiler  v.  Kaiser- 
berg's  Leben.  Lehren  u.  Predigten,  dargestellt  von  F,  W.  Ph.  v.  Amnion.  Er- 
langen,  1826.  S.  92.  JVolfgangus  Aytinger,  a  priest  in  Augsburg,  in  the  work  : 
Jifethodii,  Euhoici  pra'sulis,  suspiria  pro  reformatione,  et  querela  de  corruptione 
Ecclesi.-E.  Basil.  1504.  The  i-cformations  were  often  only  temporary.  See  Vale- 
rius Anshelm's  (Stadtarzt  in  Bern)  Berner  Chronik  herausgeg.  v.  Stierlin 
u.  Wyss.  Bd.  1.  (Bern  1825).  See  the  inetTectual  attempt  of  the  Landgrave, 
William  III.,  to  bring  about  the  reformation  of  the  convents  In  Hesse,  in  Rom- 
mel's Gesch.  V,  Hessen.  Th.  3.  Abth.  1.  (Cassel.  1827)  S.  130  ff. 

'®  Thus  amongst  the  Benedictines  the  Congr.  S.  JustincB,  founded  by  Lewis 
Barbo  in  the  convent  of  St,  Justina  in  Padua,  and  confii-med  by  Martin  V.  1417. 
It  extended  widely  in  Italy,  and  from  the  year  1504,  having  been  joined  by  the 
convent  of  Monte  Cassino,  was  called  by  that  name.  Histoire  des  ordres  monasti- 
ques.  (par  Hippol.  Hcli/ot)  k  Paris  1714.  4to.  T.  VI.  p.  230  seq.  ;  the  Congreg. 
of  VaJladolid,  which  originated  in  the  convent  of  St.  Benedict,  in  Valladolid,  1.  c. 
p.  236  seq. ;  the  Congreg.  of  Sicily,  formed  in  1483,  but  in  1506  united  with  that 
of  Monte  Cassino,  T.  V.  p.  56  seq.  Amongst  the  Cisterciensians  the  Congr, 
OhservanticB  in  Spain,  founded  by  Martin  de  Vargas,  1425,  T,  V.  p.  382  seq. ;  the 
Congregation  of  St.  Bernhard  in  Tuscany  and  Lombardy,  1497,  1.  c.  p.  388. 

'^  See  note  5.     In  1506,  75  convents  belonged  to  it,  the  names  of  which  are 

fiven  in  Trithemius  Chron.  Spanheimense  ad  ann.   1429  (0pp.  hist.  ed.  Frehei'i, 
'.  II.  p.  351)  :  about  1630,  however,  the  number  of  monks'   convents  only  waa 
142,  see  the  Designatio  in  Leibnitii  Scriptt.  Brunsv.  II.  p.  972  seq. 


Chap.  III.     MonacMsm     §  140.     Attempts  to  reform.      293 

In  the  Mendicant  orders  also,  the  discipline  had  become  s.o  relaxed, 
that  a  reformation  was  as  much  needed  as  in  other  orders.  Amongst 
the  Franciscans  the  fratres  regularis  observantia.-,  hitherto  objects  of 
so  much  suspicion,  now  took  a  new  stand,  being  formally  approved 
by  the  Council  of  Constance,  and  by  degrees  distinguished  by  pecu- 
liar privileges.!'*  In  the  convents  of  the  other  Mendicant  orders,  the 
same  difficulties  were  found  in  carrying  through  a  reform  as  else- 
where.^^ 

IS  See  §  110,  note  15.  In  the  Bull  of  Confirmation  of  Sept.  23,  1416  (v.  d. 
Hardt  IV.  p.  515  seq.),  it  was  provided  that  they  should  be  under  the  superinten- 
dence of  a  Vicarius  ndnistri  generalis,  to  be  chosen  from  their  number,  and  ia 
each  province  should  have  a  Vicariuni  ministri  provincialis.  Afterwards  their  cause 
was  much  advanced  by  the  zeal  of  Bernardinus  Senensis,  from  14.38  Vicarius 
generalis  for  Italy,  '\  1444,  and  John  Capisti-anus  his  successor,  ^  1456,  both  elo- 
quent orators  and  honored  as  saints.  Finally,  in  1517,  Leo  X.  committed  to  them 
exclusively  the  choice  of  the  General  of  the  order. 

'3  Jo.  J\'iderus  (see  above,  note  7)  de  visionibus  ac  revelationibus  I.  c.  7. 
p,  100  :  Scio  prajterea  Ordinem  inter  raendicantium  Ordines  (meaning  probably  his 
own  order,  the  Dominicans),  cui  Deus  jam  ante  decennium  providit  de  duobus 
bonis  et  benevolentissimis  capitibus,  quorum  unus  generalis  Magister  est  totius  sui 
Ordinis,  alius  vero  provinciam  grandem  regit.  Uterque  zelator  est  reforinationis 
tam  validus,  ut  se  pro  ea  et  pro  suo  grege  plus  simplici  vice,  ad  resistendum  stecu- 
laribus,  moi'tis  periculo  subjacerit.  Et  tamen  uterque  modicum  profecit  in  subditis. 
Paucos  enim  conventus  reformare  potuei-unt,  quibus  velle  adjacebat  de  omnibus, 
sed  propter  inobedientem  materiam  pcrficere  nequiverunt.  A  prevailing  excess 
amongst  the  Mendicants,  was  the  unlawful  intercourse  between  the  monks  and 
nuns  in  convents  (Cone.  Mogunt.  ann.  1455,  in  Hartzheim  V.  p.  489,  it  was  found 
necessary  to  condemn  the  principle,  quia  sanctimonialis  professa,  si  carnis  tentatione 
et  humana  fragilitate  victa,  castitatem  servare  nollet,  minoris  culpa;  et  facilioris 
veniffi  asset,  si  cum  Religiose  quam  cum  saeculari  delinqueret),  and  their  resist- 
ance to  a  reform  was  obstinate  in  proportion  to  their  privileges.  See  the  account 
of  the  Reform  of  the  Franciscans,  male  and  female,  in  Heilbronn,  which  was 
carried  through  by  force  in  1465,  in  C.  Jager's  Mittheilungen  zur  schwftbischen 
n.  frank.  ReYormationsgesch.  Stuttgart,  1828.  Bd.  1.  S.  11  ff.  Further  of  the 
Franciscan  convent  in  IJlm  and  the  Nunnery  connected  with  it,  which  after  having 
been  for  fifty  years  attempted,  was  at  length  carried  through  by  force  in  A.  D.  1484, 
see  S  c  h  m  i  d  and  P  f  i  s  t  e  r  Denkwtlrdigkeiten  der  WQrtemberg.  u.  schwabischen 
Reformationsgeschichte  Heft  2.  Tubingen,  1817.  S.  12  ff.  Of  the  ineflfectual 
attempts  to  introduce  a  reform  in  Hesse,  see  the  letter  of  Landgrave  William  III. 
to  Pope  Alexander  VI.  dd.  16,  Febr.  149.3  (Beurkundete  Nachricht  von  dem 
Closter-Hauss  Schiffenberg.  2ter  Theil.  Giessen,  1755.  Fol.  Beilagen,  no.  193.)  : 
Consideranti  mihi  jam  dudum,  multa  prasclara  monasteria  in  temporali  dominio 
meo  —  fundata  et  dotata  jam  proh  dolor  diebus  istis  tam  miserabiliter  a  regulari  vita 
defecisse,  quod  ne  vestigium  ullum  pristinas  honestatis  et  sanctitatis  remanserit,  imo 
declinasse  ad  tam  abominabilem  et  bestialem  vitam,  quod  justius  scurrilitatum  recep- 
tacula  quam  monasteria  et  domus  orationum  nuncuparentur:  haec  inquam  mihi  cum 
gemitu  consideranti,  et  correctionem  talium  a  Pra;latis  eorum  requirenti  Magister 
provincialis  fratrum  minorum  tandem  aliquo  modo  satisfacere  temptavit,  monaste- 
rium  b.  Francisci  in  oppido  residentiaj  meaj  Marpurg  in  tribus  annis  quater  refor- 
mans.  Semper  eo  recedente  novissima  pejora  prioribus  :  tandem  meliores  quique 
locum  deserentes  ad  Observantes  se  transtulerunt  soils  pessimis  remanentibus. 
Quapropter  videns  me  delusum,  S.  V.  prasdecessori  pro  opportune  remedio  humili- 
ter  supplicare  disposui :  turn  subito  exoritur  desiderabilis  rumor,  advenisse  scilicet 
Dom.  Raymundum  quendam  cum  plena  potestate  reformandi  etiam  quEecunque 
monasteria.  Aditur,  rogatur,  consentit  et  mandat  ceteris  Pra?lafis  de  reformatione 
quorundam  monasteriorum,  scil.  b.  Francisci  in  Marpurg  etde  Gronenberg,  necnoa 
s.  Dominici  etiam  in  Marpurg  et  in  Treysa,  ac  s.  Augustini  in  Alsfeldia,  et  in 
Heyne  Cisterciensis  Ordinis,  Maguntinensis  diocesis  :  dicens,  se  ad  hoc  suflRcicnte 
potestate  per  apostolica  scripta  munitum.    Quidplura?  credulus  ego  et  laetabundus 


294  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

<§.  140. 

INFLUENCE    OF    THE    MENDICANTS. 

Notwithstanding  the  corruption  of  the  Mendicant  orders,  they  ex- 
ercised still  the  most  various  and  extensive  influence/  which  was  all 

misi  confinuo  ad  Vicarium  fiatrum  minorum  de  Observantia  cum  commissione  et 
mandate  pra-dicti  Doiii.  Kaymundi,  petens,  ut  nionasterium  prsfatum  b.  Francisci 
in  Marpiii-f;-  vellct  quiinlocius  ref'orinare.  Vicarius  veio  cum  desiderium  nieum 
intellexisset,  viso  mandato  ait  obsistcie  sihi  adliuc,  qnod  bulla;  cuidani  I'auli  II. 
pra'decessoris  vestii,  qua;  Paulini  sen  bulla  concoidia;  dicitur,  iion  videretur  de 
verbo  ad  verbum  sulficienter  dcrop;atum.  Quod  audiens  vehementer  dolui,  per- 
sevcians  tainen  ndsi  anno  nonagesimo  lapjo  ad  s.  Apostolicam  sedcm,  humiliter 
petens  indultum  D.  Kaj  iiuindi  appiobaii,  ct  suppleri  delectus  bulla  data.  Sod 
totius  boni  inimicus  Diaholus  per  se  vel  suos  artui^^se  cognoscitur,  ut  allcgatus 
defectus,  (jui  erat  ex  i)aite  Paulins  quoad  IVatres  minores,  tortuosi  serpenlis  callidi- 
tate  letorqueretui-  ad  alia  qua'dam  monasteiia  Regularissarum  :  sic  enim  sonat 
bulla,  quod  ilia  possint  leformari  non  obstante  Paulina.  —  Iterum  illusus  itcrum 
Oratorem,  scil.  anno  92,  ad  Curiam  nasi,  et  relatum  est  mihi,  quod  obtinueiit 
signaturam.  Sed  Beatitudinis  Vestrae  prsedecessore  de  hoc  sfficulo  ndgrante, 
similiter  et  Oratore  iiico  finientc  vitam  in  urbc,  rursus  pium  negotium  frustratum 
est.  Quaproptei-,  beatissime  pater,  pcrpendat  qusso  clementer  B.  V.  quotiens  et 
quam  diu  fraudafus  sum  a  desiderio  meo,  et  quantum  pei-versis  et  impiis  ex  hoc 
factus  sum  in  parabolam  et  derisum,  quasi  homo  qui  cocpit  sdificare  et  non  potuit 
consummare:  et  dignetur  tandem  Vestra  Apostolica  Benignitas  niihi  et  Oiatori  meo 
praesenti  in  tarn  pio  negotio  efficaciter  assistere,  ac  per  indulti  Raymundi  de  pra;- 
dictis  virorum  nionasteiiis  appiobationem,  et  defectus,  si  qui  sint,  maxime  dcroga- 
tionis  Paulinse  ac  alias  necessaiias  clausulas  de  opportune  remedio  piovidere  :  ne 
suspicari  cogar,  quod  ex  industria  huciisqxie  illusus  sim,  et  miferatur  mihi  et 
meis  in  anteu  credulitas  et  reverentia  literarum  et  nunciorum  ApostoliccE  sedis, 
compellarque  exercere  potestatem  sacidaris  gladii,  si  spiritualis,  quam  diu 
qucBsivi,  negabitur,  quia  tam  gravem  Dei  contumeliam,  ettam  impiam  fundatorum 
delraudationem,  qui  talibus  absque  dubio  sua  bona  dare  nunquam  intendcrunt,  sed 
et  derisionem  meam  nequaquam  diulius  perferam.  See  Rom  me  Is  Gcsch.  v. 
Hessen.  Th.  .3.  Ablh.  1.  G.  130  ff.  Anmerkungen  G.  71  ff.— In  Wilrtembcig 
great  pains  were  taken  by  Count  Ulrich  from  A.  D.  1476,  to  persuade  the  General 
of  the  Dominicans  to  undertake  the  reformation  of  the  nunneries  of  the  order  in 
his  territories.  See  S  a  1 1 1  e  r  Bd.  4.  S.  146  ff.  In  Switzerland,  on  the  other  hand, 
they  still  continued  in  the  convents  their  free  and  undisciplined  life,  see  M  Oiler's 
Schvveizergcsch.  fortges.  von  Hottinger.  Bd.  6.  S.  264.  Amongst  the  Domini- 
cans also,  congregations  were  formed  of  the  reformed  convents  ;  thus  the  Congre- 
gation of  Aragon,  and  of  Lombardy,  see  Helyot  III.  p.  22-5  seq.  —  In  the  Carmelite 
order  John  Sorett,  General  of  the  order  from  A.  D.  1451,  was  very  active  in  the 
cause  of  reformation,  and  was  rewarded  for  his  zeal  by  being  poisoned,  A  D 
1471,  see  i?e/yoM.  p.  323  seq. 

>  Erasmus  Adagiorum  Chil.  2.  Cent.  8.  Adag.  G^. :  Malorum  Mendicantium 
ubique  maxima  turba  est.  Hi  sic  sese  per  omne  reipublica;  corpus  sparserunt,  ut 
nihil  usquam  agatur  sine  illis.  Regnant  in  concionibus,  quod  pcculiare  munus 
Episcoporuiu ;  tyrannidem  occuparunt  in  scholis,  quod  huic  proximum  munus- 
per  hos  ministrantur  ecclesiastica  Sacramenfa,  per  hos  sacerdotes  sumus;  hi  plus 
quam  censoria  severitate  pronunciant  de  fidei  professione  :  hie  Christianus  est, 
hie  Semichristianus,  hie  hareticus,  hie  sesquihcereticits ;  in  horum  sinus  populus 
effundit  occullos  vita»  actus,  et  secretissimas  aniini  cogilationes.  Nee  his  contenti 
sunt;  nulla  peraguntur  Principum  foedera,  in  quibus  hi  non  agant  partes.  Sine 
his  nullum  contrahitur  matrimonium  ;  in  theatricis  certaminibus,  in  publicis  sorti- 
bus  agonothetas  agunt  :  adco  nihil  pudet.  Denique  nee  mori  licet  absque  istis. 
Nulla  est  aula  Principum,  ia  quam  non  irrepserunt.  Si  quod  impudens  facinus 
destinarunt  Principes,  per  hos  exequuntur ;  si  quid  raoliuntur  Romani  Pontilices, 


Chap.  in.   Monachism.    §140.   Influence  of  the  Mendicants.  295 

directed  to  the  support  of  the  papal  power,  from  which  they  had 
received  their  unbounded  privileges,-  and  the  advancement  of  their 
several  orders.  The  chief  resistance  they  met  with  was  from  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris.  Before  they  could  be  admitted  to  teach  there,  they 
were  obliged  to  submit  themselves  to  its  authority,^  and  every  attempt 
to  make  themselves  independent  was  met  with  the  same  decision,'* 
with  which  their  exaggerated  assertions  in  favor  of  the  papal  power 
and  the  Mendicant  orders  were  rebuked  and  punished.''  In  France 
the  secular  clergy  were  thus  in  some  measure  protected  from  the  en- 
croachments of  the  Mendicant  orders ;  6  but  in  other  countries  they 


quod  paulo  sit  alienius  ab  apostolica  ilia  et  prisca  sanctimonia,  horum  potissimurn 
utiintur  niinisteriis  ;  veluti  si  quod  belluin,  si  quis  tumultus,  si  qua  exactio,  si  qua 
condonatio  paruiii  prudens,  in  liisce  tabulis  isti  priiiias  agunt.  Interim  siniplici 
popello  specie  sanctitatis  iiiiponitur.  Saceidotes  ad  hos  collati,  sacerdotes  non  sunt. 
Episcopi  boruni  tiducia  in  utramvis  aurem  dormiunt.  Plebs  destituta  pro  unicis 
pastoribus  gemino  luporum  genere  discerpitur,  duni  et  Pra;sules  exercent  tyranni- 
dem  ;  nee  hi  tamen  pastores  sunt,  sed  alia  ralione  pra;dones. 

^  To  secure  the  privileges  of  the  Dominicans  and  Franciscans,  Sixtus  IV.  A.  D. 
1474,  included  them  all  in  two  Bulls,  which  were  therefore  called  the  Mare 
magnum  of  the  Fianciscans  and  that  of  Dominicans.  These  he  enlai-ged  and  com- 
pleted in  the  so-called  Bulla  aurea  dd.  7.  Kal.  Aug.  1479. 

^  See  the  instrumentum  submissionis,  which  the  Franciscan  Petrus  de  Chcriaco 
had  to  sign  in  the  assembly  of  the  theological  faculty,  A.  D.  1428,  in  iTJlr^en- 
tr6\,\l.  226.  He  was  appointed  by  his  order  ad  legendum  Bibiiam:  the  Fac- 
ulty consented  to  receive  dictum  fratrem  Petrum  ad  legendum  Biblj^m  pro  anno 
pr^senti,  mediante  quod  submitteret  se  reparare  certas  propositiones  et  arliculos 
aliquos  in  suis  scrmonibus  et  alibi  expositos  et  prffidicatos,  et  dicta:  Facultati  in  uno 
rotulo  per  ipsum  tradito  contentos,  ubi  indigerent  reparatione,  toties  quoties,  et  in 
quibuscumque  locis  placeret  Facultati  theologiae,  nee  non  veniam  petere  super 
aliquibus  verbis  per  ipsum  minus  bene  de  Facultate  artium  prolatis  in  proxima 
ipsius  Facultatis  congregatione.  Qui  quidem  F.  Petrus  se  submisit  et  juravit  supra 
dicta  facere  toties  quoties  requireretur  ex  parte  ejusdem  Facultatis,  et  omnia  supra- 
dicta  adimplere. 

*  The  Theological  Faculty  insisted  that  the  Mendicant  monks,  who  should  be 
appointed  as  theological  lecturers  by  their  supeiiors,  should  first  have  gone 
through  a  certain  academical  course.  On  the  other  hand,  the  lour  Mendicant 
orders  obtained  from  Eugenius  IV.  the  Bull  Ad  jugem  dd.  3.  Kal.  Apr.  1442  (in 
Bulai  hist.  Univ.  Paris  V.  p.  524)  which  provided  that  the  monks  who  should 
be  appointed  by  their  orders  ad  legendum  Bibiiam  or  ad  legendum  Sententias,  ac 
per  Deputatos  Facultatis  theologica;  ad  hoc  sufficientes  et  idonei  reperti  fuerint, 
should  be  admitted  to  do  so  solutis  juribus  ejusdem  Facultatis.  On  this  the  Univer- 
sity at  once  resolved  (1.  c.  p.  522),  quod  privarentur  omnes  tam  graduati  quam  non 
graduati  dictorum  IV.  Ordinum  a  consortio  Universilatis,  et  —  ab  omnibus  actibus 
scholasticis,  donee  et  quousque  dicti  Mendicantes  impetrassent  aliam  Bullam 
novam  contrariam  de  verbo  ad  verbum  isti  Bullae  per  eos  impetratae  a  summo  Pon- 
titice.  The  Mendicants  had  to  yield,  and  take  an  oath,  10  Dec.  1442,  nunquam 
uti  Bulla  priedicta,  and  within  a  given  time  to  procure  its  recal.  At  the  same  time  it 
was  determined  by  the  faculty,  quod  studentes  IV.  Ordinum,  qui  mittentur  ad 
legendum  Sententias,  stent  Parisius  ante  dictam  lecturam  per  III.  annos,  videlicet 
per  annum  ante  lecturam  Biblia",  et  per  annum,  in  quo  legent  Bibiiam,  et  per  ter- 
tium,  in  quo  se  disponent  ad  lecturam  Scntentiarum,  ut  sententia  ipsorum  et  mores 
comprobentur. 

'"  Thus  of  the  papal  power,  see  §  135,  note  23.  Of  their  own  privileges  at  the 
cost  of  the  secular  clergy,  see  §  137,  note  2. 

*  Compare  the  new  controversy  of  the  University  with  the  Mendicants,  which 
began  1456,  see  Bulaus  V.  p.  601  seq.  The  Mendicants,  namely,  came  forward  in 
1456  with  a  Bull  of  Nicholas  V.,  who  had  then  been  dead  a  year,  similar  to  that 


296  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

could  offer  no  resistance  to  their  usurpations ;  and  it  was  evident  that 
the  Mendicants,  whilst  it  was  easy  for  them  to  prove  the  corruption 
of  their  rivals,"  aimed  at  nothing  less  than  to  destroy  their  influence 
entirely.^     The  undecided  interference  of  the  popes  was  wholly  in- 

of  Alexander  V.  (see  §  109,  note  3).  The  University  pronounced  this  Bull 
scaudalosa,  turbativa  pads  et  concordia»,  subveisiva  Ordinis  hierarchici  Ecclesia; 
ac  subivptitia,  and  determined  to  appeal  against  it :  the  Mendicants  were  to  be 
summoned  to  appear,  visuri  suas  privationes,  si  dictae  iiupetiationi  renunciare  no- 
luerint,  et  impetrare  revocatoriam  ipsius  :  —  requirantur  Pra^lati,  quod  non  admit- 
tant  Fratres  Mendicanfes  ad  praidicandum  in  suis  diojeesibus,  donee  renunciavcrint, 
et  oblinuerint  huJLismodi  revocatoriam.  The  Mendicants  having  refused  to  give 
up  the  Bull,  and  procure  its  repeal,  it  was  decreed,  Idcirco  ipsa  Universitas  ex 
tunc  oiiines  juratos  de  diclis  Mcndicantium  Ordinibus  reputavit  et  declaravit  per- 
juros  ct  privates  a  grcmio  et  consortio  ipsius,  non  juratos  autem  rcsecavit  a  suscep- 
tione  giaduuiu  quorumcunque  et  acquisitione  temporis  Parisius  in  quacunque 
Facultate.  The  Parliament  attempted  to  reconcile  the  difficulty,  but  in  vain,  till 
in  Feb.  1457  (more  gall.  1456),  the  copy  of'a  Bull  came  to  Paris,  in  which  Calixtus  III. 
was  said  to  have  repealed  the  Bull  of  his  predecessor  (see  Bulaiis  V.  p.  612).  The 
Mendicants  now  submitted  (p.  613),  and  were  again  admitted  as  members  of  the 
university  on  the  18th  Feb.,  after  they  had  sworn  to  the  conditions  (p.  616),  quod 
aniplius  non  utantur  Bulla  existente  in  manibus  Rev.  D.  Episcopi  Parisiensis, 
neque  similibus,  et  maneat  dicta  Bulla  in  manibus  prsfati  Episcopi  sicut  est;  et 
quod  unus  pro  onmibus  juratus  de  Ordine  Mendicantium  pro  sua  redintegratione 
habeat  supplicare,  et  habeant  Mendicantes  antedicti  obedire  Bullae  revocatoria;  et 
ratiticari  [facere]  per  suos  Generales  infra  annum.  Item  jurabunt,  quod  nun- 
quam  impetrabunt  similes  Bullas,  alioquin  ex  tunc,  prout  ex  nunc,  reincident  in 
similes  privationes  et  poenas.  Soon  afterwards  it  was  found  indeed  that  the  sup- 
posed Bull  had  never  been  issued,  for  Calixtus  III.  called  on  the  king  in  a  letter  of 
March  18  (p.  617),  to  protect  the  Mendicants,  declared  his  predecessor's  Bull 
genuine,  and  continued  it:  the  Dominicans  were  forced  by  command  of  their 
General  to  go  back  from  their  promise,  and  were  again  excluded  from  the  univer- 
sity:  in  Dec.  1457,  however,  they  applied  again  for  admittance,  and  submitted  to 
the  conditions  (p.  620). 

'  See  for  instance  the  passage  of  the  Augustine  eremite  Johannes  Schiphowerus 
de  Meppis  in  his  Chron.  Oldenburgensium  Archicomitum  (wi-itten  1505)  in  H. 
Me'ibomii  Rerum  german.  Scriptt.  T.  II.  p.  171  ad  anu.  1440,  where  he  is  praising 
Count  Dieterich  as  a  patron  of  his  order:  Suis  temporibus  quidam  ex  pastoribus  et 
capellanis  conspirationem  fecerunt  contra  Mendicantes,  Hmitatores  ibidem  existen- 
tes,  impugnantes  privilegia  apostolica,  et  prfesertim  de  confessionibus  audiendis, 
io-n'ari  et  juris  canonici  imperii!,  vix  primis  litcris  imbuti,  qui  vix  sine  confusione, 
iTt  ait  Pastor  in  tractatu  de  Curatorum  miseriis,  requiem  cantare  sciunt,  et  tamen 
singulis  doctis  viris  tamquam  cornutEe  bestia;  rebellizant,  et  in  sua  asineitate  per- 
sev'erantes  super  omncs  se  extollunt.  Quomodo  autem  praedicabunt,  qui  literis 
operam  non  dcderunt .'  aut  quam  in  prsdicando  indoctus  sacerdos  utilitatem  audi- 
toribus  suis  afferre  poterit,  qui  scripturas  nescit .'  verum  temporibus  nostris,  in 
quibus  est  sicut  popuius,  ita  et  sacerdos,  studium  scriptui-arum  miserrimi  sacerdotes 
abjiciunt,  pro  libris  scripturarum  caUces  exhauriunt,  et  cotidie  se  inebriant.  Vide- 
rint  Episcopi,  qui  tales  idiotas  et  inscios  ad  sacerdotii  dignitatem  promovent,  qui 
imperitis  cui-am  ovium  Christi  commendant !  Sedent  in  insidiis  cum  potatoribus  in 
tabernis,  ludis  et  comessationibus  vacant,  non  est  timor  Dei  ante  oculos  eorum. 
Nomine  sacerdotes  sunt,  conversatione  asini,  nihil  penitus  de  scripturis  intelligunt, 
discere  contemnunt,  et  latina  lingua  loqui  vel  scribere  nesciunt,  vix  iu  vuigari 
exijonere  Evangelia  didicerunt.  Quantos  errores,  fabulas  et  hfei-eses  in  Ecclesiis 
pritdicando  populis  enuncient,  quis  nisi  expertus  credere  posset  ?  Pro  libris  liberos 
sibi  comparant,  pro  studio  concubinas  amant.  Tales,  quamvis  inscii,  quamvis 
indocti,  quamvis  ignari,  adhuc  contra  privilegia  apostolica  contra  viros  doctos  latrare 
non  erubescunt. 

8  Jacobus  Carthusianus  (see  §  135,  note  31)  de  arte  curandi  vitia  (ex  Ms.  in  v. 
d.  Hardt  Autographa  Lutheri  praef.  p.  49) :  Licet  multi  Fratres  Mendicantes  prsedL- 


Chap.  III.    Monachism.    ^  140.    Influence  of  the  Blendicants.  297 

adequate  to  quiet  such  a  dispute.^  The  Mendicants  were,  it  is  true, 
more  active  in  the  affairs  of  the  church  than  any  otlicrs  of  the  clergy; 
but  their  activity  was  only,  too  often,  devoted  to  increase  the  prevail- 
ing  superstition,^'^  and  magnify  the  saint  and  the  privileges  of  their 

cent,  et  mulfi  multa  (Meant ;  cum  tamen  ab  observanfia  declinaverint,  aliud  opere 
et  aliud  verbis  ostendunt.  Et  hi  ut  pluriinuin  nimium  audaces  et  idiota;.  Inde 
eorum  pr^dicalio  contomtibilis  redditur,  et  vertitur  iiiasiiiie  prof'anam  in  divina- 
tionem.  Nain  eoiuin  piiinarii,  ut  manifeste  cernitiu-,  non  abud  vidcntur  qua;rere, 
nisi  favorcm  populi,  bbei-tateni  viloe,  qua^slmii  bononitu  cxle riorum.  Qua;  debite 
considerantes,  omnia  eorum  lacta  videntur  liypocritica  debnimenta.  Nimirum 
parocbias  destruuntur,  Pra^lati  contemnuntur,  nulla  disciplina  contradiccnte.  Sed 
cur  non  exercelur  ipsa,  nisi  quia  quilibet  illorum  quasi  sibi  conscius  non  audet 
illorum  mala  i'acfa  punire.'  The  complaints  of  the  secular  clergy  against  the 
Mendicants  were,  see  Keforniatorii  Constant,  deci-etales  Tit.  X.  c.  12.  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.  I,  XII.  p.  715:  quod  superiores  dictorum  Fiatrum  non  eo  modo,  sicut 
dcberent,  sed  in  scripfis,  imo  interdum  nomine  non  expresso,  Ordinariis  locorum 
suos  terniinarios,  ut  pbuimum  idiotas,  et  interdum  minus  quam  pi'esbyteri  curati 
scientes  praesentant ;  pra;sentati  soli,  absque  socio,  per  apachias  velut  vagi  trans- 
currunt,  absolutiones  suas,  ultra  Curatorum  efiicaciores,  tanquam  apostolica  aucto- 
litate  concessas,  prasdicant  sa.'pius  :  quod  in  casibus  eis  non  commissis  absolvunt, 
pecuniaria  etiam  pactione  piKcedente  aut  intervenicnte ;  decedentibus  et  testari 
volentibus  secretins  ingerunt,  sibi  et  non  Curatis  legari,  et  apud  suos  Conventus 
sepeliri.  Quibus  omni1)us  secretius  ingestis  et  practicatis  canonicam  ipsis  Curatis 
non  exhibent  poi-tioneni  (namely  the  quaita  prescribed  by  Boniface  VIII.,)  in 
dictorum  Cuiatoruin  multiplex  pra-judicium  et  gi-avamen. 

^  Sixtus  IV.  was  induced  by  the  complaints  of  the  German  bishops,  and  espec- 
ially by  the  dispute  between  the  secular  clergy  and  the  Mendicants  in  Esslingen, 
to  appoint  Commissioners  to  reconcile  the  paities ,  and  a  compromise  having  been 
been  brought  about,  he  sanctioned  it  by  the  Bull  Vices  illius  (in  the  Exti'avag. 
Commun.  lib.  I.  Tit.  IX.  c.  2.)  to  this  effect:  quod  ipsi  parochiani  sacerdotes  de 
C£etero  non  dicant,  a  Mendicantibus  ha;reses  processisse  :  cum  in  veritate  fides 
nostra  sit  illuminata,  ct  Ecclesia  exaltata  per  eosdem,  et  pra;sertim  per  Ordines 
PrKdicatorum  et  Minorum,  ut  jura  testantur.  Quodque  Fratres  Mendicantes  non 
praedicent,  populos  parochianos  non  teneri  audire  missam  in  eorum  parochiis  diebus 
festivis  et  dominicis  ;  cum  jure  sit  cautum,  illis  diebus  parochianos  teneri  audire 
missam  in  eorum  parochiali  Ecclesia,  nisi  fbrsan  ex  honesta  causa  ab  ijjsa  Ecclesia 
se  absentarent.  Quodque  etiani  nee  Fratres,  nee  Curati  inducant  aliquo  modo 
laicos  ad  eligendum  sepulturam  apud  eos,  et  bene  caveant  propter  pcenas,  quas 
imponunt  canones,  cum  sit  libera.  Quod  etiam  ipsi  Mendicantes  desistant  praedi- 
care,  quod  parochiani  non  sint  obligati,  saltern  in  Paschate  proprio  confiteri  sacer- 
doti.  Pej- hoc  tamen  ipsi  Fratres  Mendicantes  non  censeantur  exclusi,  quo  minus 
secundum  juris  communis  et  privilegioruni  eisdem  concessorum  dispositionem 
confessiones  audire,  et  poenitentias  injungere  valeant.  Quod  etiam  de  csetero  inter 
ipsos  Fratres  Mendicantes  et  Curatores,  quoad  effectum  prsedicandi,  boras  caniandi, 
et  carnpanas  pulsandi,  servetur  consuetudo  antiqua,  quas  temporibus  antiquis  ser- 
vata  fuit  in  ipso  oppido  P^slingensi.  Et  casu,  quo  veniat  aliqua  occasio  sive  neces- 
sitas,  non  flat  coiiimutatio  temporis  vel  bora;  in  ipsis  prasdicationibus  fiendis,  nisi 
de  consensu  partium.  Quodque  etiam  ipsi  Frati-es  in  sernionibus  eorum  non 
detrahant  Praelatis  et  rectoribus  parochialium  Ecclesiarum,  nee  etiam  populos  a 
suarum  Ecclesiarum  parochialium  frequentia  et  accessu  abstrahant,  sive  retrahant 
quoquo  modo.  Et  vice  versa  ipsi  rectores  et  Pra?lati  aliquo  modo  non  detrahant 
Mendicantibus,  sed  ilium  favorem,  quern  possunt,  eis  impendant,  et  in  omnibus  et 
per  omnia  pra-stent,  ita  ut  vera  unitas  et  perfccta  caritas  inter  eos  ostendatur.  It 
is  easy  to  see  from  this  what  were  the  causes  of  controversy  ;  but,  of  course,  by 
such  explanations  and  conditions,  it  could  not  be  at  once  and  for  ever  ended. 

'"  As  for  instance  in  the  case  of  the  so-called  brethren  of  the  Rosari/,  the  first 
of  which  fraternities  was  founded  by  the  Dominican  Jac.  Sprengerin  Cologna  1475 
(Echard  Bibl.  Pra-d.  I.  p.  881).  The  Dominicans  themselves  strove  to  piopagate 
the  notion,  which  Leo  X.  adopts  in  his  Bull  of  absolution  to  the  Fraternity  1520 
(see  Eus.  Amort  de  origine,  piogressu,  valore  ac  fructu  indulgentiarum.  1.  p.  171) 

VOL.  III.  38 


293  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

respective  orders.^^     Nevertheless  they  were  considered  by  the  popes 

quod  oliin,  proiit  in  historiis  legilur,  a  s.  Doiriinico  qiiadairi  Confraternitas  utriusque 
sexus  tidelium,  de  Rosario  b.  M.  V.  miiicupata,  ad  honorem  angelicae  salutationis 
instituta,  et  in  divei-.sis  iiuindi  partibiis  prsdicata  fuit  sequentibus  signis  (coinp. 
§  69,  note  10).  Sed  cum  ipsa  Confralernitas  decursu  teniporis  fere  neglecta  fiiisset, 
et  in  oblivioncin  transisset,  ac  anno  1475  civitas  et  dioecesis  Coloniensis  gravibus 
bellis  prenierelur,  eadeni  Coniraternitas,  ut  civitas  ab  eis  bellis  libei-aretur,  in 
Ecclesia  doinus  Pritdicatoruui  Coloniensiuni  innovata  et  de  novo  instituta  I'uit. 
Against  tbis  notion  of  an  carliei-  origin  see  Acta  SS.  August.  T.  I.  p.  428  seq. 
Sixtus  IV.  gave  this  Coniraternitas  de  Rosario  b.  M.  V.  1478  the  first  absolution 
A.  D.  1478,  in  Amort  1.  c.  p.  170),  and  designates  it  as  ad  honorem  angelicae 
salutationis  instituta,  cujus  confiati-es  et  consorores  tiibus  dicbus  cujuslibet  hebdo- 
madis  orationem  dominicaleiii  qviindecics,  et  angelicain  salutationem  centum  et 
quinquaginta  vicibus  ad  honorem  ejusdem  b.  i\Iari;e  Virginis  juxta  ipsius  Confra- 
ternitatis  instituta  diccre  consueverunt,  quas  quidem  orationes  Rosarium  appellant; 
adding  extra  civitatem  Coloniensem  in  aliis  civitatibus  et  locis  sint  quam  plures 
utriusque  sexus  ejusdem  Confiatei-nitatis  confiatres.  This  fraternity  extended 
itself  so  rapidly,  that  as  early  as  A.  D.  1481,  a  similar  one  was  established  in 
Schlesvvick,  the  statutes  of  which  are  given  in  (Roodt's)  Beititigen  zur 
Eriiluterung  der  Civil-,  Kirchen-  u.  gelehrten  historic  der  HerzogthOmer 
Schleswig  u.  Holstein,  I3d.  2.  (Hamb.  1752.  4to.)  S.  31.  Innocent  VIII.  bestowed 
on  them,  1483,  viva;  vocis  oraculo  full  absolution  semel  in  vita,  et  semel  in  mortis 
articulo,  which  Leo  X.  1520.  confirmed,  see  Amort  1.  c.  p.  171. 

"  The  Council  of  Basil  condemned  as  late  as  1444  the  following  assertions  qua; 
niaxime  pra?dical)antur  a  Mendicantibus  in  Tauiinensi  et  Astensi  Dioecesibus, 
{Patritii  summa  Concill.  c.  138.  in  Hartzheim  Concill.  Germ.  V.  p.  865) :  Paro- 
chianos  non  teneri  de  jure  dominicis  diebus  et  solep.inibus  missas  in  propriis 
parochialilnis  Ecclesiis  audire,  sed  ubi  pro  eorum  devotione  malucrint,  pi-a;terinissis 
suis  parochiis  :  et  banc  libertatem  non  posse  eis  adimi  a  synodalibus  constitulioni- 
bus :  quodque  Parochiani  suis  Curatis  illis  diebus  non  tenentur  ad  oblationem 
faciendam,  sed  in  voluntate  dantis  sit,  qui  velit  eam  dare.  —  Obnoxium  quavis 
causa  taciendi  missas  celebrari  pro  vivis  et  defunctis,  non  satisfacere  debito 
suo,  si  per  curatum  sacerdotem  id  fieri  curet,  quoniam  I'atione  cura;  ad  id  sit 
obligatus.  Decimarum  solutioncm,  etsi  de  prfficepto  sit,  non  tamen  de  prae- 
cepto  esse,  cui  sit  solvenda  ;  liberum  igitur  esse  omnibus  cui  velint  eas  solvere, 
vel  in  opera  pietatis  pro  arbitrio  impendere.  Morientes  in  habitu  et  professione 
Ordinis  Minorum  ultia  annum  non  passuros  in  poenis  purgatorii,  quoniam  b.  Fran- 
ciscus  ex  divino  privilegio  quotannis  ad  purgatorium  descendat,  pi-ofessoresque 
omnes  sui  Ordinis  adducat  secum  ad  ccelum  (comp.  §  109,  note  7).  Fratres  Men- 
dicantes,  etiam  non  prassentatos  Ordinariis,  omnium  confessiones  posse  audire ; 
illosquc,  qui  apud  eos  sint  confessi,  non  obligari,  etiam  semel  in  anno  confiteri 
proprio  sacerdoti,  nee  petere  confitendi  veniam.  Episcopos  dicecesanos  etiam  in 
suis  Synodis  non  posse  sibi  reservare  absolutiones  aliquorum  criminum  prater 
casus  in  jure  expresses.  Thus  the  Synod  of  Nitra  in  Hungary,  1494,  passed 
decrees  against  the  impositions  of  the  Mendicants,  Constltutioties  Syn.  Nitriensis 
c.  30.  (in  C.  Peterlfy  Cone.  Hungaii;e.  P.  I.  p.  277) :  Nam  sicut  ad  nostrum  per- 
venit  auditum,  non  sine  multa  temei'itatis  audacia,  et  deceptione  multiplici 
animarum  indulgentias  populo  motu  propiio  de  facto  concedunt;  super  votis  di- 
spensant;  a  perjuriis,  homicidiis  et  peccatis  aliis  sibi  confitentes  absolvunt;  male 
ablata  incerta,  data  sibi  aliqua  pecunia^  quantitate,  remittunt  ;  tertiam  et  quartam 
partem  de  pcenitentiis  injunctis  relaxant;  animas  tres,  vel  plures  parentum  vel 
amicorum  illorum,  qui  eleemosynas  eis  conferunt,  de  purgatoiio,  ut  asserunt 
mendaciter,  extrahunt  et  ad  gaudia  Paradisi  perducunt ;  confratribus  et  benefac- 
toribus  ipsorum  remissionem  plenariam  peccatorum  indulgent;  et  aliqui  ex  ipsis 
eos  a  poena  et  culpa,  ut  eorum  verbis  ufaniur,  absolvunt.  Joh.  Busch  (see 
§  139,  note  4.)  was  present  at  the  preaching  of  a  Carmelite  from  Brabant,  (see 
Busch  de  reform,  monastei'iorum  III.  c.  16,  in  Leibnitii  Script.  Brunsv.  II. 
p.  925),  who,  at  the  instigation  of  the  unreformed  Franciscans,  directed  his  discourse 
against  Busch  as  a  Reformer,  and  at  the  same  time  maintained,  amongst  other 
things;  (pioties  missa  per  mundum  celebratur,  toties  una  anima  de  purgatoriolibe- 
ratur,  and  Mendicantes,  Episcopis  pra;senlati  a  suis  superioribus,  sunt  supra  Plebanos. 


Chap.  III.    MonacMsm.    *5,  140.    Ivjliumce  of  the  Mendicants.  299 

as  their  truest  servants  ;i^  and  they  were  so,  as  long  as  the  interests  of 
their  order  was  the  same  with  his,  but  no  further. i^ 

Busch  compelled  him  publicly  to  retract  both  assertions.  The  honor  in  which  the 
Franciscans  held  their  founders  is  seen  in  the  propositions  advanced  by  Johannes 
Mercator  in  Besanc^on  and  condemned  by  the  Sorl)onne,  1486  ((TJlrgentre  collectio 
judicioruni  de  novis  erroribus  I,  II.  318:  I.  Sedes  Luciferi  erat  super  choros 
angelonim  et  in  decinio  ordine,  quas  erat  vacua  et  modo  niirabiliter  pra-parata 
atque  adornata,  reservata  1).  Francisco  soli,  quia  ab  ea  ejectus  f'uerat  Lucifer  propter 
suam  superbiam.  Et  in  hoc  seculo  nullus  fuit  inventus  habens  tantani  huniililatem, 
quantam  habuit  b.  Franciscus.  II.  B.  Franciscus  assimilabitur  Christo  in  quadra- 
ginta  modis  sen  manieribus.  Quodque  ipse  est  secundus  Christus  et  secundus 
filius  Dei.  III.  B.  Francisci  conceptio  iuit  praenunciata  ab  Angelo.  Natus  in 
prssepio  inter  bovem  et  asinum.  Quern  parei-e  aliter,  sen  alio  loco  non  poterat 
mater  sua.  IV.  B.  Franciscus  stigmata  suscepit  successive,  duabus  horis  semper 
interpositis,  et  in  susceptione  cujuslibet  cecidit  in  terram  propter  niiiiium  dolorem, 
quern  in  suscipicndo  suscipiebat,  ita  ut  spii-itum  emisissit,  nisi  Christus  eum  con- 
fortasset.  V.  B.  Fi-anciscus  in  suscipiendo  priEdicta  stigmata  (antos  dolores  sus- 
tinuit  vel  quasi,  quantos  habuit  Christus  in  passione.  VI.  B.  Franciscus  incepit 
recipere  pra?dicta  stigmata  a  summo  mane,  et  perseveravit  in  susceptione  usque  ad 
horam  nonam,  qua  bora  dominus  noster  Jesus  expiravit.  VII.  B.  Franciscus  cum 
clavis  retorlis  ab  intus  et  extra,  in  ipsis  stigmatibus  inclusis,  dicta  stigmata  portavit 
per  duos  annos.  VIII.  Christus  in  propria  persona  percutiendo  sua  manu  stigmata 
praedicta  intixit.  IX.  B.  Franciscus  vulnus  seu  stigmata  lateris  sui  suscepit, 
quando  Christus  latus  suum  vulneratum  incruce  lateri  ipsius  b.  Francisci  applicuit. 

X.  In  susceptione  stiginatum  piEedictorum  petra  scissa  est,  ut  in  passione  Christi, 
in  cujus  petrae  scissuia  ipse  Johannes,  qui  hoc  pranlicat,   brachium   suum   innnisit. 

XI.  B.  F^-anciscus  obtinuit  a  Deo  privilegium,  quod  anno  quolibet  descendit  ad 
locum  Purgatorii  in  die  solemnitatis  sua;,  et  animos  quorumlibet  Religiosorum  et 
Religiosarum  et  omnium  de  habitu  ipsius  s.  Francisci  seu  Fratruin  Minorum  in 
ipso  Purgatoiio  existentium  extrahit,  et  secum  educit  in  Paradisum,  quemadmo- 
dum  Christus  seu  ejus  anima  descendit  ad  inferna,  et  tertia  die  animas  patrum 
secum  eduxit.  XII.  B.  Franciscus  etiam  obtinuit  a  Deo,  quod  Religiosi  qui  non 
bene  servant  regulam  suam,  non  possent  diu  remanere  in  hoc  mundo  nee  in  prae- 
dicta Religione ;  et  quod  murmurantes  aut  male  loquentes  de  Religiosis  et  de 
Ordine  pra'dicto  graviter  punirentur  in  hoc  sajculo  et  in  alio.  Quod  nulli  in  vita 
sua  revelavit  ipse  b.  Franciscus,  nisi  s.  Leoni  confessori  suo,  qui  post  ejusdem  b. 
Francisci  obitum  revelavit.  In  their  pretensions  with  regard  to  purgatory,  the 
Franciscans  were  outdone  by  the  Carmelites.  These  last  had  long  maintained  that 
whoever  died  in  the  Carmelite  Scapula  was  saved  (see  Div.  11.  §  69,  note  11)  : 
they  now  added  to  this,  that  on  the  next  Saturday  after  their  death  they  were 
always  released  by  the  Virgin  Mary  from  purgatory.  In  contirmation  of  this  they 
invented,  in  the  course  of  the  13th  century,  a  bull  of  John  XXII.,  the  so-called 
JBtilla  Sabbafhina,  which  is  first  mentioned  by  Joannes  Palasonydorus,  a  Carme- 
lite at  Malines,  about  1496,  see  Jo.  Launoji  dissertt.  de  Simonis  Stockii  viso  in 
his  0pp.  II.  II.  p.  406.  According  to  this  bull  the  holy  Virgin  had  appeared  to  the 
Pope  in  the  guise  of  a  Carmelite  nun,  and  told  him  (1.  c.  p.  404)  :  Fratres  professi 
dicti  Ordinis  supplicio  solvantur  et  culpa,  et  die,  quo  ipsi  sseculo  recedunt,  ac  pro- 
perato  gradu  accelerant  Purgatorium,  ego  mater  gratiosa  descendam  Sabbato  post 
eorum  obitum,  et  quot  inveniam  in  Purgatorio  libei-abo,  et  eos  in  montem  sanctum 
vitae  aeternae  reducam.  They  jjretended  also  that  this  bull  had  been  confirmed  by 
Alexander  V.  1409  (1.  c.  p.  423),  and  the  imposture  was  so  successful,  that  the 
Bulla  Sabbathina  was  really  confirmed  by  Clement  VII.  1-530  (I.  c.  p.  440,  446),  and 
Paul  V.  1613.  Amort  hist,  indulgentiarum  I.  p.  144  seq.,  supposes  the  Bulla 
Sabbathina  and  the  confirmation  of  Alexander  V.  to  be  genuine. 

'*  As  a  specimen  of  the  praises  which  the  Popes  were  accustomed  to  lavish  on 
the  Mendicants,  see  the  beginning  of  the  so  called  Bulla  aiirea  (see  note  2)  : 
Sacri  Prsdicatorum  et  Minorum  Fratnim  Ordines,  instar  duorum  primorum  flumi- 
niuu  a  coilestium  voluptatum  et  amoenitatum  Paradise  egredientium,  sacrosanctse 
EcclesiEB  terram,  ne  mundanarum  cupiditatuni  et  vitiorum  calore  arescat,  prasclarse 
doctrinae,    virtuosorum   operum,   ac  multiplicium    meiitorum  imbribus    irrigantes. 


300  Third  Period.     Div.    F.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

v5>  141. 

OF    THE    FREER    SPIRITUAL    SOCIETIES. 

In  the  beginning  of  this  period  the  Beghards,  and  in  particular  the 
Fratres  vitre  communis  (called  also  Fratres  bonas  voluntatis,  Fratres 
collationarii,  Clerici  devoti,  and  in  some  places  Fratres  Hieronymiani, 
or  Gregoriani),  were  violently  assailed  in  the  Netherlands  by  Matthew 
Grabo,  Lector  of  a  Dominican  convent  in  Groningen,  who  declared 
the  whole  institution  unlawful  and  heretical.  The  brethren  being 
supported,  however,  by  the  reformed  canons  of  the  Windsheim  Chap- 
ter, Grabo  was  accused  before  the  bishop  of  Utrecht ;  and  on  his 
appealing  to  the  Pope,  the  matter  came  before  the  Council  of  Con- 
stance.i     Here  the  most  influential  voices  declared  at  once  in  favor  of 

magis  illam  in  dies  fructuosam  efficiunt.  Hi  sunt  duo  Seraphim,  qui  in  sublimi 
conteinphitionis  et  seraphici  amoris  alis  elevati,  a  terrenisque  rebus  abstracti,  assi- 
duo  divinarum  lauduin  clamore,  et  inimensorum  benelicioruin  huniano  generi  a 
sumiuo  opifice  Deo  exhibitoi-uui  declaratione,  ferventissimis  praidicationibus  popu- 
los  instiuendo,  et  ad  cceleste  iter  dirigendo  insistentes,  inultiplicata  talenta  eis 
credita,  Domino  Deo  mundaj  segetis,  aniniarum  scilicet  Redeiiiptoris  nostri  Jesu 
Christi  pretiosi  sanguinis  efi'usione  redemptarum,  copiosos  in  horrea  s.  Ecclesiffi 
manipulos  reterunt.  Hi  sunt  duai  tuba;,  per  quas  Dominus  pracipit  ad  pabulum 
sacri  Evangelii  universum  populum  assiduis  praedicationibus  advocaii,  ut  in  omnera 
ten-am  exiret  sonus  eorum,  et  redderent  sibi  populuui  acceptabilem,  et  bonorum 
operum  sectatorem. 

^^  Erasmus  wrote  1519  to  Albert  Elector  of  Mayence  (Epist.  477.  0pp.  ed. 
Lugd.  Bat.  T.  HI.  P.  I.  p.  515):  Mundus  oneratus  est  conslitutionibus  huiiianis, 
oneratus  est  opinionibus  et  doginatibus  scholasticis,  fyrannide  Fratrum  Mendican- 
tium,  qui  cum  sint  satellites  Sedis  Romanae,  tamen  eo  potenti;p  ac  multitudinis 
evadunt,  ut  ipsi  Koniano  Pontilici  atque  ipsis  adeo  Regibus  sint  formidabiles.  His, 
cum  pro  ipsis  facit  Pontifex,  plus  quam  Deus  est:  in  his,  qua;  faciunt  adversus 
eorum  commoduni,  non  plus  valet  quam  somnium.  In  proof  of  this  may  be  cited 
the  opposition  of  the  Franciscans  to  John  XXII.  (see  §  110,  note  7  seq.),  the 
opposition  of  the  Dominicans  to  the  doctrine  of  the  immaculate  conception  of  the 
Virgin,  notwithstanding  the  papal  decisions  in  its  favor,  see  §  144,  note  14  seq., 
and  the  neglect  of  the  Decretals  of  Boniface  VIII.  (see  §  69,  note  3),  see  notes 
8,  9,  10,  above. 

'  Jo.  Buschii  (see  §  139,  note  4)  Chronicon  Canonicorum  regularium  Ord.  S. 
Augustini  Capiluli  Wiudesemensis  (Accedit  Chron.  Montis  S.  Agnetis  auct. 
Thoina  a  Kempis,  una  cum  vindiciis  Kempensibus  Heriherti  liosweydi  Soc.  Jesu 
pro  libro  de  iadtatione  Christi.  Antverp.  1621.  8vo.),  written  1464.  lib.  II.  c.  58. 
p.  547  :  Quidam  de  Ordine  PrKdicatorum  Frater,  Matthasus  Grabo  nomine,  grande 
volumen  ediderat  contra  devotos  Preshyteros,  Clericos  et  Beginas,  pariter  in  com- 
muni  sine  regulae  alicujus  professione  viventes.  Quem  Pastori  in  Daventria  re- 
preesentans  adhaesionem  expetiit,  et  ut  in  ejus  transiret  sententiam  publice  contra 
eos  sermocinando,  rogavit.  He,  however,  sent  the  book  to  the  Rector  of  the  con- 
vent of  the  fratres  communis  vitffi  in  Deventer,  who  sent  it  to  the  Prior  of  the 
Regular  Canons  in  Nordhorn,  by  whom  the  complaint  was  brought  before  the 
bishop  of  Utrecht.  On  Giabo's  appealing  to  the  Pope,  the  bishop  brought  the 
matter  before  the  Council,  with  the  petition,  ut  iste  audacter  Frater  Mattha;us 
Grabo  digna  feriretur  animadversione,  reprobis  in  exemplum,  testifying  at  the  same 
time,  quod  Tiihil  unquam  mali,  dignum  suspicione,  contra  morem  Ecclcsis,  in 
devotis  hujus  patria;  sexus  utriusque  invenit  delitescere,  sed  omnes  et  singuli  vitani 
veram  apostolicam  Ecclesia;  priraitiva;,  ut  veri  Christiani,  ad  purum  servarent. 
The  contents  of  Grabo's  work  may  be  inferred  from  the  letter  sent  to  the  Pope  by 


Cliap.  III.     Monachism.     §  1^1 .     Fratres  Vita;  Communis.     301 
the  brethren,-  and  Grabo  was  condemned  and  called  upon  to  retract 


the  person  who  conducted  his  defence  at  the  Council  of  Constance,  in  v.  d.  Hardt 
Cone.  Const.  III.  p.  106:  cum  lector  (M.  Grabo)  — videret,  plures  personas  sexus 
utiiusque  novte  Rcligionis  habituin  assumentes,  et  convenlicula  facientes,  nullum 
habitum  approbatum  protitentes,  statuentesque  sibi  ipsis  Superiores  pro  libitu  vo- 
luntatis, et  sub  simulata  devotione  populum  attrahentes,  et  multa  contra  veritatem 
sacrte  ScripturK  ac  sacros  Canones  attentantes,  et  de  eleemosynis  Christilidelium 
domos  suniptuosas  ad  modum  nionasteiiorum  regularium  sdificantes,  et  sc  invicem 
in  eis  includentes  cum  observatione   quorundam    riluum  minime   per   Ecclesiam 
approbatorum  :  cocpit   super   hoc  apud    semetipsum  ardenter  cogitare,  et  an  hoc 
stantibus   regulis    tidei   et   sacris   canonibus  Ecclesia  dissimulare  deberet;  revOl- 
vensque   diligentius   sacrae    scripturae    sanctorunique    Doctorum    libros    et   sacros 
Canones,  quasdam  conclusiones,  reprobantes  illorum  modum  vivendi,  extraxit,  et 
scripture   commendavit.     Quarum    una  principalis  est,   ex   qua  alia;   deducuntur 
exceptis  paucis :  nuUus  potest  licite  et  meritorie,  imo  nee  veraciter,  obediential, 
paiqiertatis,  et  castitatis  universalia  consilia  conjunctim,  extra  veras  Reiigiones 
mancndo,  adimplere.     Namely,   ad  sa;culares  pertinet  tantum   particularia   vota 
offerre,  ad  regulares  autem  universalia  prsdicta.     Further,  the  conclusio  undeci- 
ma:  abdicare  quemquam  omnia  propter  Christum,  extra  prcedictas  reiigiones 
manendo,  sen  nisi  veram  aliquam   ReJigioncm  ingrediatur,  est   sibi   et  suis, 
quorum  cura  sibi  incumbit,  vitam  subtrahere :  quod  est,  homicidium  tot  homi- 
num  cominittere  quot  ejus  cura;  subduntur.  Hkc  est  de  mente  s.  Thomxe  Secunda 
Secundce  Qu.  33.     Ex  quibus  sequitur,  quod  nullus  potest  abdicationem  omnium 
propter  Christum  facere  extra  veram  Religionem  manendo  sine  peccato  mortali : 
quia  subtraheret  sibi  vitam.  — Ex  quibus  sequitur,  quod  dicenspertinaciter,  omnia 
esse  meritorie  abjicienda  propter    Christum  in  scscido  manenti,  hcereticus  est 
dicendus.  —  Ex   quibus  sequitur,  quod  proprietas  temporalium  rerum  est  statui 
scpculari  essentialiter  annexa.     Et  per  consequens  Dominus  Papa  salva  auctori- 
tate   sua   non  potest   dispensare   eum   sacularibus,   ut   omnibus   in  singulari 
careant,  seu  nihil  in  singxilari  habeant.  —  Si  enim  Dominus  Papa  posset  hoc 
aUcui  concedere,  —  posset  ei  concedere  propriae  vita;  subtractiones,  etc.  —  Sequitur 
etiam,   quod  religiosus  sine  peccato  mortali  non  potest   abdicare  voluntatem 
habendi  commmiia  (compare   §   110,  note   6   seq.)  : — quia  sine  illis  vivere  non 
posset,  cum  per   suam    professionem    renunciaverit   omnibus  et  singulis  propriis 
singularibus.     Grabo's  assertions  are  given  still  more  in  lull  in  the  25  Articles  of 
the  Council  which  follow.     The  last  of  which   are  :   XXI.  Excommunicati   sunt 
omnes  communem  vitam  ducentes  extra  Religionem  approbatam.     XXII.  Quare 
similiter  excommunicati  sunt  illi,  qui  vitam   communem  extra  Religionem  appro- 
batam ducentibus  praebent  eleemosynam.     Et  qui  tales  fovent  consilio  et  auxilio 
vel  defensione,  similiter  stant  et  sunt  in  statu  perpetua;  damnationis.     Et  nisi  de 
hujusmodi  eorum  excessibus  magna  contritione  poenituerint,  ad  vitam  aeternam  non 
possunt  pervenire,    neque   salvi    permanere.     XXIII.  Omnes  vitam  communem 
ducentes  extra  Religionem  approbatam  sunt  illi,  a  quibus  Salvator  noster  pra;cipit 
esse  abstinendum,  et  tanquam  a  falsis  Prophetis  attendendum.     XXIV.  Quilibet 
faciens  contra  jura    canonica  peccat   mortaliter.     XXV.  Nullus  corpore   validus 
absque  communi  utilitate  et  necessitate  potest  extra  veras  Reiigiones  sine  peccato 
eleemosynas  Christitidehum  tollere. 

2  Namely,  Petrus  de  Alliaco  and  Jo.  Gerson  in  their  opinions  of  Grabo's  pro- 
positions, in  V.  d.  Hardt  III.  p.  112  seq.  The  former  remarks  ad  Act.  4,  32,  34, 
quod  in  ilia  congregatione  primitiva  fuerunt  multi  uxorati  et  alii  diversarum  con- 
ditionum  ssculares  (all  of  whom,  however,  had  every  thing  in  common),  qui 
scilicet  non  erant  adstricti  per  votum  ad  tria  consilia  evangelica  castitatis,  obedien- 
tia;,  et  paupertalis,  quemadmodum  sunt  professi  Religionum  per  b.  BasiUum,  Bene- 
dictum  et  Augustinum  ac  similes  introductarum.  Quas  isfe,  ponens  hujusmodi 
conclusiones,  appellat  veras  Reiigiones,  tanquam  extra  illas  non  sit  vera  Religio, 
quod  falsum  est,  imo  hajreticum,  si  sic  per  prajcisionem  intelligatur:  quoniam 
Christiana  vera  est  Religio  etiam  apud  sa;culares.  He  pronounces  Grabo's  tractatus 
hsreticalis  et  igni  tradendus.  To  this  opinion  Gerson  subscribed,  and  was  especially 
vehement  in  condemning  the  abuse  of  the  word  Religio,  see  1.  c.  p.  116  :  Propositio 
III.     Religio   Christiana   potest   absque  voto  obligante  ad  consilia  perfecte,  imo 


302  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

his  errors.3     From  this  time  forward  the  increase  of  the  order  in  the 
Netherlands  and  in  Germany  ■*  kept  pace  with  that  of  the  Congrega- 


peifectissime,  observari.  Patet  de  Christo,  qui  non  legitur  vovisse  consilia,  qui 
fuit  tamen  suae  legis  perfectissimus  observator.  Patct  insuper  de  Apostolis  et 
discipulis  Chiistiaiiis  in  piiniitiva  Ecclesia,  quoiuin  niulti  erant  uxoniti,  niulti 
possessiones  habuerunt,  quidaiu  in  communi,  quidain  in  proprio.  —  Prop.  IV.  Re- 
ligio  Christiana  non  reqiiiiit  ad  perfectiorcni  sui  observationem  tarn  in  prsceptis, 
quam  in  consiliis,  quod  superaddatur  alia  religio.  Quales  dicuntur  observationcs 
institute  per  sanctos  Basilium  et  Augustinum,  etc.,  et  quales  Anshelmus  vocat 
religiones  factitias.  Prop.  V.  Religiones  hujusmodi  factitia;  satis  improprie  et 
abusive  et  Ibrsan  arroganter  diets  sunt  status  peifectionis.  Gerson  comes  to  the 
conclusion,  Corollariuni  III.,  quod  tota  doctiina  fratris  istius  innititur  stultaj  et 
insane  fantasia-,  imo  et  blaspheniia-.  —  Coroll.  IV.,  quod  fautores  et  defensores 
istius  fratris  sunt  arcendi  .sen  rcpcllendi,  et  nisi  desistere  voluerint,  graviter  puni- 
endi ;  ita  tamen,  quod  non  laxetur  nimia  licentia  ad  defensionem  Begaidorum  et 
Beguttarum,  si  leperiantur  etfrenes,  et  discoli,  et  scandalosi  in  sacris  observatio- 
nibus. 

3  Jo.  Buschii  Chron.  Windeshemense  lib.  II.  c.  58.  p.  549:  The  judges  ap- 
pointed by  the  council  to  investigate  the  matter  dictum  fiatrem  Grabonem  miserunt 
in  carcerem.  YA  nisi  librum  suum  propter  articulos  erroneos  in  eo  comprehensos 
ipse  damnaret,  et  se  plurimum  errasse  publico  proclamaret,  ceteraque  sirnilia  juxta 
sua  demerita  juste  sibi  injungcnda  libenter  perficeret,  de  carcere  exire  nisi  ad 
ignem  omnino  non  posset.  Qui  pelli  suae  pertimescens,  saniori  usus  consilio,  reum 
se  coo-novit,  cuncfa  praemissa  et  multo  majora  in  publica  omnium  audientia  aperte 
confessus,  librum  suum  damnavit,  vitam  et  conversationem  devotorum  Presbytero- 
rum,  Clericorum  et  Beginarum  Daventrix',  Zwollis  et  alibi  in  communi  sine  pro- 
fessione  viventium  valde  recommendavit,  et  sic  ignem  mortemque  evadens  in  pace 
fuit  dimissus.  Haec  omnia  seriatim  Patres  dictarum  congregationum  registrata 
conservant.  The  form  of  retractation  see  in  v.  d.  Hardt  III.  p.  118  seq.  On  the 
whole  subject  see  Mosheiin  de  Beghardis  et  Beguinabus,  p.  461  seq. 

4  Jo.  Bvschii  Chron.  Windeshem.  lib.  II.  c.  15.  p.  316:  Sicut  magister  Gerar- 
dus  Magnus  origo  fuit  et  pater  primus  omnium  hominum  modernae  devotionis  hujus 
patris,  ad  quem  Deo  servire  cupientes  securum  semper  habuere  recursum,  et  post 
sum  pater  venerabilis  Dominus  Florentius  Radewini  primus  Rector  congregationis 
Clericum  in  Daventria ;  ita  devotus  paternoster,  frater  Joannes  de  Huesden, 
Prior  in  Windesein  (from  1391  -  1424),  eorum  fidelis  factus  est  successor  in  cura 
consulendi,  auxiliandi,  et  defendendi.  Ipse  enim  discreta  sua  providentia,  cari- 
tateque  latissiina  omnium  corda  devotor\im  benigne  ad  se  trahens,  unura  ex  ipsis 
se  fuisse,  et  etiam  semper  mansisse,  verbis,  rebus,  et  moribus  ubique  demonstrayit. 
Qui  totum  mundum  salvare  cupiens,  plurima  servorum  et  ancillarum  Dei  habita- 
cula  undiquc  in  patria  niultiplicari  procuravit:  nam  et  fratres  domus  suas,  Capitu- 
lique  generalis  ad  hoc  aptiores  in  loca  diversa  transmisit  pro  novis  monasteriis 
Onlinis  nostri  erigendis,  fundandis  et  consummandis,  antiquisque  reformandis  et  in 
regulari  observantia  debite  instituendis :  patres  etiam  Congregationum  valde  solli- 
cit^vit,  ut  Presbyteros,  Clericos,  et  sorores  sive  Beginas  ad  hoc  utiles  vel  idoneos 
ad  diversas  mundi  partes,  in  civitates,  oppida  et  villas,  pro  novis  congregationibus 
inchoandis,  ct  in  communi  vita  more  suo  instituendis,  animo  pio  et  volenti  [7nittere] 
non  tardarent.  —  Factum  est  autem,  ut  plurima  Ordinis  nostri  Monasteria,  multsque 
Clericorum  et  sororum  devotarum  Congregationes  per  totam  istam  patriam  Zallan- 
diam,  Westphaliam,  Gelriam,  Brabantiam,  Hollandiam,  Zelandiani,  Drentheam, 
Twentheam,  Frisiam,  Trajectum,  et  circa  patres  Rheni  in  diebus  nostris  de  novo 
sunt  constructa,  et  etiam  ex  antiquis  plurima  reformata.  Ex  quihus  patres,  frat7ys 
et  sorores  de  tertia  regula  s.  Francisci  7iuncupati  plus  quam  centum  domos  sive 
Congregationes  devotas  cxtraJientes,  sub  uno  provinciali  Capitulo  regulariter 
vivere,  et  Deo  fideliter  deservire  usque  hodie  comprobantur ;  et  ipsi  patres  Con- 
gregationum devotarum  primi,  iuxia.  morem  Ecclesis  primitivas  sub  regula  Christi 
caritate  pariter  in  communi  secundum  Evangelium  viventes,  habent  adhuc  hodie 
domos  sexus  utriusque  unitas  numero  pane  quinquaginta,  virorum  videlicet 
psene  viginti,  et  sororum  triginta ;  nosque  jam  habemus  Monasteria  Ordinis 
Canonicorum   regularium    sexus   utriusque   Capitulo  gcnerali   de   Windesem 


Chap.  III.     Monachism.     §  141.     Fratres  Vitcs  Communis.     303 

tion  of  Windsheim.  Their  numerous  societies  were  equally  distinguish- 
ed for  their  mysticism  and  their  usefulness.''  Some  of  the  brethren  were 
engaged  in  instruction  •,^  others  employed  themselves  in  various  kinds 
of  handicraft  for  their  livelihood.^  One  of  their  chief  objects  was 
always  to  advance   the  religious  education  of  the   common  people,^ 

incorporata  phis  quam  septuaginta,  virorum  viddicet  sexaginta  duo,  et  tredecim 
sanctimonialium.  —  Patres  ergo  devoti  in  diebus  Domini  Florentii  Radewini  pro 
sui  status  et  devolionis  conservatione  in  Daventria  simul  ad  colloquium  consueve- 
rant  convenire  ;  post  ejus  transitum  ad  Congregationem  Clericorum  in  Zwollis  — 
ad  colloquium  annuale  in  Dei  timore  celebrandura  omnes  pariter  couvenerunt  in 
Dominica  Misericordias  Domini  post  Pascha,  aut  in  feriis  consequentibus,  cum 
Ecclesia  generale  Capitulum  in  Windesem  celebraret,  propter  loci  convenientiam, 
et  Capituli  nostri  generalis  propinquitatem,  et  maxime  propter  Priorem  nostrum  in 
Windesem,  ad  quem  finito  colloquio  cuncti  Patres  eorum  principaliores  accedere 
solebant,  ut  cuncta  in  ipsorum  decreta  colloquiis  perpetue  de  ipsius  consilio  iinna- 
rentur.  Simili  modo  Paties  Congregationum  Westphalia;,  Saxonia,  Colonia;  Do- 
minica Jubilate  in  Monasteriense'm  civitatem  ad  colloquium  annuale  pariter  con- 
veniunt,  Priore  de  Northorn,  aut  Priore  de  Bodike  ibidem  tunc  prajsente.  See 
particular  accounts  of  the  separate  fraternities  in  VerhandeUng  over  de  Bra3der- 
schap  van  G.  Grate,  en  over  den  invloed  der  Fraterhuizen  op  den  vvetenschappe- 
lijken  en  godsdieentigen  Tosstand,  voornamelijk  van  de  Nederlanden,  na  de  XiV. 
Eeuw,  door  G.  H.  M.  Delprat.  Utrecht,  1830.  8vo.  p.  36  seq. 

^  See  Delprat,  p.  193  seq. 

«  Many  of  the  fraternities  opened  schools  themselves,  e.  g.  in  Delft,  {Delprat, 
p.  92),  in  Herzogenbusch  (p.  96),  in  Ghent  (p.  106),  in  Utrecht  (p.  127),  in  Liege 
(p.  142),  and  inCambray  (p.  145).  The  instruction  in  these  places  seems  some- 
times to  have  been  very  imperfect,  see  Eraami  epist.  ad  Lamb.  Grunnium,  note  13, 
below.  In  other  places  the  brethren  contented  themselves  with  improving  the 
public  schools,  furnishing  needy  scholars  with  lodgings,  board,  and  hooks,  taking 
them  under  their  supervision,  and  giving  them  opportunities  to  earn  something  for 
themselves.  Thus  the  school  in  Zwoll,  for  instance,  owed  its  success,  which  began 
under  the  Rector  Joannes  Cele  {"f  1417,  see  Buschii  Chron.  Windesem.  lib.  IL 
c.  68.  p.  601  seq.)  in  a  great  measure  to  the  fraternity  established  in  that  place 
{Delprat,  p.  63).  So  too  with  the  schools  in  Gouda  {Delprat,  p.  109),  Groningen 
(p.  116,)  and  Harderwyk  (p.  119) :  especially,  however,  the  school  in  Deventcr,  so 
that  under  the  Rector  Alexander  Hegius  (from  1465-1498  concerning  whom,  see 
Herm.  Hamelmanni  oratio  de  doctis  Westphaliaj  viris  in  his  0pp.  genealog.  ac  hist. 
L  p.  94  seq.  Delprat,  p.  295)  it  became  famous  almost  over  the  world,  many  of 
the  brethren  assisting  in  the  instruction  {Delprat,  p.  54  seq.).  In  Herford  the 
brethren  instructed  in  the  schools  of  the  Pusinnen,  see  Knefel's  Gesch.  des 
Friedrichsgymnasiums  in  Herford.     Herford,  1817.  S.  9. 

'  The  Congregations  or  Fraternities  consisted  of  Presbyteri,  Clerici,  and  Laici, 
whose  occupatioiis  were  of  course  different.  The  Presbyteri  had  the  direction  of 
the  whole,  conducted  public  worship  and  the  instruction  in  the  schools,  the  Clerici 
were  young  persons  who  were  receiving  instruction,  for  the  most  part  as  a  prepa- 
ration for  a  clerical  life,  the  Laici  were  the  pious  laity  who  pursued  their  various 
crafts.  The  brethren  employed  themselves  especially  with  copying  manuscripts 
{Delprat,  p.  314),  the  fraternity  in  Hildesheim  furnished  the  reformed  convents 
in  the  neighbourhood  with  such  books  as  they  required  {Busch  de  reform,  monast. 
L  54,  in  Leibnitii  Script.  Brunsv.  H.  p.  855),  in  the  fraternity  at  Gouda,  a  printing 
press  was  put  up  soon  after  the  invention  of  the  art,  the  first  in  the  Netherlands 
{Delpr.  p.  Ill,  313) :  in  the  fraternity  in  Herford,  the  parchment  was  prepared  by 
the  brethren,  they  brewed  beer,  made  wafers,  etc.  Knefel's  Gesch.  des 
Friedrichsgymnasiums  in  Herford,  S.  9. 

*  An  important  means  of  doing  which  were  their  assemblies  for  public  worship 
on  Sundays  and  festival  days,  in  which  extracts  from  the  Scriptures  were  read 
and  practically  explained  in  the  dialect  of  the  country,  and  sometimes  questions 
addressed  to  those  who  were  present.     The  brethren  likewise  circulated  religious 


304  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

and  especially  to  raise  up  from  them  a  pious  clergy ;  so  that  they  soon 
became  fruitful  nurseries  for  monks.^     This  activity  and  the  respect 

tracts  amongst  the  people  {Delprat,  p.  213,  261).  Specimens  of  which  see  in 
JDelprat,  p.  306  seq.  Compare  Jo.  Busch  Chron.  Windesem.  lib.  I.  c.  47.  p.  214 : 
Quante  in  s.tculo  sunt  pcrsonas  sexus  utriusque,  qua?  ainicitia  his  (congregationi- 
bus)  conjunct;e  a  sa-culi  vanitatc  per  eas  conversa?,  et  ad  nicHora,  sanctum  videlicet 
proposituin,  et  honam  vohintatem  libenter  Deo  serviendi,  ipsarum  exemplo  inducts 
et  provocata?,  quamvis  ad  omnia  evangelica  consilia  stalim  arripieiida  propter  multa 
impedientia  nondum  dare  se  valent,  vitam  attamen  sanctam,  a  peccatis  alienam,  ad 
earum  iniormationem  student  observare,  quis  enumerabit  ?  This  activity  was.least 
acceptable  to  the  Mendicant  monks,  whence  .such  occurrences  as  the  following, 
related  by  Jo.  Jiusch  de  reform.  Monaster.  III.  c.  17,  in  Liibnitii  Scriptt.  Brunsv. 
II.  p.  92.5  seq. :  Lector  quidam  Ordinis  Fratrum  Pra'dicatorum  in  Zutphania  publice 
praidicavit,  quod  laici  libros  teutonicales  habere  non  debcrent,  et  serraones  ncn  nisi 
ad  populum  in  Eccle.sia  fieri  deberent.  Ego  autem  simplex  tunc  frater  in  Winde- 
sem, in  Zutphaniam  missus  cum  fratre  pro  negotio,  hoc  audiens  et  sciens,  plus 
quam  centum  congregaliones  sororum  et  Beginarum  in  terra  Trajectensi  plures 
habere  libros  teutonicales,  et  eos  quotidie  legere  singulariter  et  in  refectorio,  con- 
stanter  contradixi.  Busch  applied  to  the  Prior  of  the  Dominicans.  He  at  first  re- 
plied :  Laici  quidam  altos  hal>ent  in  teutonico  libros,  videlicet  Sentcntiarum  et  similes, 
quos  quidam  Ordinis  nosiri  transtulit  in  teutonicum  ex  latino,  Valens  Doctor  ;  alii 
Missale  etiam  cum  Canone  habent  in  teutonico  :  ergo  non  valet,  quod  laici  libros 
legant  in  teutonico.  To  this  Busch  answered  :  Hoc  non  approbo,  quod  simplices 
laici,  viri  vel  fa'mina>,  tam  alios  et  divinos  libros  habent  teutonicales  :  imo  et 
Canonem,  in  teutonico  apud  Moniales  inventum,  ego  combussi.  Veruntamen 
libros  morales  de  viliis  et  virtutibus,  de  incarnatione,  vita  et  passione  Christi,  de 
vita  et  sancta  conversatione  et  martyrio  ss.  Apostolorum,  Martyrum,  Confessorum 
et  Virginum  ;  homilias  quoque  et  sermones  Sanctorum,  ad  emendationem  vitas, 
raorum  disciplinam,  inferni  timorem,  patriasque  coelestis  amorem  provocantes,  ha- 
bere et  quotidie  legere  cunctis  doctis  et  indoctis  utilissimum  est.  Quod  si  istos 
admittere  non  vulti's,  ego  dicta  doctorum  s.  Ecclesiaj,  Augustini,  Gregorii,  Ambro- 
sii  et  Hieronymi,  ca?terorumque  orthodoxorum  in  scriptis  vobis  ostendam,  quod 
hujusmodi  habere  libros  omnino  utile  est  et  licitum.  Finally,  by  threatening  to 
carry  the  matter  before  the  bishop  of  Utrecht,  he  compelled  the  Prior  to  call  on 
the  Lector  to  retract. 

3  Jo.  Buschii  Chron.  Windesemense  II.  c.  16.  p.  321 :  Licet  nos  Canonici  regu- 
lares  alliorern  in  Ecclesia  miiitante  gradum  super  patres  et  fratres  Congregationum 
devotarum  obtinere  videamur,  et  in  oculis  hominum  statum  gerere  digniorem  ; 
tamcn  Pater  noster  Joannes  Huesden  (see  above,  note  4)  frequenter  nobis  valde 
eos  commendavit,  dicens,  quod  ipsi  in  veris  virtutibus,  vita  sancta,  conversatione  et 
moribus  in  regno  Dei  nos  sa^pe  praecedent,  quia  vere  vitam  ducunt  apostolicam,  in 
Ecclesia  primitiva  sub  s.  Spiritus  regimine  ab  omnibus  Christianis  observatam,  a 
mundo  jam  tunc  despectam  et  parurn  reputatam.  —  Conunendavit  autem  eos  non 
solum  ex  eo  quod  vitam  sanctam  et  communem,  simplicem  obedientiam,  cordis  et 
corporis  castitatem,  sub  simplici  habitu  et  humili  statu,  Deo  noli,  hominibus  de- 
specti,  sumina  devolione  gestiunt  custodire  ;  verum  etiam  et  maxime  quia  cunctis 
Ordinibus  reformatis,  imo  toti  Ecclesiaj  Dei  de  bonis  religioni  ac  regimini  aptis 
Clericis  et  per.sonis  quotidie  satagunt  providere.  Frequentantes  enim  Clericos,-  et 
laicos  servientes  sKpissime  ad  se  accersientes,  ad  mundi  contemptum,  emendatioris 
vitK  propositum,  religionis  desiderium,  morum  disciplinam,  Dei  timorem,  gehennse 
horrorem,  patria;que  ca;lestis  amorem  suis  Sanctis  exhortationibus  miris  modis 
solent  inducere  :  quos  consequenter  ad  arnica  familiariaque  colloquia  invitare,  de 
vitiis  exstirpandis,  virtutibusque  acquirendis  ac  tentationibus  resistendis  infonnare, 
et  ad  meliora  provocare,  in  Dei  timore  conservare,  humilem  habitum  facere  por- 
tare,  in  confessionibus  expedire,  et  si  forent  pauperes,  hospitia  et  bona  habitacula 
diligenter  procurare,  atque  continuo  ad  monasteria  transmittendos  componere 
solent  et  pra;parare.  Cumque  in  scienliis  usque  ad  sacerdotiuni,  et  in  Sanctis 
moribus  usque  ad  vitam  regularem  viderunt  eos  profecisse,  tunc  ad  loca  confugii, 
ubi  animas  suas  poterunt  salvare,  videlicet  ad  monasteria  Ordinum  diversorum 
juxta  desiderium  omnium  et  singulorum  per  literas  testinioniales  eos  solent  dirigere. 


Chap.  III.     Monachism.     §   141,     Fratres   Vita;  Communis.     305 

in  which  the  brethren  were  held  by  the  people,  excited  powerfully 
the  envy  of  the  Mendicants,  who  availed  themselves  of  the  name 
Beghards,  which  the  brethren  owned  in  common  with  so  many  others, 
to  persecute  them.^"  Eugenius  IV.  took  them  under  his  protection, ^^ 
but  still  not  a  few  of  their  number  were  induced,  as  the  only  means 
of  peace,  to  join  themselves  to  the  Tertiaries  of  the  Franciscans.^^ 

aut  propriis  in  personis  ipsis  conventibus  ad  hahitandum  prffisentare.  Tali  namque 
modo  cunctii  Ordinis  nostri  monasteria  jam  annis  plus  quam  septuaginta  per  Patres 
pra;iatos  in  debita  observantia  noscuntur  conservata.  —  Queiiiadinodum  ifitur 
Patres  jam  pr.Tdicti  nostra  monasteria  per  idonearum  Deum  tinientium  personarum 
subministrationem  in  sancta  religione  proljantur  conservare ;  ita  nos  vicissim 
sanctam  conversationem  eoiinii  et  vitam  Deo  placenteni  ab  hoininuin  iniquorum, 
maxime  .Mendicantiuin  non  reformatorum  perniciosa  infestatione  omnino 
defendamus :  —  qui  omnes  ex  uno  Ibute  initium  nostrum  primordiale  aguoscimur 
habuisse. 

^''  See  notes  8,  9.  Jo.  Busch  de  reform.  Monaster.  III.  c.  15,  in  Leibnit. 
Scriptt.  Brunsv.  II.  p.  923:  Praedicator  Ordinis  F"ratrum  Minorum,  Dominus 
German,  —  Lector  et  Guardianus  in  Hanover,  pubJice  in  ambone  pra;dicavit  in 
Hanover,  onincs  Begina.s  ibre  condemnandas,  quae  sine  tertia  regula  s.  Francisci 
pariter  habitai-cnt,  sive  in  communi  sive  in  propiiis  viventes.  The  Beguines  in 
Hanover  had  recourse  to  Busch,  at  that  lime  Piovost  in  Sulfa  ;  he  at  once  adopted 
their  cause;  the  Guardian  appealed  to  the  constitutions  of  Clement  V.  (see  §  112, 
note  1),  and  was  disposed  to  complain,  but  was  soon  compelled  to  retract. 

"  In  the  bull  addressed  to  all  bishops  in  Germany,  Brabant,  and  Flanders,  Piis 
votis  tidelium  dd.  IV.  Idus  Maji  1431  (see  Mosheim  de  Beghardis  et  Beguinabus, 
p.  668  seq.),  in  which  the  bull  of  Gregory  XI.  (see  §  112,  note  5)  is  first  adopted  and 
confirmed  ;  and  then  amongst  other  things :  Et  quanquam  praedicti  pauperes  (before 
they  are  called  dihcti  Jilii  de  cellis,  seu  voluntarice  paupertatis pauperes),  viri  de 
per  se  scilicet,  et  mulieres  seoisum,  in  suis  dislinctis  domibus  absque  mutua  eorum 
conversatione  commorantes,  in  paupertate  et  continentia,  in  humilitatis  spiritu 
Ecclesias  devote  fiequentent;  et  Romanae  Ecclesiag  ac  eorum  Ordinariis  —  in 
omnibus  reverenter  obediant ;  nullisque  erroribus  seu  ritibus,  qui  salutaribus  prse- 
ceptis  et  fidei  orthodox*  repugnent,  se  involvant ;  sed  liberaliter — miserabiles  ac 
alias  honestas  personas,  ad  eorum  loca  declinantes,  gratia  hospitalitatis  recipiunt, 
ac  requisiti  infirmorum  curam  gerunt,  decedentiurn  fidelium  corpora,  etiam  tem- 
pore furoris  pcstilentialis  in  terris,  quas  habitant,  ad  sepulturam  ecclesiasticam 
deferendo,  ac  alia  pietatis  et  caritatis  opera  exercendo  ;  etiam  de  his,  quse  manibus 
propriis  et  mendicatis  acquirunt  suffiagiis,  egenis  erogando,  viventes  in  communi; 
adeoque  Christifideles  populi  zelo  sinceritatis,  favoris  et  dilectionis  ipsos  plurimum 
complectuntur  :  —  verunitamen  iidem  pauperes,  ut  fidei  digna  relatione  percepi- 
mus,  a  quibusdam  ha^reticas  pravitatis  inquisitoribus,  ac  diversis  maxime  Religiosis 
Ordinum  mendicantium,  ac  aliis  eorum  aemulis  in  ipsorum  bono  proposito  indebite 
et  injuste  inquietantur  et  pcrturbantur  ;  ac  prstextu  prajmissorum,  captatis  exinde 
quibusdam  occasionibus  et  fictis  coloribus,  eis  diversa  gravamina  inferuntur  pariter 
etjacturae  in  animarum  molestantium  periculum,  et  pauperum  hujusmodi  Ia;sionem 
et  scandalum.  Permission  is  then  given  to  these  societies  to  live  as  they  had 
hitherto  done ;  it  is  forbidden  to  disturb  or  molest  them;  and  the  Inquisitors  and 
Mendicants  are  forbidden  to  exercise  any  authority  over  them:  ita  quod  inquisi- 
tores  fratres  et  quivis  alii  nullam  inquisitionis,  visitationis,  jurisdictionis,  superiori- 
tatis  potestatem  vel  officium  in  eosdem,  eorumque  dornos  valeant  exercere,  nee  in 
ipsos  excommunicationis  seu  alias  sententias  vel  pcenas  promulgare.  These  regu- 
lations apply,  however,  only  to  the  Regular  Fraternities  :  the  wandering  Beghards 
are  not  to  be  tolerated.  The  fraternities  are  empowered  to  use  all  the  censures  of 
the  church  against  those  who  shall  disturb  them.  Finally,  the  bull  is  not  to  be 
understood  as  confirming  statum  pra;dictorum,  ut  ordinem  religionis  approbatse. 
Another  Bull  of  Eugenius  IV.  in  favor  of  these  fraternities,  dd.  15  Dec.  1431,  see 
in  Mevius  Daveniria  illustris,  p.  68  seq. 

'^  According  to  Jo.  Busch,  and  also  Chron.  Windesem.  II.  15,  see  note  4,  this 
was  the  case  with  more  than  100  Congregations.     Others,  however,  were  more 

VOL.  HI.  39 


30G  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

Afterwards  the  Mendicants  became  more  favorably  disposed  to  this  new 
institution,  as  they  found  tlieir  own  numbers  increase  through  the 
hibors  of  the  Fratres  communis  vita?  for  the  instruction  of  the  people. 
In  the  North  of  Germany  and  in  Swit/erhind,  this  new  fraternity 
gained  no  entrance,  and  here  therefore  the  associations  of  the  Beg- 
hards  continued  to  devote  themselves  to  begging,  and  to  be  as  fruitful 
as  ever  in  heresies. 

^  142. 

NEW    ORDEUS. 

The  most  remarkable  of  the  new  orders  established  in  this  period 
is  that  of  the  Minimorum.^  Their  founder,  Francis  of  Paula,-  a  small 
town  in  Calabria,  after  having  lived  for  a  short  time  in  an  unreformed 
Franciscan  convent,  established  himself  as  a  hermit  in  the  neighbour- 
hood of  his  native  city,  and  from  1457  gathered  round  him  a  society 
of  those  who  shared  his  views.^  The  fanie  of  his  miraculous  power 
soon  extended  his  society,  which  was  confirmed  by  Sixtus  IV.  1474, 
under  the  name  of  the  Eremits;  s.  Francisci,"*  first  in  Italy,  and  after- 
wards in  France,  where  the  superstitious  Louis  XI.  had  summoned 
the  founder  of  the  order  to  his  aid  in  his  last  extremity  (1482),^  at  a 
later  period  in  Spain.  The  order,  distinguished  always  from  the  rest 
of  the  Franciscans  by  the  observance  of  the  vita  quadragesimalis, 
received  afterwards  a  rule  from  its  founder,^  and  to  distinguish  them- 
selves from   the  fratres   minores,  and  to  go  one  step   beyond  them, 

attached  to  their  freedom.  Thus  the  brethren  in  Deventer  refused  the  offer  of 
Cardinal  Nicholas  to  change  them  to  Canons,  see  Dumbar  Analecta,  T.  I.  p.  173. 
Delprat,  p.  191. 

'  Helyot  hist,  des  ordres  religieux,  T.  VII.  p.  426  seq.  Pragmatische  Ge- 
schichte  der  vornehmsten  Monchsorden.  Bd.  9.  S.  7  ff. 

*  His  life  see  in  Acta  Sanctorum  Apr.  T.  I.  p.  103  seq.  ad  d.  2  Apr.  The  oldest 
and  most  credible  account  by  a  pupil  of  the  saint  in  1502,  ibid.  p.  106  seq. 

3  Even  his  tirst  biographer  relates  many  wonders  of  him.  But  still  they  are  not 
very  extraordinary,  and  the  narrator  allows  himself,  that  the  saint  was  not  always 
successful  in  his  attempts;  see  §  57,  Acta  SS.  1.  c.  p.  119:  Hie  vero  posset 
interrogare  aliquis,  cur  non  ii  omnes  exaudili  sunt,  qui  ejus  opem  imploi-averunt  ? 
In  proraptu  autem  responsio  est,  multos  languere  corporaliter,  ut  spiritualiter 
vivant,  etc. 

*  By  the  bull  Sedes  Apostolica,  dd.  23  Maji,  1474. 

*  See  the  account  of  the  eye-witness  Philipp  de  Comities  Memoires,  1.  VI.  c.  8. 
«  The   first  rule  was  confirmed  by  Alexander  VI.  1492.     Afterwards  Francis 

made  some  changes,  so  that  there  were  four  different  rules ;  the  second  confirmed 
by  Alexander  VI.  1501;  the  third,  1502;  and  the  fourth  and  last  by  Julius 
II.  dd.  V.  Kal.  Aug.  1506.  This  last  is  distinguished  into  the  I^egula  fra- 
trum,  Regula  sororum,  and  Reg.  Terfiariorum.  In  the  second  and  third  rules 
the  three  vows  of  monks  were  accompanied  by  the  votum  vitK  quadragesimalis : 
in  the  fourth  this  is  proscribed,  cap.  6,  as  follows  :  ut  singuli  hujus  Ordinis  fratres 
a  cibis  carnalibus  omnino  abstineant,  et  dignos  poenitentia;  fructus  in  cibo  quadra- 
gesimali  taliter  agant,  quod  ipsi  carnes  ac  onmia  senientinam  originem  a  carnibus 
ipsis  trahenfia  penitus  vitent.  Carnes  igitur  et  pinguedo,  ova,  butyrum,  caseus,  et 
quaevis  lacticinia  ex  eisdem  congesta  et  producta,  intus  et  extra,  omnibus  et  singu- 
lis, fratribus  ipsis  et  oblatis,  sint  omnino  et  irrefragabiliter  interdicta. 


Chap.  IV.   Internal  History.   §  143.    Scholastic  Philosophy.     307 

assumed  the  name  of  Ordo  minimorum  fratrum  Eremitarum  Fratris 
Francbci  de  Paula.  Their  founder  was  sainted  soon  after  his  death 
(t  1507  in  Plessis  les  Tours);'  and  they  began,  as  had  been  done 
in  the  case  of  St.  Francis,  to  find  out  likenesses  in  him  to  Christ,^ 
and  after  his  canonization  (1519),^  these  absurdities  were  carried 
still  further  by  his  followers.^" 


CHAPTER     FOURTH. 

INTERNAL   HISTORY   OF   THE   CHURCH. 

^    143. 

HISTORY    OF    SCHOLASTIC    PHILOSOPHY. 

The  scholastic  philosophy  had  long  ceased  to  create,  the  various 
schools  contenting  themselves  with  repeating  and  defending  what 
their  founders  had  taught,  and  their  highest  ambition  being  to  sur- 
pass each  other  in  the  arts  of  disputation.  The  Nominalists  still 
maintained  the  advantage  they  had  gained,  notwithstanding  that 
some  suspicion  of  their  orthodoxy  always  rested  upon  them.  In 
1473  their  doctrines  were  forbidden  by  Louis  XL,'    but   as  early  as 


7  The  Bulla  beatificationis  by  Leo  X.  dd.  Non.  Jul.  151.3,  in  the  Act.  SS.  1.  c. 
p.  Ifio. 

8  Thus  it  is  stated  in  the  processes  instituted  to  procure  his  canonization,  that 
having  been  refused  a  passage  to  Sicily,  he  passed  over  the  straits  on  foot,  see  Act. 
SS  1  c  p  168  •  disces^t  ab  eis  usque  ad  balistae  ictum,  et  oraUonem  fecit  et  mare 
benedixit.'  Et  in  illo  instanti  aspexerunt  b.  Franciscum  solum  super  undas  eun- 
tem  •  et  sic  per  illam  partem  transfretavit  in  Siciliam.  True,  the  whole  rests  on  the 
testimony:  (testis)  apud  inaritimam  terra  Roys  audivit  did  :  afterwards,  however, 
the  account  became  more  and  more  particular.  Then,  p.  173,  it  is  related  how  the 
saint  distributed  a  few  apples  amongst  a  great  number  of  people,  cum  unusquisque 
malum  unum  cepisset,  nihilominus  cistula  evacuata  non  luit,  sed  plena  remansit ; 
so  too  p  186  how  he  fed  a  multitude  with  a  little  bread,  et  non  videbatur  deficere 
necdiminui,  sed  potius  crescere  ;  p.  182,  how  he  stilled  the  raging  sea  and  so 
saved  a  ship  :  viso  navigio  coepit  clamare  :  Jesu,  Jesu,  signum  crucis  laciendo. 
Unde  immediate  mare  tranquillum  factum  est,  et  tempestas  fugata  est  et  cessavit. 

9  See  Acta  SS.  1.  c.  p.  217. 

10  Thus  the  fiction,  that  at  the  birth  of  the  saint  hymnodiam  personnisse  angeli- 
cam,  sicut  Christo  nato,  first  found  in  a  work  of  J\lcolaus  Rovillardus,  Romae 
1623,  see  Act.  SS.  1.  c.  p.  198. 

1  See  the  royal  edict  of  March  1,  1473,  in  Bulmi  hist.  Univ.  Paris.  V.  p.  706 
sea  see  p  708  :  Et  ulterius  statuimus  et  edicimus,  quod  pradicta  Anstotelis  doc- 
trina  ejusque  commentatoris  Averrois,  Albert!  M.,  s.  Thoinaede  Aquino,  ^gidu 
de  Roma  Alexandride  Hales,  Scoti,  Bonaventura?  aliorumque  Realium  Doctorum 
quorum  doclrina,  ut  dictum  est,  retroactis  temporibus  sana  securaque  compertaest. 
tarn  in  sacra  theologia  quam  in  artium  Facultatibus  in  prsd.cta  Univers.tate  Pans, 
deinceps  more  solito  legatur,  doceatur,  dogmatizetur,  discatur  et  intimetur.  Alte- 
ram autem  prsdictorum  Nominalium-in  eadem  civitate  aut  alibi  quoquoversum 


308  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

1481,  he  found  himself  obliged  again  to  permit  them,-  and  thus  their 
triumph  was  decided.  The  Nominalists  maintained  always,  it  is  true, 
a  certain  freedom  of  opinion,  as  may  be  seen  in  the  writings  of  the 
last  distinguished  man  amongst  them,  Gabriel  Bid  of  Tubingen 
(t  1495  );3  but  for  the  most  part  they  were  bound  down  to  a 
barren  logic.     Amongst  the   moralists  of  the   time,  the  most  distin- 

in  regno  nostro  deinceps  ])alam  nee  occulte  quovi?modo  nullatenus  esse  legendam, 
docendani  et  doginatizandam,  aut  aliquatenus  sustineiidaiii  ex|)re.sse  deceinimus. 
All  the  teachers  at  the  univer-ity  must  hind  themselves  hy  oath  to  observe  this 
edict.  The  contemporary  Robtrtus  Gagiiiiivs,  Kp.  25,  tells  a  hiend  in  Rome 
(1.  c.  p.  711) :  Res  uuteni  eo  deducta  est,  ut  Nominalibus  veluti  Elephanti*  pruritu 
pestilentibus  edictum  sit  cxilium.  Quorum  celebriores  libri,  quos  et  bibliothecis 
Pontiticum  interdicto  distrahi  nefas  erat,  ferro  et  clavis  tanquam  compedibus,  ne 
introspectentur,  vinctos  esse  jussit  Rex  Ludovicus.  Putares  misellos  codices 
arreptitia  quadnm  phrencsi  et  daMiionico  furoie,  ne  viscntes  impetant,  esse  ligatos. 
Sic  indomitos  leones  et  helluas  vinclis  cohibemus  et  carcere.  A  work  written  in 
defence  of  (he  Nominalists,  gives  the  following  account  of  the  oi-igin  of  this  pei-se- 
cution  {(TAriientri  collectio  judiciorum  de  novis  erroribus  I.  11.  p.  287)  :  Cujus 
potissimum  tres  causae  reperiuntur.  Prima  est  laus  et  gloria  eorum,  qui  huic  doc- 
trine insudant.  Secunda  causa  est,  quia  qui  dicuntur  Nominales,  ita  aliquos  et 
maxinie  Thomistas  superant  disputando,  ut  nuUo  modo  cis  resistere  possint,  et  ob 
hoc  COS  penitus  exterminare  nituntur.  Tertia  causa  est  ex  quadam  ha;resi  conficta 
in  Universitate  Lovanii.  Quidam  enim  Lovaniensis  Regens  ( Petrus  de  Rivo,  see 
the  history  of  this  controversy,  1.  c.  p.  258)  tractatum  composuit  in  quo  negabat 
certitudinem  et  praesentiam  divinam  de  contingentibus,  asserens  propositiones  de 
futuro  contingenti,  etiam  contentas  in  Biblia  et  a  Christo  prolatas,  non  esse  veras. 
Quern  tractatum  his  haeresibus  plenum  appiobavit  Lovaniensis  Universitas,  promo- 
toremque  suum  Pai-isius  misit  soUicitare  Facultatem  theologife,  quatenus  dictum 
tractatum  approbaret.  Cui  cum  multi  dicta?  Facultatis  Doctores,  et  illi  maxime, 
qui  doctrinffi  Nominalium  exterminationem  procurant,  faverent ;  se  viriliter  obje- 
cerunt  et  opposuerunt  illi  qui  dicuntur  Nominales.  nullum  periciilum  pro  defen- 
sione  fidei  formidantes,  impedieruntque,  ne  theologias  Facultas  dictum  tractatum 
approbaret.  Quod  molestissime  illi,  qui  dicuntur  Reales,  tulerunt,  et  usque  ad 
XXIV.  se  dicto  tractatui  subscripserunt  et  ilium  approbaverunt. 

'  BulcEUs  V.  p.  7.39.  d'Jlrgentrd  I.  II.  p.  302.  The  Provost  of  Paris  writes  to 
the  rector  of  the  university  :  Le  Roi  ni'a  charge  faire  decloner  et  defermer  tous 
les  livres  des  Nominaux,  —  et  que  je  vous  fisse  S(;avoir  que  chacun  y  estudiast  qui 
voudroit.  The  Gei-mans  and  Picards  looked  upon  this  order  as  a  victory  of 
the  truth.  The  Germans  proclaimed,  quod  veritatis  et  doctrina  et  via,  qus  diu 
latere  non  potest,  publicaretur ;  —  et  clausi  in  compedibus  seu  catenis  libri,  ut 
lubet,  aperirentur,  a  Studiosis  visitentur,  et  a  Doctoribus  dogmatizentur,  quicum- 
que  etiam  Magistri  doctrinam,  quam  lubet,  libere  doceant. 

^  His  most  remarkable  works  are  an  unfinished  Collectorium  ex  Occamo  in  libb.  IV. 
.Sententiarum  (ed.  TuhingcB,  2  voll.  fol.  1502,  and  often  :  sometimes  also  cited  as  a 
Comm.  in  libb.  IV.  Sent,  whence  these  titles  are  sometimes  supposed  to  belong  to 
two  different  works)  and  Expositio  Canonis  Missa;  (ed.  Tubing.  1499,  and  often). 
The  freedom  of  his  views  is  seen  in  his  maintaining  the  supremacy  of  the  church 
over  the  Pope,  Expos.  Can.  Lect.  XXIII.  fol.  .30.  col.  I.  ;  in  his  defending  the 
decrees  of  the  Council  of  Basil  (Coll.  Lib.  III.  Dist.  III.  Qu.  1.  Art.  2  :  Sunt  im- 
pudentes,  qui  dicere  ausi  sunt,  Basileense  Concilium  non  fuisse  legitime  congrega- 
tum,  et  ideo  constitutiones  suas  nullas  i'ore,  conti-a  acceptationem  eorum  in  concor- 
datis  Principum)  ;  in  his  questioning  the  possibility  of  changing  the  character  by 
the  operation  of  ceitain  sacraments  (Coll.  lib.  IV.  Dist.  VI.  qu.  2.  art.  1.  concl.  1. 
Characterem  esse  ponendum,  nee  ratio  necessaria,  nee  evidens  auctoritas  probat : 
See  the  whole  Quasst.)  ;  in  his  declaring  absolution  non  judicialis  (Coll.  lib.  II. 
Dist.  XXV 11.  :  Non  unquam  sacerdos  absolvit  eum,  qui  non  ])rius  a  Deo,  sunimo 
sacerdote,  absolutus  est.  Unde  sacerdos  absolvendo  confitentem  pronunciat  eum 
absolutiim,  non  remittit  peccatum).  Compare  H.  W.  Biel  diss,  theol.  de  Gabriele 
Biel  celeberrimo  Papista  Antipapista.  Vitemb.  1719.  4to. 


Chap.  IV.   Internal  History.  §   143.  Scholastic  Philosophy.     309 

guished  is  St.  Antoninus,'*  but  here  too,  unfortunately,  the  fondness 
for  dialectic  subtilties  quite  overbalanced  the  love  of  moral  truth.^ 
In  the  course  of  this  period,  the  scholastic  philosophy  sank  in  public 
estimation,  just  in  proportion  as  the  newly-awakened  zeal  for  the 
study  of  antiquity  increased.*^  The  contest  between  the  two  became 
more  and  more  unequal,  all  the  most  distinguished  men  turning  their 
attention  to  this  last,  till  the  gloomy  halls  of  the  scholastic  philosophy 
became  the  resort  chiefly  of  the  narrow-minded,  the  ignorant,  and 
the  rude,  who  not  only  made  themselves  ridiculous  by  their  ignorance, 
but  despicable  by  their  frivolous  and  often  impious  trifling  on  useless 
questions    of  their  own   suggestion,''^   as   is  well,  though   with   some 

■*  Concerning  whom  see  the  authorities  prefixed  to  this  Division.  Sunima  theo- 
losiica  in  4  Partt.  Extract  therefrom  in  de  W  e  1 1  e  '  s  Gesch.  d.  christl.  Sitten- 
le'hre.  Zweite  Halfte.  S.  179  ff. 

*  Thus  the  writer  of  the  preface  to  Petri  de  Alliaco  de  emendatione  Ecclesiae 
liber  (s.  loco  et  anno,  though  probably  1511)  perhaps  Ulrich  v.  Huttensays:  Theo- 
logia  ista  scholastica,  quae  est  ingeniosa  cum  ad  conscientias  in  nugis  aggravandas, 
turn  rursus  ad  inveniendas  excusationes  in  peccatis  multo  solertissima. 

«  Their   ignorance  of  the    Scriptures    and    the   Church   Fathers   was  the  most 
striking,     cf.  Erasmus  de  ratione  veras  theologian,  p.  87  :  Quale  spectaculum  est, 
theologum  octogenarium  nihil  aliud  sapere  quam  mera  sophismata,  et  ad  extremum 
usque  vitas  nihil  aliud  quam  argutari  ?     Nam  hujusmodi  non  paucos  vidimus  olim 
LutetiK,  quibus  si  quid  depromendum  fuisset  ex   Paulo,  videbantur  sibi  prorsus  in 
aUum   mundura   translati.  Ejusd.   epist.  apologetica  ad  Mart.  Dorpium   (0pp.   ed. 
Lugdun.  T.  IX.)  :   Possem  tibi  producere,  qui  annum  egressi  octogesimum  tantum 
aetatis  in  scholasticis  tricis  perdiderint,  nee  unquam  contextum  evangelicuni  evol- 
verint,  id   quod   a  me  compertum  ipsi  quoque  demum  confessi   sunt.     BiUhnldi 
Pirckheymeri  epist.  apologetica  pro  Reuchlino.    Nurenbergas  1517  (in  v.  d.  Hardt 
hist,  literaria  reformationis.  P.  II.  p.  135) :   Non  parum  multos  invenies,  qui  absque 
depravata  ilia  concertatione,  ac  argutiarum  fuligine  sancti^simam  theologian!  consis- 
tere    minime    posse    existimant.     Hinc  est  quod    vetus    testamentum   a  similibus 
negligitur,   novum   quasi  idiotis  sciiptum   vilipenditur,  Apostolorum  doctrina  vix 
lectione    digna   putatur.     Hinc   quod  divus    Hieronymus    tamquam   grammaticus 
contemnitur,  b.  Augustinus  etiamnum  ignorantias  damnatur,  quern  dicaculi  illi  nee 
argumenta  sua,  si  in  vitam  reverteret,  intellecturum  somniant,  non  propter  rudera 
illam    et   insignem   barbariem,  sed   quia  instantiarum,  relationum,  ami)]iationum, 
restrictionum,  formalitatum,  hsecceitatum,  quidihtatum,  et  reliqua  id  genus  porten- 
tosa  vocabula  ignoraret.     Quicquid  enim  syllogismorura  spinositate  non  intorque- 
tur,  id  penitus  a  theologica  eruditione  alienum  putant.     Robertiis  Stephaniis  in 
the  praef.  to  the  Responsio  ad  censuras  theologorum  Parisiensium,  quibus  biblia  a 
se  excusa  calumniose  notarunt,  1532  :  Ante  paucos  annos  quidam  ex  Sorbona  sic 
loquebatur :  niiror  quid  isti  juvenes  nobis  semper  allegent  novum  testamentum. 
Per  Deum  ego  plus  habebam  quam  quinquaginta  annos,  quod  nesciebam,  quod 
esset  novum  testamentum. 

7  cf.  Jacobus  Carthusianus  (or  de  Paradiso,  see  §  135,  note  31)  de  arte  curandi 
vitia  (ex  Ms.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Autographa  Lutheri  praf.  p.  48)  :  Quid  theologi 
nostro  tempore  student,  nisi  de  potestate  Dei,  de  providentia,  de  communicafione 
idiomatum,  de  natura  Angelorum  .'  Et  de  hujusmodi  altis  et  raris  et  dubiis  dispu- 
tant in  altis  cathedris,  magnis  quKstionibus  et  libris  se  ostentantes.  De  practica 
autem  emendationis  vitae,  et  de  modo  agendi  pcEnitentiam,  de  practica  caritatis  Dei 
et  proximi,  de  humilitate  servanda,  ac  de  zelo  aniinarum,  de  abusionibus  deponendis 
et  confutandis,  quae  sunt  in  Ecclesia  Dei  adeo  niagnas  et  mults,  ut  vix  verus  ordo 
Vivendi  secundum  Christianam  Religionem  possit  apparere.  Erasini  annot.  in 
1  Tim.  i.  6,  says  in  reference  to  the  useless  questions  of  the  Scholastics  :  Haec  si 
vel  animi  laxandi  gratia,  vel  citra  contentionem  agitarentur,  ferri  poterant.  Nunc 
quibusdam  tota  aetas  in  hujusmodi  quKstionibus  consumitur,  et  res  usque  ad  clamo- 
rem,  usque  ad  vera  dissidia,  usque  ad  convitia,  nonnumquam  usque  ad  pugnos 


310  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

exaggeration,  described  in  the  Epistolis  obscnrorum  virorum.  Thus 
even  before  the  Reformation,  the  scholastic  philosophy  had  ceased  to 
have  any  true  life  ;  from  that  time  forward  its  mere  skeleton  only 
was  preserved,   chiefly   in  the  convents,  so  that   it  need   no   longer 


engage  our  attention. 


procedit.  —  Quid  autem  nunc  loquar  de  quaestiunculis,  non  solum  supervacaneis, 
sed  pene  dixerim  inipiis,  quas  niovemus  de  potcstate  Dei,  de  potestate  Romani 
Pontificis  ?  An  Deus  possit  (luodvis  malum,  etiam  odium  sui  prajcipere,  et  omne 
bonum  prohibere,  etiam  amoiem  et  cultum  sui ;  an  possit  actu  infinitum  secundum 
omnem  dimensionem  pioducere  ;  an  potuorit  bunc  luundum  etiam  ab  aeterno  melio- 
rem  facere  quam  fecit;  an  possit  pioducere  boininem,  qui  peccare  nullo  modo 
queat;  an  revclare  possit  alicui  suum  futurum  pcccatum,  aut  damnationem  ;  num 
possit  aliqua  distincte  intelligcre,  si  ad  ilia  non  babeat  distinctas  relationes  rationis  ; 
an  possit  respectum  pioducere  sine  fundamento  et  termino  ;  an  possit  naturam 
universalem  pioducere  et  conservare  sine  singularibus;  an  possit  aliquo  pra;dica- 
mento  contineri ;  an  potestatem  creandi  possit  communicare  creatura; ;  an  possit  ex 
facto  focerc  infectum,  ac  per  boc  ex  meretrice  facere  virginem  ;  an  quoelibet  per- 
sona divina  possit  quamlibet  naturam  assumere,  quomodo  Verbum  humanam 
assumpsit;  —  an  baec  propositio  :  Deus  est  scarabeus,  aut  cucurbita,  tam  possibilis 
sit,  quam  hsBC  :  Deus  est  homo ;  an  Deus  assumpserit  individuum  humaiium,  an 
speciem  ;  an  polius  convcniat  Deo,  non  posse  facere  iinpossibile,  an  impossibile  non 
posse  fieri  a  Deo,  etc.  —  Jam  vero  de  Romani  Pontificis  potestate  pene  negotiosius 
disputatur  quam  de  potestate  Dei,  dum  qua^rimus  de  duplici  illius  potestate,  et  an 
possit  abrogare  quod  scriptis  Apostolicis  decretum  est;  an  possit  aliquid  statuere 
quod  pugnet  cum  doctrina  evangelica ;  an  possit  novum  articulum  condere  in  fidei 
symbolo;  utrum  majorem  babeat  potestatem  quam  Petrus,  an  parem  ;  an  possit 
prajcipere  Angelis;  an  possit  universum  purgatoiium  quod  vocant  tollere  ;  utrum 
simplex  homo  sit,  an  quasi  Deus;  an  participL't  utramque  naturam  cum  Christo  ; 
an  clementior  sit,  quam  fuerit  Christus,  cum  is  non  legatur  qiienquam  a  purgatoriis 
poenis  revocasse  ;  an  solus  omnium  non  possit  errare.  Sexcenta  id  genus  dispu- 
tantur  magnis  editis  voluminibus,  idque  a  magnis  theologis,  prssertim  professione 
religionis  insignibus.  —  Et  tamen  hujusmodi  qusstiunculis  serio  occupantur  quo- 
ruiiulam  theologorum  scholae.  His  ajtas  rerum  onmium  fugacissima  conteritur, 
cum  pleraque  sint  ejus  generis,  ut  doctius  nesciantur  quam  sciantur,  ut  ridicule 
quffirantur,  temere  dcfiniantur.  Breve  tempus  est,  et  arduum  est  negotium  agere 
vere  Christianum.  Quin  igitur  oiiiissis  rebus  supervacaneis  ea  potissimum  specte- 
mus,  quae  Christus  nos  scire  voluit,  quae  prodiderunt  Apostoli,  quae  proprie  ad 
charitatem  faciunt,.  de  corde  puro,  et  conscientia  bona,  et  fide  non  ficta,  quam  unam 
Paulus  appellat  fincm  et  perfectionem  totius  legis.  Tot  jam  annis  cavillamur  in 
scholis,  quibus  verbis  sit  loquendum  de  Christo.  An  ha?c  propositio  sit  vera: 
Christus  fuit  ab  Eeterno,  an  recte  dicalur  compositus  ex  utraque  natura,  an  constare, 
an  contlatus,  an  commixtus,  an  conglutinatus,  an  coagmentatus,  an  ferruminatus, 
an  copulatus.  Nihil  horum  placet,  tantum  placet  unitus,  etc.  —  Si  ha;c  essent 
collo(]uia  pomeridiana  Christianorum,  probarem  hujusmodi  sermonibus  excludi 
fabulas  ineptas.  Nunc  ha;c  videntur  fidei  nostrae  praesidia.  Quaerimus  ea,  quae 
nee  scire  possumus,  nee  scire  jubemur.  Ilia  negligimus,  quae  sola  fuerant  medi- 
tanda.  Sunt  autem  qua^dam  hoc  ipsa  perniciosa,  quod  obscuritate  sua  remorantur 
ac  fatigant  ingenium,  melioribus  aliotpii  rebus  occupandum.  —  Et  in  hac  theologia 
tam  non  simplici  vitam  oninem  consumunt,  qui  simpliceni  et  apostolicam  profiten- 
tur.  Kt  qui  ipso  etiam  cognomine  summain  modestiam  profitentur,  hujusmodi 
philosophia;  professione  tollunt  cristas.  —  Novi  quemdam  theologum,  qui  negabat 
annos  novem  sufficere  ad  intelligenda  quae  Scotus  scripsit  tantum  in  pra?fationem 
Petri  Lombard!.  Aiidivi  i-ursus  alium,  qui  pra^dirahat  fieri  non  posse,  vit  quis 
intclligert-t  unam  propositioncm  in  toto  Scoto,  nisi  melaphysicam  ipsius  universam 
tcncret  memoria.  Hujusmodi  labyrinthis  Basilides,  Valentinus  et  Marcion  capta- 
bant  animos  simplicium.  Denique  fingamus  ha'c  esse  fi-ugil'era,  quanta  liic  occur- 
rit  opinionum  pugna  ?  Fingamus  rursus  omnia  convenire,  quam  multa  frustra 
quaeruntur,  quam  multa  temere  definiuntur  .'  Et  praetexunt,  has  argutias  ad  revin- 
cendos  Ethnicos  et  hEereticos  esse  necessarias:  quum  ilia  nusquam  sint  usui,  nisi 


Chap.  IV.    Internal  History.    §   144.     Worship.  311 

^   144. 

HISTORY    OF    WORSHIP. 

As  in  every  part  of  the  history  of  the  church  in  this  period,  so  in 
the  history  of  its  public  worship,  we  find  the  most  shameless  abuses 
and  impositions  accompanied  by  bold  though  ineffectual  attempts  to 
bring  about  a  reform. ^  Thus,  though  constant  objection  was  made  to 
the  excessive  practice  of  canonization,-  the  impositions  of  the  priests 
in  pretended  miracles  and  relics  exposed,-*  and  the  legends  of  the 
saints  subjected  to  a  rigorous  criticism,'*  yet  the  number  of  saints,  of 

inter  ejusdem  scholae  sodales.  In  a  letter  from  Paris,  A.  D.  1499,  ad  Thomam 
Grejuiu  in  Edit.  Lugd.  Epist.  85.  T.  III.  P.  I.  p.  77  seq.,  Erasmus  bitterly  derides 
noBtrce  tempestatis  tlieologastros,  amongst  whom  he  lives,  quorum  cerebellis  nihil 
putidius,  lingua  nihil  barbarius,  ingenio  nihil  stupidius,  doctrina  nihil  spinosius, 
moribus  nihil  asperius,  vita  nihil  fucatius,  oratione  nihil  virulentius,  pectorc  nihil 
nigrius. 

'  Jacobus  Carthusia7ms  (or  de  Paradiso,  see  §  135,  note  31)  de  arte  curandi 
vitia  (ex  Ms.  in  v.  d.  Hardt  Autogiapha  Lutheri  prsef.  p.  48)  :  Tot  sunt  super- 
stidones,  tot  mala;,  imo  pessimal  et  scandalosE  consuetudines  in  Ecclesiis  tarn  sa'cu- 
larium  quam  religiosoruin  ;  ita  ut  tota  fere  I'eligio  Christiana  videatur  sufibcata, 
velut  zizania  quaedam  inimicus  homo  superseminavit  tritico.  Ita  ut  iterum  merito 
Christus  posset  nostris  temporibus  replicare,  ut  olim  Juda^is  fecit  :  jyropter  tradi- 
tiones  vestras  prcevaricati  estis  mandata  Dei.  De  his  omnibus  et  plurimis  aliis 
nemo  Prslatorum  ant  theologorum  moderno  tempore  facit  mentionem  debitam  :  et 
si  contingat  aliquando  fieri,  hoc  tamen  tit  adeo  superficialiter,  cum  tot  excusationi- 
bus,  ut  nullus  eis,  nee  aliis  inde  sequatur  fructus  emendationis. 

^  Gerson  de  probatione  spiiituum  Consid.  VIII.  0pp.  I.  p.  40.  Clarae  memorise 
Magister  Henricus  de  Hassia  (see  §  103,  note  1)  comprimendain  esse  tot  homiiuim 
canonizationem  scripsit.  Jo.  Bodinus  (the  King's  procurator  in  Laon,  "^  1596) 
methodus  historica,  c.  4  :  Bessarion  (Cardinal,  'f  1472)  quum  inter  dives  inepta 
quadam  uro^iuiru  Romje  quam  plurimos  referri  videret,  quorum  vitam  improbarat, 
se  valde  dubitare  dixit,  utruni  vera  essent,  qua;  ab  antiquis  prodita  fuerunt. 

^  Jae.  Carthusianus  (see  §  135,  note  31)  de  septem  Ecclesis  statibus  (in 
Walchii  monim.  niedii  aevi  II.  II.  p.  60)  includes  in  the  reformation  which  he 
thinks  necessary,  ut  cum  severitate  debita  coei-ceantur  divinatores,  incantatores, 
arioli,  ai'uspices,  somnia  observantes,  cai-minibus  illicitis  insistentcs,  et  benedictioni- 
bus  superstitiosis,  necromanticis  artibus  operam  impendentes  :  altaria  aut  Eccle- 
sias  in  couventiculis  locorum  sub  specie  miraculorum  aut  sanctorum  erigentes 
propter  turpem  qucestum.  An  example  in  Wittii  hist.  ant.  Saxonia;,  see  §  139, 
note  13.  —  A  Bernhardine  monk  preached  in  Vienna  about  1509  (Conspectus  hist. 
Univers.  Viennensis  Saec.  II.  p.  73),  quod  sacerdotes  in  Ecclesia  non  ostendant 
veras  reliquias,  sed  reliquiarum  loca  imponant  ossa  equorum,  et  sic  decipiant 
homines. 

•»  Thus  Gobelinus  Persona  (see  works  cited  before,  Div.  IV.)  Cosmodromium 
.^tas  VI.  c.  15,  in  Meibomii  Rerum  Germ.  I.  p.  201  seq.,  shows  very  strikingly 
that  the  legend  of  a  St.  Catharine,  who  suffered  martyrdom  in  Alexandria,  under 
Maxentius,  must  be  false.  Nicolaus  de  Cusa,  and  especially  Laurentius  Valla, 
show  that  the  investiture  by  Constantine  was  a  fiction  (see  §  20,  note  21).  Jac. 
Wimpheling  involved  himself  in  a  dispute  with  the  Augustines  by  asserting  (lib. 
de  integritate,  1505)  that  Augustine  was  not  a  monk,  at  least  was  not  such  an  one 
as  they  :  the  Pope,  however,  put  an  end  to  the  controversy  by  enjoining  silence 
on  both  parties,  see  Auctarium  catalogi  test,  veritatis  ed.  Cattopoli,  1667.  p.  272 
seq.  Er hard's  Gesch.  des  Wiederaufbliihens  wissenschaftlicher  Bildung.  Bd. 
1.  S.  448  fr. 


312  Third  Period.     Div.V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

shrines,^  of  holy  frauds,  and  absurd  fables  increased  daily.  In  par- 
ticular, the  miracle  of  bloodi/  hosts,  the  purpose  of  which  was  to 
justify  the  decree  of  the  Council  of  Constance,  prohibiting  the  com- 
munion of  the  cup  to  the  laity ,'^  *  was  very  common,  and  not  unfre- 
quently  the  work  of  the  most  manifest  imposture.     In  the  case  of  the 

*  Polydorus  Ver^Uius  (see  §  138,  note  14)  de  rerum  inventoribus,  lib.  VI.  c. 
13,  writes,  A.  D.  1499  :  Ca;teruni  illud  aque  adeo  desideiari  posset,  ut  sacerdotes 
frcquentius  popiihim  docerent,  quonam  pacto  deberct  et  venerari  ejusmodi  imagines, 
et  apiid  eas  sua  ofTerre  donaria :  quod  quia  illi  tacent,  et  vulgo  ex  sue  usu  tacere 
putantur,  idcirco  eo  insania;  devcntum  est,  ut  lia'C  pietatis  pars  paruiii  differat  ab 
iinpietate.  Sunt  eniiii  bene  luulti  rudiores,  stupidioresque,  qui  Saxeas  vel  ligiieas, 
inannoreas,  aeneas,  seu  in  paiictibus  pictas,  variisque  coloribus  litas  imagines 
colant,  non  ut  Hguras,  sed  pei'inde  quasi  ipsa;  sensuin  aliquem  habeant,  et  iis  niagis 
lidaiit,  quam  Christo,  vel  aliis  divis,  quibus  dicata;  sint.  Quo  fit,  ut  stultitiam 
stultitia  cumulantes,  illis  offerant  aurum,  argentum,  annulos  gemmatos,  oninifa- 
riasque  gemiiias  ibidem  senio  perituras,  et  ut  ad  id  faciendum  plures  inescentur 
illi,  qui  talem  segetem  metunt,  nummos  perforent,  filoque  pendentes  in  collo  aut 
nianibus  ipsarum  iiiiaginum  suspendant,  donaria  in  locis  conspicuis  egregie  collo- 
cent,  titulosque  apponant,  quo  nomina  offerentiuin  et  diis  et  hominibus  notiora 
fiant.  Sic  bona  pars  liominum  per  ha;c  niagis  delirare  inducitur,  ac  insuper  longa 
aliquoties  itinera  conficcre,  ut  unam  imagunculam  adcat,  ibique  donaria  sua  relin- 
quat,  prajtermisso  cuncto  alio  aut  pietatis  aut  charilatis  officio,  rata  se  omnino  sat 
largitionis  fecisse,  sat  posnituisse,  si  inter  itionem  lautius  victitando  aurum  obtulis- 
set,  in  cujusvis  thecam  nununariam  inde  iturum. 

*  See  §  77,  notes  10-12.  Decretum  Constantiensis  Consilii  contra  communio- 
nem  sub  utraque,  et  contra  Jacobum  de  Misa  in  the  Sessio  XIII.  d.  15  June,  141.5, 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  III.  p.  646,  and  IV.  p.  333  :  Cum  in  nonnullis  partibus 
quidam  temerarie  asserere  prai'sumanf,  populuni  Christianum  debere  Eucharistias 
sacramentum  sub  utraque  panis  et  vini  specie  suscipere,  et  non  solum  sub  specie 
panis,  sed  etiam  sub  specie  vini  populum  laicum  passim  communicent  ;  etiani  post 
coenam,  vel  alias  non  jejunum  communicandum  esse  pertinaciter  asserant,  contra 
laudabilem  Ecclesife  consuetudinem  rationabiliter  approbatam,  quam  tanquam 
sacrilegam  damnabiliter  reprobare  conantur :  hinc  est,  quod  sacrum  Constantiense 
Concilium  adversus  hunc  erroreni  saluti  fideliuni  providere  satagens,  matura  plu- 
rium  Doctorum  tam  divini  quam  humani  juris  deliberatione  prahabita,  declarat, 
decernit  et  definit,  quod,  licet  Christus  post  coenam  instituerit  et  suis  Apostolis 
niinistraverit  sub  utraque  specie  panis  et  vini  hoc  vcncrabile  sacramentum,  tamen 
hoc  non  obstante  sacrorum  canonum  auctoritas,  laudabilis  et  approbata  consiietudo 
Ecclesiae  servavit  et  servat,  quod  hujusmodi  sacramentum  non  debet  confici  post 
ccenam,  neque  a  fidelibus  recipi  non  jejunis,  nisi  in  casu  infirmitatis  aut  alterius 
necessitatis,  a  jure  et  ab  Ecclesia  concesso  et  admisso.  Et  sicut  haec  consuetudo' 
ad  evitandum  pei-icula  aliqua  et  scandala  rationabiliter  introducta  est,  sic  potuit 
simili  vel  majori  ratione  introduci  et  rationabiliter  observari,  quod,  licet  in  primitiva 
Ecclesia  i-eciperetur  hoc  sacramentum  a  fidelibus  sub  utraque  specie,  tamen  postea 
a  conficientibus  sub  utraque  specie,  et  a  laicis  tantumniodo  sub  specie  panis  susci- 
piatur:  cum  firmissiine  credendum  sit,  et  nullatenus  dubitandum,  integrum  corpus 
Christi  etsanguinem  tam  sub  specie  panis  quam  sub  specie  vini  veraciter  contineri. 
Unde  cum  hujusmodi  consuetudoab  Ecclesia  et  Sanctis  Patribus  rationabiliter  intro- 
ducta, et  diutissime  observata  sit,  habenda  est  pro  lege,  quam  non  licet  reprobare, 
aut  sine  Ecclesiae  auctoritate  pro  libito  immutare.  Quapropter  dicere,  quod  hanc 
consuetudinem  aut  legem  observare  sit  sacrilegum  aut  illicitum,  censeri  debet 
erroneuni :  et  pertinaciter  asserentes  oppositum  prfemissarum  tanquam  hasretici 
arcendi  sunt,  et  graviter  puniendi  per  dicjccesanos  locorum  seu  officiales  eorum, 
aut  inquisitores  ha>reticn;  pravitatis  in  regnis  seu  provinciis,  in  quibus  contra  hoc 
decretum  aliquid  forsan  fuerit  attentatum  aut  prajsumtum,  juxta  canonicas  et  legiti- 
mas  sanctiones,  in  favorcm  catholicae  fidei  contra  hcereticos  et  eorum  fautores 
salubriter  adinventas. 

*  [Probably  because  the  visible  appearance  of  the  blood  in  the  consecrated  bread 
was  supposed  to  prove  that  it  was  not  necessary  to  take  it  separately.     Tr.] 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  History.     ^  144.      Worsliip.         313 

holy  blood  in  Wdsnacli,  the  imposture  was  openly  acknowledged  and 
censured,  both  by  a  synod  in  Magdeburg,  1412,'^  and  afterwards  by 
individuals;**  Cardinal  Nicholas  de  Cusa,  as  papal  legate  in  1451, 
forbad  all  such    miracles  ;  '-^  but   still   in   general   the  popes  not  only 

">  Comp.  §  116,  note  14.  John  Huss  first  pointed  out  the  imposture  in  this  case, 
in  his  work  De  omni  sanguine  Cliristi  glorificato  (0pp.  I.  p.  198  seq.),  which  led  to 
the  ArticHili  Ottoni  Havelbeigensi  l'2piscopo  in  Magdeburgensi  Conciiio  ann.  1412, 
propo-<ili  (in  Hartzheim  Concil.  Germ.  V.  p.  35)  :  I.  In  oppido  vestro  Wilsnack 
ilhcita  fieri  perhibcntur  in  opere,  serinone,  et  f'allacibus  signis:  et  primo  quidem 
innuinerabiiia  et  incredibiHa  miracula,  et  sa;pe  quod  niortui  rcsui-gant,  quorum 
tamen  nemo  visus  est.  II.  Licet  talia  figmenta  sint  publica,  nunquam  tamen 
audivimus,  aliquem  vestrorum  Clericoium  propter  hoc  esse  punitum,  ut  aliis  cede- 
ret  in  exemplum  ;  cum  tamen  sciiptum  sit,  peccantem  coram  omnibus  arguere,  ut 
et  CKtcri  timoiem  liabeant.  III.  In  majorem  confirmationem  errorum  magna 
miraculorum  volumina  conscripta  sunt,  et  dietim  talia  figmenta  conscribuntur,  ita 
quod  de  Christo,  et  ejus  Apostolis  non  tot  scripta  sunt,  quam  ibidem  liabentur  :  et 
hsc  magna  pra;sumtio  est,  posteris  nostris  talia  relinquere  in  scriptis,  quasi  per 
prEedecessores  Prailatos  et  Doctores  sint  approbata.  IV.  Veneratur  ibidem  populus 
cruorem,  nescimus  quern  :  cum  tamen  nullus  ibidem  habeatur,  nee  aliquid  simile 
cruori.  Hoc  primo  ortum  habuit  ab  illius  loci  (luondam  Plebano,  cui  fides  non 
debuit  habcri,  ex  eo  quod  per  se  fassus  est  in  Magdebuig,  qualiter  egit,  testibus 
fel.  mem.  Christiano  s.  theol.  Doctore  de  Ord.  Minorum,  et  quondam  Magistris  in 
theol.  Henrico  de  Geysmania  et  Petro  Steinbecke.  V.  Alii  cautius  loquentes 
asserunt,  non  cruorem,  sed  sacramentum  ibidem  venerari,  contra  quos  communis 
nominatio  loci  militat,  quia  dicitur  ad  sacrum  sanguinem,  et  invocatio  talis  est : 
adjuva  me  sacer  sanguis,  vel  sacer  sanguis  me  liberet.  Quando  tamen  necesse 
non  est,  ad  ilium  locum  propter'sacramentum  recurrere,  cum  ubique  in  Ecclesiis 
habeatur.  VI.  Pro  reliquiis  ibidem  exponitur  nescimus  quid  de  cera  candelae,  quo 
fideles  consignantur,  cum  juris  sit  dispositio,  nullas  venerari  reliquias,  nisi  a  sede 
Apostolica  sint  approbatas.  VII.  Dicuntur  ibidem  publicari  indulgentiae  mults  et 
magnce,  nee  tamen  constat,  quis  easdem  dederit.  VHI.  Clerici  ibidem  ministrantes 
divina,  leves  et  multiloqui,  absque  timore  Dei  absolvunt  in  casibus  gravibus,  nesci- 
tur  cujus  auctoritate.  IX.  Suniptuosum  ibi  adificium  erigitur,  ex  quo  fama  loci 
confbrtatur  et  dilatatur  in  remotiora,  quod  non  expedit,  antequam  res  examinetur  et 
justificetur.  X.  Multa  insuper  ibidem  dominatur  avaritia  :  ille  pro  pecunia  visitat 
peregrinos ;  ille  vendit  signa,  quibus  tamen  nullum  correspondet  signatum  ;  alius, 
si  petatur  pronuntiai-i  aliquod  miraculum,  petit  pecuniam  ;  alius  etiam  a  pauperibus 
mendicantibus  exigit  pecuniam  pro  cedula,  in  qua  innotescit,  talem  et  talem  ex 
ipsis  ibi  fuisse  ;  alius  petit  ad  structuras,  alius  ad  sacras  candelas,  etc.  Quapropter 
cum  non  modicum  imputetur  Ecclesiae  Magdeburgensi  et  ejus  Pontifici,  quicquid 
ibi  committitur  erioris,  petit  sacrum  hoc  Concilium,  super  omnibus  ac  singulis 
praemissis  infbrmari  a  vobis. 

"  The  Dominican,  John  Cuno,  in  Leipsic,  and  the  Franciscan;  John  Calbe,  in 
Meissen,  drew  upon  themselves  much  persecution  by  their  interfeience  in  this 
matter ;  still  the  credibility  of  these  miracles  is  manifestly  considered  doubtful  in 
the  decrees  of  the  universities  of  Leipsic  and  Erfurth  on  their  cases.  The  Domini- 
can John  Wonschelberg,  in  Hamburg,  in  his  treatise  on  false  signs  and  wonders, 
A.  D.  1446,  attributes  all  those  in  Wilsnack  to  the  avarice  of  the  Pope.  They 
were  most  vehemently  attacked,  however,  by  Heinrich  Tacke,  Canon  in  Magde- 
burg. He  at  length  brought  the  matter  to  Rome,  and  Pope  Nicolas  V.  commanded 
the  bishop  of  Lubeck  to  investigate  it,  who  wrote  to  the  bishops  of  the  Mark  a 
warning  letter,  A.  D.  1450.  See  especially  Matthcei  Lude.ci,  Decanus  of  the 
Cathedral  in  Havelburg,  history  of  the  invention,  wonderful  effects,  and  final 
destruction  of  the  j)retended  holy  blood  in  Wilsnagk,  1586,  4to. ;  a  collection  of 
older  writings  and  documents  on  the  subject  (some  of  them  may  be  found  also  in 
Ludewig  Kehqu.  Mss.  Vill.  p.  286  seq.,  and  348  seq.).  Lcntzen's  Slift.s- 
historie  von  Havelburg.  Halle.  1750.  4to.  S.  43  seq. 

^  dd.  Halherstadt,  5  Jul.  1451  (in  Lentzen's  Stiftshistorie  von  Havelburg, 
S.  64  f.) :  Sane  multis  probatissimorum  virorura  relatibus  et  visibili  experientia 

VOL.  III.  40 


314  Third  Period.      Div.V.     A.  D.    1409  —  1517. 

tolerated  but  even  encouraired  them,!"  and  hence  they  continued  to 
find  favor  and  to  be  the  source  of  great  profit.  But  this  period  was 
most  distinguished  by  the  zeal  manifested  to  glorify  the  Virgin,  as 
the  real  controller  of  all  events."  A  sanctuary,  dedicated  to  her 
near  Recanati,  was  in  the  last  half  of  the  15th  century  declared  to 
be  her  habitation,  which  had  been  brought  thither  from  Palestine 
by  angels,  and  is  the  foundation  of  the   famous  shrine  of  Loretto.i- 


comprobavimvis,  fideles  ad  iniilta  loca  nostrae  legation!  subjecta  concurrere  ad 
adoranduiu  Christi  Dei  nostri  pietiosum  cruorem,  (iiieiii  in  nonnullis  transforniatis 
hostiis  speciem  nibcdiiiis  habere  arbitrantur.  Attestaiitur  aiitem  verbis  suis,  quibus 
communiter  talcm  nibidiiiein  Cbristi  cniorem  iioniinaiit,  se  sic  credere  et  adorare, 
et  quia  sacerdotes,  qui  ob  pccuiiiiUMiiu  quastuiu  ista  iion  solum  fieri  periiiittunt, 
sed  etiam  ut  sic  crcdant  et  adoreiil,  per  miraculoruin  publicationeni  populuiu  alli- 
ciuiit  el  sollicitant.  Nos  igitur,  qui  rem  tain  perniciosam  et  nostras  fidei  contrariam 
sine  Dei  maxima  oflTcnsa  sub  silentio  pertransire  non  possumus,  cum  corpus  Christi 
glorificatum  sanguiiiem  glorificatum  penitus  invisibilem  habere  catholica  fides  nos 
instruat,  ad  lollendam  oiniiem  occasionein,  per  quam  simplex  vulgus  taliter  seduci- 
tur,  pntsentium  tenore,  auctoritate,  qua  fungimur,  statuiuius  et  ordinamus,  quod, 
ubi'cunque  tales  hosti*  translbrmataj  reperiuntur,  per  omnes  provincias  Alemanniae 
nostra;  legatioui  subjectas,  statim  postquam  ad  notitiam  sacerdotum,  qui  locis  illis 
pra;fiierin't,  ha!C  nostra  ordinalio  perducta  fiierit,  ab  ulteriori  publica  ostensione 
transformatarum  hostiarum  penitus  cessent,  et  nequnquam  amplius  populo  palani 
miracula  publicent,  aut  signa  plumbea  ad  instar  tran>lbrmatarum  hostiarum  fieri 
permittant,  sed  istas  translormatas  hostias  potius  per  sacerdotem  celebrantem  sumi 
in  communione  pra;cipiant,  quam  sacraiissimam  Euchaiistiam  in  spiritualem  refec- 
tionem  nobis  divino  muncre  datam  per  specierum  corruptionem  desinere  permittant. 
Omnem  autem  locum,  in  quo  post  monitionem  ab  ostensione  hosliae  transformatas 
cessatum  non  fuerit  eo  ipso  quod  ter  ipsa  prohibita  ostensio  continuatur,  ex  nunc 
prout  ex  tunc,  et  ex  tunc  prout  ex  nunc  strictissimo  supponimus  interdicto, 
quousque  Archiepiscopus  provincias  loci  illius,  ubi  inhibita  ostensio  pra^sumta 
fuerit,  habita  certitudine  de  obediendo  luiic  nostra;  ordinationi  hujusmodi  interdic- 
tum  duxerit  amovendum.  Volentes,  quod  ostensores  ipsi  post  nostram  eis  insinua- 
tam  ordinationem  ab  omni  oificio,  quousque  ab  Archiepiscopo  absoluti  fuerint, 
suspensi  existant.  Pariformiter  et  sub  eadem  interdicti  lata;  sententiaj  poena  statui- 
mus  et  mandamus,  omnes  tales  imagines  et  picturas  ab  oculis  simplicis  vulgi 
amoveri,  ad  quas  propter  figuram  visibilem  in  suis  adorationibus  vulgus  ipsum 
specialius  recurrit,  et  per  publicum  concursum  in  figura  ipsa  se  salutem  qua;rere, 
verbo  aut  signo  ostendit.  Still  it  may  be  seen  how  little  this  prohibition  was 
heeded  in  Wilsnack  by  the  summons  of  the  archbishop  Friedrich  of  Magdeburg 
(see  Lentzen,  S.  (55),  to  the  clergy  of  Wilsnack  to  answer  for  their  conduct  at  a  later 
date,  shows  how  little  this  prohibition  was  regarded.  Equally  ineffectual  was  the 
preaching  of  John  Caiiistranus,  and  the  Augustine  monk,  Joh.  Dorsten  in  Erfurth, 
see  Consultatio  de  concursu  ad  Wilsnack  (1472-  1475). 

'"  Thus  Eugenius  IV.  bestowed  many  years'  absolution  on  the  pilgrims  to 
Wilsnack,  dd.  VI.  Non.  Jan.  1446,  see  Raynald.  ann.  1447,  no.  9,  and  ordered  for 
the  preservation  of  the  bloody  hosts  that  a  consecrated  host  should  be  laid  between 
them  (ibid.  no.  10)  :  and  Nicolas  V.dd.  IV.  Id.  Sept.  1447,  repeated  these  decrees 
(Ludewig  Reliquiae  Manuscriptorum  VIII.  p.  366).  As  late  as  A.  D.  1500,  four 
Cardinals  granted  absolution  for  this  pilgrimage. 

n  See  especially  Bernardinus  de  Bustis,  an  Italian  Franciscan,  >f  after  1500, 
Mariale  (Mediolani  1494.  4to.  and  often)  a  seiies  of  discourses  in  honor  of  the 
Virgin.  As  a  specimen  we  cite  Part.  XII.  Sermo  II.  P.  I. :  A  tempore  quo  virgo 
Maria  concepit  in  utcro  verbum  Dei,  quandam  ut  sic  dicam  jurisdictionem  seu 
auctoritatem  obtinuit  in  omni  Spiritus  Sancti  processione  tempoi-ali,  ita  ut  nulla 
creatura  aliquam  a  Deo  obtineat  gratiam  vol  virtutem,  nisi  secundum  ipsius  pice 
matris  dispensationem. 

'-  The  first  writer  who  notices  this  Sanctuary  is  Flavins  Blondus,  secretary  of 
Eugenius  IV.,  and  the  following  Popes  till  Pius  11.  'f  1463,  in  his  Italia  illustrata. 


Chap.  IV.    Tntrrnal  History.     §  144.      Worship.  315 

The  Ave  Maria  became  the  favorite  prayer. i^  The  doctrine  of  the 
immaculate  conception  of  the  Virgin,  wliich  had  always  been  main- 
tained  by  the  Franciscans,  was   more  and  more  triumphant, i'  whilst 

in  Piceno,  p.  339  :  Recanatum  inter  et  Adiiaticum  mare,  pauhiluin  a  Musionc 
recedit  celebemmuin  totius  Italia;,  ut  in  aperto  iinmunitoque  vico,  sacclluni  ^lorio- 
sa;  Virginis  Maria;  in  Laureto  appellatuni.  Quo  loco  pieces  svipplicaiitiuin  a  Deo 
genitricis  sua;  intercessionc  exaudiri,  illud  maximum  certissimumque  est  argu- 
mentum,  quod  eoruni,  qui  votis  emissis  exauditi  fuerunt,  ex  auio,  aigeuto,  cera, 
pannis,  veste  linea  laneaque  appensa  donaiia,  magno  lucnda  pretio,  basilicamque 
omnem  pcne  complentia,  Episcopus  in  Dei  Viiginisque  gloiiam  iutacta  conservat. 
From  this  we  may  infer  that  the  wondeiful  removal  was  either  wholly  unknown, 
or  only  known  as  a  popular  tradition.  The  first  writer  who  mentions  the  account 
of  this  wondei-ful  removal,  which  is  now  found  at  the  sanctuary  itself,  is  Baptista 
Mantuanus  (see  §  138,  note  7)  Redemptoris  mundi  Matris  Ecclesias  Lauretanse 
histoiia  (in  ejusd.  0pp.  onui.  Antverp.  1576.  Svo.  T.  IV.  p.  216  seq.).  According 
to  this  account,  which  is  the  oldest  authority,  this  liouse  was  removed  by  angels  to 
Tersato  in  Dalmatia,  in  A.  D.  1291,  and  in  1294  was  moved  again  to  the  neigh- 
bourhood of  Recanati,  and  there  its  position  twice  changed.  Teremannus,  who 
gives  this  account,  refers  to  the  authority  of  two  citizens  of  Recanati,  one  of  whom 
affirmed,  quod  avus  avi  ejus  vidit,  quando  Angeli  pra:dictan\  Ecclesiam  per  mare, 
etc.  The  account  was  undoubtedly  written  between  1450  and  1480,  and  was  the 
means  of  spreading  the  story.  It  was  first  attacked  by  Petr.  Paul.  Vergerius 
de  idolo  Lauretano,  ital.  scripsit,  Ludovicus  ejus  nepos  vertit  ann.  1556,  in  the 
Primus  tomus  operum  Vergcrii  adv.  Papatam,  Tubing.  1563.  4to.  p.  301.  It  was 
defended  by  the  Jesuits  Petr.  Turrianus,  Petr.  Canisius,  and  Horat.  Tursellinus, 
especially  by  the  last  in  the  Lauretana  historia,  Mogunt.  1599.  Svo.  Baronius 
also,  ann.  9,  no.  1,  undertakes  to  defend  it,  and  is  rebuked  therefor  by  Is.  Casaii- 
bonus  Exercit.  VII.,  and  about  the  same  time  Matthias  Berntiggerus,  Professor 
in  Strasburg,  Hypobolinia;a  diva;  Maria;  deipara;  caniei-a,  s.  Idolum  Lauretanum. 
Argentor.  1619.  4to.,  refuted  triumphantly  all  defenders  of  the  fiction. 

'^  The  Vesper  prayer  for  which  absolution  had  before  been  granted  (see  §  117, 
note  3)  was  now  made  of  still  more  importance  as  a  means  of  resisting  the  Turks, 
A.  D.  1456  (Antonini  Summa  hist.  P.  III.  Tit.  22.  c.  14.  init.)  :  ubique  terrarum 
fidelium  singulis  diebus  inter  Nonas  et  Vesperas  pulsari  in  omnibus  Ecclesiis  ad 
Ave  Maria  ter,  in  qua  pulsatione  quicunque  dicerct  genibus  ffexis  ler  Ave  Maria 
et  Pater  noster,  consequeretur  indulgentiam  trium  annorum  et  trium  quadragena- 
rum.  The  importance  of  tlie  Ave  Maria  was  magnified  chiefly  by  the  Domini- 
cans and  their  fraternities  of  the  Rosary  (see  §  140,  note  10)  :  Sixtus  IV.  1479, 
granted  a  new  indulgence  for  the  Psalterium  b.  M.  V.  (see  Amort  de  indulgenfiis 
I.  p.  170)  :  Nobis  fuit  propositum,  quod  in  ducatu  Britannije  et  pluribus  aliis  locis 
ab  aliquo  tempore  certus  modus  sive  ritus  orandi  pius  et  devotus,  qui  etiam  anti- 
quis  temporibus  in  diversis  mundi  partibus  observabatur,  videlicet  quod  quilibet 
dicit  qualibet  die  ad  honorem  b.  V.  et  contra  imminentia  mundi  pericula  toties 
angelicam  salutationem,  quot  sunt  Psalmi :  et  iste  ritus  Psalterium  b.  V.  vulgariter 
nuncupatur.  Nos  hujusmodi  modum  orandi  approbamus,  et  universis  prwfato  modo 
orare  volentibus  pro  qualibet  vice,  qui  sicut  praemittitur  oraverint,  pro  qualibet 
quinquagena  prajfati  Psalterii  quinque  annos  et  totidem  quadragenas  indulgentias 
relaxamus.  After  the  example  of  the  celebrated  Dominican,  Vincentius  Ferre- 
rius  ('J"  1419,  see  §  120,  note  10)  the  salutation  of  the  angels  was  made  the  begin- 
ning of  Sermons,  see  Dom.  Marci  hierolexicon  (Romse  1677.  fbl.)  v.  Salutatio 
angelica. 

'■*  A  general  view  of  the  disturbances  on  this  subject  in  Wadding  legatio 
Philippi  III.  et  IV.  ad  Paulum  P.  V.  et  Gregorium  XV.  de  definienda  controversia 
immaculatEe  conceptionis  b.  V.  M.  Lovan.  1624.  fol.  p.  377  seq.  The  most  distin- 
guished opponent  of  the  doctrine  is  the  Dominican  Vincentius  Bandellus,  Prof,  of 
Theology  in  Bologna,  >f  1506,  in  the  works  lib.  de  veiitate  conceptionis  gloriosfe 
Virginis  Maria;,  1475,  and  tract,  de  singulari  puritate  et  pi-a*rogativa  conceptionis 
ealvatoris  nostri  J.  Chr.  1481,  see  the  extracts  in  Wadding,  p.  133  seq.  Amongst 
its  defenders  Bernardinus  de  Bustis  (see  note  10)  stands  first:  The  first  part  of  his 


310  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

the  Dominicans  on  their  part  strove  to  show  their  reverence  for  Mary 
by  their  numerous  fraternities  of  the  Rosari/J-'  True,  the  decree  of 
the  Council  ol  Basil  in  favor  of  the  immaculate  conception  could  not 
afterwards  be  made  the  law  of  the  church, ^^  and  even  the  Franciscan 
Pope,  Sixtus  IV.,  did  not  venture  openly  to  oppose  the  powerful  Do- 
minicans on  this  point ;  ^^  but  the  doctrine  was  decidedly  upheld  by  the 

Mariale  consists  of  8  Sennones  de  conceptioiic  Mariae,  then  follows  the  Officium 
immaculatas  conceptionis  gloiiosai  V.  M.,  wliich  was  contirnied  by  Sixtus  IV. 

'*  See  above,  §  140,  note  10. 

16  Cone.  Basil.  Sess.  XXXVI.  d.  XV.  Kal.  Oct.  1439,  therefore  during  the 
Controversy  of  tlie  Council  with  the  Pope  (see  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  183):  Hactenus 
difficilis  quaestio  in  diversis  partibus  et  coram  hac  sancta  Syiiodo  super  conceplione 
ipsius  gloriosoe  virginis  Maria;  niatris  Dei,  et  exonlio  sanctiHcationis  ejus  facta  est: 
quibusdam  dicentibus,  ipsam  virginem  et  ejus  aniniam  per  aliquod  teiiipus  aut 
instans  teniporis  subjacuisse  aclualiter  oiiginali  culpa; ;  aliis  auteiii  e  converso 
dicentibus,  a  principio  creationis  sua;  Deuni  ipsain  diligendo  gratiam  eidem  contu- 
lisse,  pei-  quani  a  macula  originali  illam  beatissimam  personam  liberans  et  pra;ser- 
vans,  sublimioii  sanctiticationis  genei'e  i-edemit,  cum  fundaiet  cam  altissimus  ipse, 
et  ipsam  fabricaret  Filius  Dei  Patris,  ut  esset  mater  ejus  in  terris.  Nos  vero, 
diligenter  inspectis  auctoritatibus  et  rationibus,  qua;  jam  a  pluribus  annis  in  publicis 
ralationibus,  ex  parte  utriusque  doctrina;  coram  hac  sancta  Synodo  allegata;  sunt, 
aliisque  etiam  plurimis  super  hac  re  visis,  et  matura  consideratione  pensatis,  doc- 
trinam  illam  disserentem,  gloriosam  virginem  Dei  genitiicem  Mai-iam  prajveniente 
et  operante  divini  numiiiis  gi-atia  singulari  niunquam  actualiter  subjacuisse 
originali  peccato,  sed  immunem  semper  fuisse  ab  onmi  originali  et  actuali 
culpa,  sanctamque  et  innnaculatam,  tanquain  piam  et  consonam  cultui  eccle- 
siastico,  fidei  catholicae,  recta;  rationi,  et  sacra  Scriptui-ae  ab  omnibus  catho- 
licis  approbandam  lore,  tenendam  et  ainplectendam  ditfinimus  et  declaramus, 
nullique  de  cetcro  licitum  esse  i\\  conti'aruim  pra;dicare  seu  docere.  Renovantes 
prjEterea  institutionem  de  celebi-anda  sancta  ejus  Conceptione,  qua;  tam  per  Roma- 
nam,  quam  per  alias  Ecclesias  sexto  Idus  Decembris  antiqua  et  laudabili  con- 
suetudine  celebratur,  statuimus  et  ordinamus  eandem  celebritatem  pra?fata  die  in 
omnibus  Ecclesiis,  Monasteriis,  et  conventibus  Christians  religionis,  sub  nomine 
Conceptionis  fcstivis  laudibus  colendam  esse,  cunctisque  fidelibus  vere  pocnitentibus 
et  coni'essis,  ea  die  Missarum  solcmniis  centum,  primis  autem  vel  sccundis  vesperis 
totidem,  scrmoni  vei-o  vcrbi  divini  de  ea  festivitate  interessentibus  centum  quin- 
quaginta  dies,  concessione  perpetuis  temporibus  duratura,  de  injunctis  sibi  poeni- 
tentiis  haec  sancta  Sj'nodus  elargitur. 

"  In  a  Bull  A.  D.  1477  {Extravag.  Comm.  lib.  III.  tit.  XII.  c.  1.)  he  recom- 
mends the  festival  of  the  Conceptio  immaculatae  virginis  (which  he  does  not  how- 
ever venture  to  call  Conceplio  inunaculata  virginis),  by  bestowing  on  all  who  shall 
take  part  in  it,  tlie  absolution  of  Corpus-Christi  day.  The  second  Bull  A.  D.  1483 
(1.  c.  c.  2)  is  dii-ected  lirsl  against  the  diversorum  ordinum  prKdicatores  (eva<ijng 
the  direct  mention  of  the  Dominicans),  who  in  suis  sernionibus  ad  populum  publice 
per  diversas  civitates  et  terras  adtirmare  hactenus  non  crubuerunt,  et  quotidie 
praedicare  non  cessant,  omnes  illos,  qui  tenent  aut  adserunt,  eandem  gloriosam  et 
immaculatam  Dei  genetricem  absque  originalis  peccati  macula  fuisse  conceptam, 
niortaliter  peccare,  vel  esse  htereticos  ;  ejusdem  immaculata;  conceptionis  officium 
celebrantes,  audientesque  sermones  illorum,  qui  eam  sine  hujusmodi  macula  con- 
ceptam esse  adtirmant,  peccare  graviter.  Sed  et  pra-fatis  pra;dicationibus  non 
contenti,  confectos  super  his  suis  adsertionibus  libi-os  in  publicum  ediderunt  (mean- 
ing the  writings  of  Vincentius  Bandellus,  see  above  note  13),  ex  quorum  adser- 
tionibus et  praedicationibus  non  levia  scandala  in  mentibus  iidelium  exorta  sunt, 
et  niajora  meiito  exoriri  formidantur  in  dies.  All  these  notions  and  these  works 
are  condemned  and  forbidden  nnder  penalty  of  excomnuinication.  The  same 
punishment  however  is  decreed  for  those,  qui  ausi  fucrint  adserere,  contrariam 
opinionem  tenentes,  videlicet  gloriosam  virginem  JMaiiam  cum  originali  peccato 
fuisse  conceptam,  haeresis  crimen  vel  peccatuni  incurrere  niortale,  cum  nondum 
sit  a  Rom.  Ecclesia  et  Apostolica  sede  decisum. 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  History.     §   144.      Worship.  317 

universities,i8  who  even  went  so  far,  after  the  example  of  the  university 
of  Paris,  1497,  as  to  bind  their  members  by  an  oath  to  maintain  it ;  19 

'^  That  the  more  moderate  party  inclined  to  this  opinion  is  seen  in  Gahr.  Biel. 
(§  143,  note  3)  CoUectorium  lib.  111.  Dist.  HI.  Qu.  1.  Art.  2:  Aucloritas  Eccle- 
sia»  major  est  auctoritate  cujuscunque  Sancti,  saltim  post  canonicos  scriptorcs  :  nam 
Ecclesia  statuit  festum  Conceptionis  generaliter  per  universum  celebrandiim  :  ereo 
ejus  conceptio  fuit  sancta  et  per  consequens  peccato  immaculata,  ero-o  sine  ori<n- 
nah.  —  Nee  propter  hoc  culpandus  est  divus  Bernhardus,  sed  nee  s.  Thomasfs, 
Bonaventura,  ca'teriqiie  Doctoies  cum  magno  moder.imine  oppositum  opinant'es, 
quoniam  eorum  tempore  hoc  licuit,  quoniam  nulla  determinatio  vcl  ApostolicEe 
sedis  facta  fuit.  Nee  festivitas  ilia  generaliter  tunc  fuit  per  orbcm  celebrata. 
QuK  si  prfficessissent,  haud  dubium,  quin  promtissime  sua;  opinioni  cessissent. 

'3  The  occasion  of  this  measure  at  Paiis  is  related  by  Trithemius  Chron 
Hirsaug.  ad  ann.  1497.  T.  II,  p.  568:  Eodem  anno  in  festo  purissima;  Concep- 
tionis beatissimffi  Maria;  semper  Virginis  (or  rather  as  is  seen  from  the  Acts  in 
iTArgentri  I,  II.  p.  336  seq.  on  this  same  festival,  8  Dec.  1496)— quidam  Frater 
Orduas  s.  Dominici,  thcologus  Parisiensis,  verbum  salutis  dicturus  ad  populum  in 
Dieppe  oppido  Rothomagensis  Dioecesis,  amplo  inter  alia  boatu  clamabat,  eandem 
castissimam  Dei  genitricem  non  fuisse  pra?servatam  ab  originali  peccato,  sed 
post  contractuin  mox  purgatam  et  mundatam  a  Deo.  Erat  ei  nomen,  qui  hoc 
dixit,  Frater  Johannis  Veri  (le  Ver).  Ex  hac  temeraria  positione  magnum  in 
populo  Dei  scandalum  fuitsecutum,  propterea  quod  s.  Romana  Ecclesia,  Cardiuales 
quoque,  Archiepiscopi  et  Episcopi,  pene  omnes  Doctores  Parisienses,  Colonienses, 
Lovanienses  cum  aliis  multis,  simul  et  Claustralium  regularium  Professores  cuncti 
cum  toto  populo  christiano  prater  pauoos  Fratres  Oidinis  niemorafi,  sentiunt,  cre- 
dunt,  decent  et  predicant,  beatissimam  Dei  genitricem  peccato  nunquam  subja- 
cuisse  onginah,  sed  prajservatam  et  immunem  semper  ab  omni  macula  delicti 
tarn  originalis  quam  actualis  in  sternum.  Tritheniius  then  informs  us  that  Jo 
Verus  was  lorced  by  the  Sorbonne  to  retract  on  the  16th  Sept.  1497  (p.  570)  and 
that  this  led  to  the  institution  of  the  oath  above  mentioned  on  the  17th  Sept 
According  to  the  Acta  in  d'Argentri  I,  II.  p.  333  seq.  this  is  not  quite  correct! 
Jo.  Verus  (see  p  337)  refused  at  first  to  submit  to  the  sentence  of  the  Sorbonne 
and  appealed  to  the  Pope.  For  this  he  was  sentenced  to  imprisonment  by  the  civil 
tribunal,  and  appealed  to  Parliament,  but  procured  his  release  at  lenoth  bv  retract- 
ing on  the  18  Sept.  1497.  The  theological  faculty  had,  however,  already  resolved 
on  the  oath  in  an  assembly  of  March  3,  1496  (i.  e.  more  gall,  also  1497)  (1  c 
p.  333)  :  Cum  proximo  sa;culo  quajstio  de  puritate  conceptionis  felicissima;  Dei  et 
Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi  genitricis  Maria;  solito  frequentius  agitari  coepisset 
Spiritu  Sancto  scilicet  ejus  rei  veritatem  aliquando  propalari  volente,  dilioenlius 
utriusque  partis  hbratis  rationibus  primum  (Majores  nostri)  pro  tempore"  suum 
prudentissime  suspenderunt  judicium.  Demuin  in  eam  partem  inclinatiores  qua; 
Virginis  gloriae  et  puritati  astipulari  videbatur,  ita  — vanissimam  temeritateni  — 
conlutaverunt,  —  ut  contrariam  qu.Tstionis  partem,  qua;  Virginem,  dum  concipere- 
tur,  special!  Dei  munere  ab  originali  macula  fuisse  immunem  affirmat  et  pietati 
fidei  et  recta;  ration!  et  scripturis  divinis  valde  quadranteni  decernerent  Qua;  sen- 
tentia  paucos  post  annos  ita  sacro  Basileensi  plenario  Conrilio  —  Spiritu  Sancto 
inspirante  placuit,  ut  eam  tandem  doctrinam  —  tenendam  diffinierit.  —  Quod  sanc- 
tum Synodi  decretum  cum  omnium  Ecclesiarum,  tum  etiam  totiuspopuli  Christiani 
judicio,  consensu  ac  religione  comprobatum  confirmatumque  videamus,  non  possu- 
mus  quorundam  vanam,  superbam,  temerariam  insanamque  obsiinationem  non 
admirari,  — qui  hoc  nostroadhuc  tempore  eju^modi  piam  et  religiosam  doctrinam 
universalis  Synodi  et  Ecclesia;,  qua;  juxta  Christi  promissionem  errare  non  potest' 
judicio  auctontateque  probatam  aut  oppugnare,  aut  in  dubitalionem  revocare  non 
verentur,implacabile  impiissimumque  helium  adversus  piissima;  Dei  o-enetricis  exi- 
miam  dignitatem  gerentes.  Quorum  furori  ut  alacrius  fbrtiusque  occurramus  atque 
resistamus  pro  nostra  professione,  ordine  et  gradu,  Majorum  nostrorum  vestigia 
sequentes,  universi  tertio  congregati  post  multam,  gravem  et  maturam  deliberatio- 
nem  in  ejus  pussima;  doctrinas,  qua;  benedictissimam  Dei  Matrem  ab  orio-inali 
peccato  Dei  singulari  dono  fuisse  pra;servatam  affirmat,  quamque  jam  pndem 
veram  credidimus  et  credimus,  defensionem  ac  propugnationem  speciali  sacramento 
coujuravimus  nosque  devovimus.     Statuentes,  ut  nemo  deinceps  sacro  huic  nostro 


318  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   140'J  —  1517. 

and  the  burning  of  four  Dominicans  in  Berne  for  their  impostures, 
the  object  of  which  was  to  put  down  this  doctrine  (1509),  seemed  to 
establish  its  triumph.-*^ 

«^  145. 

STATE    OF    IlELIGION    AMOXCST    THE    PEOPLE    AT    LARGE. 

The  religion  of  the  people  was  made  to  consist  entirely  in  obedi- 
ence to  the  church.  An  unhesitatinor  willingness  to  submit  to  the 
creed  and  commands  of  the  church,  in  all  cases  whatsoever,  passed 
for  true  piety  ;  and  as  every  effort  to  advance  the  real  spiritual  good 
of  the  individual  was  of  course  regarded  with  suspicion  by  the  hierar- 
chy, very  little  was  done  for  the  religious  instruction  and  excitement 
of  the   community.     Most   of  the    clergy  could    not  even  preach  :  ^ 

Collegio  adscribatiir,  nisi  se  hujus  religiosas  docti'inas  assertorem  strenuumque  pro- 
pugnatorem  semper  pro  viiibus  futurum  simili  juramento  profiteatur.  Quod  si 
quis  ex  nostiis,  quod  absit,  ad  hostes  Virginis  transfuga,  contiaris  assertionis  — 
patrocinium  quaciunqiie  ratione  suscipere  ausus  fucrit,  liunc  honoribus  nostris 
omnibus  privatum  atque  exauctoratum  a  nobis  et  consortio  nostro,  velut  Ethnicum 
et  Publicanuni,  procu!  abjiciendum  decerniinus.  Then  follows  a  call  on  the 
bishops  and  clergy  to  adopt  this  doctrine.  The  oath  was  taken  in  their  other  con- 
gregations by  112  Doctors  of  Theology  (p.  334).  The  example  of  the  Sorbonne 
was  followed  by  the  theological  faculty  in  Cologne  (Chron.  Hirsaug.  II.  p.  574), 
and  1501  in  Mayence  (1.  c.  p.  583). 

'■^  Contemporary  accounts  are  :  De  quatuor  haeresiarchis  Ord.  Prasdicatorum  de 
Observantia  nuncupatorutn  apud  Switenses  in  civitate  Bernensi  combustis  anno 
Christi  1509.  4to.  (reprinted  in  Huttiii^er  hist.  eccl.  N.  T.  Ssc.  XVI.  seu  Pars 
V.  p.  334  seq.)  and  Valerius  An  s  helm's  Berner  Chronik,  Bd.  3.  8.  371  ff. 
Bd.  4.  S.  1  AT.  Compare  the  Berner  Gespenstergeschichte  in  Rausch  nick's 
Denkvviirdigkeiten  aus  der  Geschichte  der  Vorzeit.  Bd.  1.  Marburg,  1822.  The 
original  occasion  of  this  inipostuie  was  the  ill  success  of  the  Dominican  Wigand 
Wirth  in  Frankfurt.  This  man  had  attacked  John  de  Trittenheim,  in  an  anonymous 
work,  1494,  for  having  maintained  the  immaculate  conception  in  his  work  De 
laudibus  s.  Anna;,  c.  7,  but  had  only  thereby  brought  out  a  number  of  works  in 
defence  of  the  doctrine,  and  had  finally  been  compelled  to  retract.  At  Rome  also, 
the  endeavours  of  the  Dominicans  to  procure  the  condemnation  of  Trithemius  had 
been  unsuccessful  (see  Trithemii  Chion.  Spanheimense  in  ejusd.  Opp.  hist.  ed. 
RIarqu.  Freherus.  P.  11.  p.  405  seq.).  Afterwards  Wigand  engaged  in  a  contro- 
versy with  a  priest  in  Fiankfurt  on  the  same  subject.  He  was  condemned  by  a 
papal  commissary  appointed  at  the  instance  of  the  Dominicans,  and  drew  upon 
himself  a  new  accusation  in  Rome  by  an  abusive  work  on  the  subject.  The  Do- 
minicans then  held  a  chapter  in  Wimpfen  in  1506,  at  which  some  of  the  leaders 
planned  privately  cei-tain  miracles  to  support  their  own  docti'ine,  which  was  carried 
into  effect  by  the  means  of  a  poor,  bigoted  tailor  in  a  convent  in  Berne,  A.  D. 
1507.  The  Prior,  Subprior,  Lector,  and  Procurator  combined  to  play  off  on  him 
pretended  visions  of  St.  Barbara,  the  holy  Virgin,  St.  Cecilia,  and  St.  Catharine  of 
Siena.  They  stamped  on  him  the  holy  5  wounds,  colored  hosts  with  blood,  made 
an  image  of  the  Virgin  weep  before  him,  Slc.  :  the  purpose  of  all  which  was  to 
make  him  the  organ  of  revelations  against  the  doctiine  of  the  immaculate  concep- 
tion. At  length  he  discovered  the  imposture,  and  they  wei-e  about  to  poison  him, 
when  he  escaped  from  the  convent,  and  informed  against  them. 

'  Thus  in  the  Necrologium  of  St.  Gallen  it  is  remai-ked  of  a  monk  Bernhard, 
1499  :  Nota,  quod  Bernardus  iste  fuit  tam  magna?  scientia-,  ut  per  aliquos  annos 
praedicaturam  hahucrit,  see  A  r  x  Gesch.  v.  St.  Gallen.  Th.  2.  S.  473.  Compare 
Trithem.  institutio  vitas  sacerd.  c.  1  and  4.  above,  §  138,  note  1. 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  Ilistori/.    §  145.    State  of  Religion.      319 

those  who  did,  for  the  most  part  Mendicant  monks,  usually  enter- 
tained their  hearers  with  absurd  ftibles,  the  object  of  which  was  to 
magnify  the  importance  of  their  various  relics,-  or  made  an  exhibition 
of  their  barren  scholastic  learning,^  as  may  be  seen  in  the  sermons 


2  Jacobus  Carthusianus  de  arte  curandi  vitia  (see  §  140,  note  8).  Trithemius, 
1.  c.  c.  4.  Htiir.  Bebelius  (see  §  138,  note  7)  de  falsa  etyinologia  propriorum 
noininum  conficta  per  auctorein  Icgcnda;  auieai  (see  Uiv.  II.  §  78,  note  4)  in  the 
Collection  Comiiicntaria  epistolarum  conficiendarum  Hcnrici  Bebelii,  etc.  Phorcae 
1510.  4to.  fol.  CXXVIIl.  verso:  quas  aniles  fabulas  adeo  niagis  deteslor,  quo 
plures  inveniantur,  qui  has  refciendo  et  populis  pradicando  non  solum  inducunt 
homines  ad  earuni  lidem,  verum  etiam  in  iis  demorantes  ea,  qua?  vera  sunt  et  in 
salutcm  animarum  dici  possunt,  omittunt.  Sunt  enim  plures  ct  prKsertim  aliqui 
monachi,  qui  dum  conciouantur  ad  imperitam  plebem,  ut  phaleratis  et  ampullosis 
verbis  populum  demulceant,  ut  famam  eruditionis  et  disertitudinis  consequantur, 
et  ut  culinam  suam  vel  Fratrum  lautius  instruant,  vel  potissimum  dum  Evangeliis 
tamquam  consuetis  atque  rebus  quotidianis  pudet  esse  contentos,  non  vercntur 
excogitare  nunc  somnia,  nunc  revelationes  (ut  ipsi  aiuut)  sanctorum  Patrura, 
quibus  in  Christum,  nedum  sanctos,  falsa  et  mendacia  aliquando  comminiscuntur, 
dum  non  credunt  satis  placere  se,  nisi  exotica  aliqua  atque  peregrina  in  medium 
afferant,  ut  plebs  postmodo  gloriabunda  jactet,  se  audisse  a  Domino  Sixto  vel  Fratre 
Johannutio  quod  antea  numquam  audiverit  a  quoquam.  Et,  ut  paulum  digrediar, 
ego  omnem  ferme  lic-eresira  quam  dicunt  existimo  inde  maxime  exortam,  ut  homi- 
nes supcrbi  et  magna;  opinionis  freti  cruditione  et  fama  anhelaverint  aliquid  dicere, 
et  persuadere  novum  et  inauditum,  quo  cunctis  seculis  et  nalionibus  suam  famam 
insinuent.  Sed  ut  redeam,  cum  Dominus  Sixlulus  vel  Frater  Lolhardus  in  nigra 
barba  sic  famam  suam  illustravit,  ne  existimationem  suam  in  posterum  extenuet, 
aut  plebem  in  laudem  suam  tepidiorem  reddat,  non  dubitat  dies  atque  noctes  som- 
niare  et  figmenta  componere,  quo  semper  clariorcm  se  reddat  et  magis  admiran- 
dum  :  tandem  eo  usque  progreditur,  ut  fabulis,  quae  ipsi  exempla  vocant,  totos  dies 
consumat,  quas  ipse  pro  sua  existiuiatione  magniticanda  satis  admirabiles  jam 
primum  excogitavit :  et  dum  totus  in  eloquentia  volubilitateque  lingua:,  et  rerum 
nullibi  gestariim  diurnali  recilatione  ha;ret,  tit,  ut  nihil  vel  parum  de  sacris  Uteris 
proferat,  parum  dicat,  quod  sit  animae  salutiferum.  —  Illud  mihi  ridendum  videtur, 
quod  concionatoies  isti,  cujuscunque  sancti  festum  celebi-ant,  concionando  clamant, 
fulsisse  ilium  super  omnes  alios  sanctos  vii-tutibus  et  vita;  sanctimonia,  vel  singulari 
sanctitatis  privilegio  dotatum  persuadent;  postquam  ad  alium  venerint  sanctum, 
itidem  faciunt,  semper  pra;sentem  super  omnes  alios  extollendo.  Taceo  de  laudi- 
bus,  quas  aliquando  praiter  iidem  tutelaribus  Sanctis,  quos  Patronos  vocant,  sacer- 
dotes  in  dedicationibus  adscribunt,  ubi  oninis  modus  laudationis  exceditur,  omnisque 
ingenii  vis  quasi  quidam  torrens  etfunditur,  adeo,  ut  ea  quw  incerta  sunt  et  vix 
vera,  et  ubi  fides  desideratur,  impediant  etiam  quae  vere  de  illis  dici  possunt.  Aut 
quis  risum  continebit,  dum  quidam  Fi-atres  sui  Ordinis  auctores  et  primates  poster- 
gatis  virginibus,  confessoribus,  niartyribus,  Apostolis  et  Evangelistis,  Patriarchis 
atque  Prophetis,  adeo  alte  conantur  locare,  ut  adhuc  solium  quadrant,  ubi  eos 
reponent  in  coelestibus :  alii  suum  dictum  a  Christo  magnum  patrem  persuadere 
volunt,  alii  suo  doctori  Paulum  apparuisse  Aposfolum  atque  dixisse,  suas  ilium 
epistolas  melius  omnibus  aliis  doctoiibus  esse  interpjetatum.  Quae  nisi  cogar, 
nunquam  credam,  etc. 

3  Jo.  Trithemius  Epistt.  famill.  lib.  I.  ep.  26,  ad  Jac.  Kymolanum,  dd.  Coloniae, 
22  Jul.  150.5  (in  ejusd.  0pp.  hist.  ed.  Freheri  II.  p.  461):  Nostri  concionatores 
majore  in  numero  purissimos  Dei  sermones  Aristotelicis  Julianisque  intermiscent 
opinionibus,  crebrius  philosophos  gentilium,  quam  Christi  Apostolos  allcgantes. 
Proh  pudor  tam  Celebris  facta  est  verbi  Dei  pra;conibus  Peripateticorum  auctoritas, 
ut  in  cathedra  Christi  crebrius  Aristoteles  citetur  in  medium,  quam  Paulus  aut 
Petrus  sacratissimi  principes  Apostolorum.  Quid  talium  sermones  simplici  et  in- 
docto  Dei  populo  proficiunt,  in  quibus  ad  ostentationem  totum,  ad  compunctionem 
vero  nihil  inducitur  ?  Ad  scholas  Gymnosophistarum  istse  nieretricul*  gentilium- 
que  traditiones  remittendae  sunt,  ut  in  schola  Christi  nihil  aliud  quam  doctrina 
Christi  pura  et  immaculata  praedicetur.     Furfures  enim  purissimae  farinae  commis- 


320  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

still  extant  of  Meffreth,  a  priest  in  Meissen,  A.  D.  1443-  1476,^  of 
Leonardus  de  Utiiio,  a  Dominican  in  Bologna,  'f  1470/''  and  even  in 
those  of  Gabriel  Ijiol,"^  otherwise  so  distinguished  for  their  practical 
tendency.  A  feeling  of  the  unfruitfulness  of  such  preaching,  led 
several  able  men  to  attempt  new  modes  of  awakening  the  moral  feel- 
ing of  their  hearers  by  scenes  and  warnings  taken  from  real  life,  in 
which  they  strove  to  make  the  vices  of  the  time  not  only  disgusting 
but  ridiculous.  This,  sometimes  humorous,  style  of  preaching  was 
adopted  by  Gabriel  Barletta  in  Italy,  about  1470,'^  John  Geiler  of 
Kaisersburg,  preacher  in  Slrasburg,  f  1510,^  and  the  two  Franciscans, 
Olivier  Maillard,  f  1502,''  and  Michael  Mcnot  (t  at  some  time  pre- 
vious to  1519),"^  in  Paris.  In  the  smaller  and  more  quiet  circle  of  the 
Mystics,  no  one  exercised  so  much  influence  as  Thomas  Hemerken 
of  Kempis  (Thomas  a  Kempis),  a  pupil  of  the  Brethren  of  Common 
Life,  and  a  Canon  in  the  monastery  on  St.  Agnes'  mount  near  Zwoll, 
•f  1471,  by  his  various  devotional  works, ^^  and  especially  by  his  book 

cuit,  quisquis  hunc  pra?dicandi  modum  primus  adinvenit.  Melancthon  in  Apologia 
Augustanfe  Confessionis.  Art.  If.  de  justificatione  (ed.  Rechenberg.  p.  62)  :  Au- 
divitnus  quosdam  pro  concione,  ablegato  Evangelic,  Aiistotelis  Ethica  enarrare, 

''  He  wrote  Hortulus  Rcoinse,  a  collection  of  Sermons  for  the  whole  church- 
year,  dislinguishcd  into  Pars  hlenialis,  Pars  a-stivalis,  and  Sermones  de  Sanctis, 
ed.  Norimb.  1487;  Basil.  1488  ;  Monachii  161.5.  fol. 

*  Sermones  de  Sanctis,  ed.  Utinae  1566,  and  often.  Quadragesimale  de  legibus. 
Lugd.  1494.  4to.  and  often. 

^  See  §  143,  note  3.  Sermones  de  tempore,  ed.  Wendelimus  Steinbach,  Tubing. 
1500.  4to.  (the  most  remarkable,  the  three  Sermones  medicinales  contra  pestilen- 
tiam.  Doinin.  22-24.  post  fest.  Trinit.).  Sermones  de  festivitatibus  glor.  Virg. 
Mariae,  1499. 

■^  Sermones  Quadragesimales.  Brescia;  1497.  8vo,  Sermones  de  Sanctis,  ibid. 
1498.  4to.  It  became  a  proverb  :  qui  nescit  barlcttare,  nescit  pra-dicare.  Com- 
pare Niceron's  Nachrichten  von  den  Begebenhciten  u.  Schriften  bertihmter 
Gelehrten.  Th.  3.  S.  83  ff.  Baum  gar  ten's  Nachrichten  von  merkvv.  Ba- 
chern.  Bd.  7.  S.  124  if. 

*  Collections  of  Sermons,  under  the  titles:  Seelcnparadies.  Strasb.  1510,  Uss- 
legung  Ober  das  gcbctte  dcs  Herren  1515,  Predigen  Teutsh.  Augs.  1510, 
Navicula  s.  speculum  fatuorum,  1511.  Preilig  d'  himelfart  Ma.  1512.  Navicula 
poenitcntiK.  1512.  Christenlich  bilgerschaftl  zum  ewigen  vatterland,  1512.  Das 
Evangelibuch,  1513.  Postill,  1522.  Die  Emeis  (Ameise)  1517,  etc.  Compare 
Vierling  de  Jo.  Geileri  Cassaremontani  scriptis  germanicis  disp.  Praes.  J.  J.  Ober- 
lino.  Argent.  1786.  4to.  F.  W.  Ph.  v.  Ammon  Geiler  v.  Kaisersbergs  Luben, 
Lebren  und  Praedigten.  Erlangen  1826.  8vo. 

^  Sermones  de  Adventu,  quadragesimales,  dominicales,  et  de  peccati  stipendio  et 
gratia;  premio.  Argent.  1506.  4to.  JViceron  memoires  pour  servir  a  I'liist.  des 
homines  illustres.  T.  23.  p.  47  seq.  Baumg  art  en's  Nachr.  von  einer  halli- 
pchen  Bibliothek.  Bd.  4.  S.  51  ff. 

'"  Sermones  quadragesimales.  Paris.  1519,  and  often.  JViceron,  T.  24.  p.  386 
seq.  Baumgartcn  Bd.  4.  S.  59  tf.  J.  C.  Shelliorn  amopnitates  hist.  eccl.  et 
liter.  T.  I.  p.  778  seq.  Michel  Me  not,  ein  Beitrag  zur  Gesch.  der  Homiletik 
von  J.  G.  V.  Engelhardt.   Erlangen,  1823.  8vo. 

''  Some  notices  of  his  life  may  be  found  in  the  Chronicon  Canonicorum  Regu- 
larium  montis  s.  Agnctis  (ed.  Herib.  Rosweydus,  appended  to  Jo.  Buscliii  Chron. 
Canon.  Regularium  Ord.  S.  August.)  Antverp.  1621.  Svo.  p.  29,  51,  104,  137, 
written  by  himself.  Then  there  is  a  life  of  him  by  Jodncus  Badius  Jlscentius 
(■f  1535)  in  his  0pp.  ed.  Sommalii,  p.  11  seq.     Amongst  his  devotional  works  are  : 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  History.    ^  145.    State  of  Religion.      321 

de  imitatione  Cliristi.^-  Amongst  the  Mystics,  too,  probably  the 
various  translations  of  the  Bible  were  used,  which  now  appeared  in 
print.^"^     Their  more  general  circulation  was  prevented  by  the  steady 

Soliloquium  animffi,  Hortulus  rosarum,  Vallis  liliorum,  De  liibus  tabernaculis, 
Doctrina  juvenum,  Dc  vera  cordis  compunctione,  De  solitudine  et  silentio,  etc. 
Opp.  ed.  Norimb.  1494.  Paris.  1520.  fol.  ab  Hcnr.  Sommalio  c  Soc.  Jcsu.  Aiit- 
verp.  1607.  4to.,  and  often. 

'-  It  was  from  the  first  uncertain  by  whom  tliis  book  was  written.  And  when 
afterwards  it  became  so  extremely  popular  (it  has  been  translated  into  almost  every 
language,  and  there  are  supposed  to  have  been  2000  editions  of  the  original,  and 
1000  of  the  French  translation  only)  it  became  a  matter  of  much  controversy. 
From  A.  D.  1415,  the  book  was  circulated  without  its  being  determined  by  whom 
it  was  written.  Many  of  the  old  Codices,  however,  and  the  earliest  editions,  bear 
the  name  of  Thomas  a  Kempis.  Two  Codices,  that  of  Lowen  and  that  of  Ant- 
werp, are  written  by  his  own  hand.  For  him,  too,  there  is  one  indisputable  testi- 
mony, his  contemporary  and  brother  of  the  same  ordei-,  John  Busch  (see  §  139, 
note  4),  who  must  have  known  him  personally,  and  who  ascribes  the  work  to 
Thomas  in  the  Chron.  Windesemense  (see  §  141,  note  1)  lib.  II.  c.  21.  To  this  is 
added  the  testimony  of  Petrus  ScJwttus,  prefixed  to  an  edition  in  1488,  and  of 
John  Trittenheim  de  scriptoribus  ecclesiasticis  (written  1494)  c.  707.  And  tinally, 
the  whole  style  of  the  book,  and  the  numerous  Germanisms,  strengthen  the  pro- 
bability that  it  was  written  by  Thomas.  —  It  was  very  natural,  too,  that  so  popular 
a  work  should  have  been  ascribed  to  John  Gerson  (see  §  113,  note  11),  rather  than 
the  comparatively  obscure  Thomas  a  Kempis.  The  oldest  Codex  that  gives  his 
name  is  that  of  Sal/.burg,  14G3,  the  ed.  of  the  French  translation  in  1488,  is  unde- 
cided between  St.  Bernhard  and  Gerson  ;  that  of  1493,  however,  ascribes  the  work 
decidedly  to  Thomas  a  Kempis  ;  a  French  edition  of  1573  is  the  first  that  bears 
the  name  of  John  Gerson  as  the  author,  on  its  title  page.  The  contents  of  the 
work  show  also  that  its  author  was  a  monk.  —  In  several  Codd.  we  find  the  name 
Jo.  Gersen,  Gessen,  Gesen,  which  is  plainly  meant  for  Jo.  Gerson.  But  after 
Petrus  Manriques,  1604,  had  supposed  the  book  to  be  older  than  Bonaventura, 
because  it  was  cited  in  the  Collationes,  ascribed  to  that  writer  ;  the  Italian  Benedic- 
tine Cajetan,  1615,  ascribed  the  work  to  a  John  Gersen  of  Cabaliaca,  Abbot  of  a 
Benedictine  convent  of  St.  Stephens,  in  the  citadel  of  Vercelli,  between  1220  and 
1240,  on  the  authority  of  the  Als.  of  Arena,  which  was  supposed  to  belong  to  the 
13th  century.  The  order  of  Regular  Canons  now  took  up  the  cause  of  Thomas, 
whilst  the  Benedictines  were  zealous  in  behalf  of  their  newly  discovered  abbot, 
and  thus  arose  a  vehement  dispute  between  the  two  orders,  which  the  parliament 
of  Paris  was  called  upon  to  decide  ;  which  they  did  in  1652,  by  decreeing  that  the 
book  should  in  future  be  printed  with  the  name  of  Thomas  a  Kempis.  Amongst 
the  disputants  in  favor  of  Thomas,  Eusebius  Amort,  Canonicus  in  Polling  in 
Bavaria  (-f  1775),  was  much  distinguished.  The  controversy  is  not,  however,  yet 
ended.  For  Gerson  we  have  Ant.  Alex.  Barbier :  dissertation  sur  60  traductions 
francaises  de  I'lmitation  de  J.  Ch.  Paris.  1812 ;  and  /.  B.  M.  Gtnce,  in  a  new 
edition  of  the  work  in  question,  Paris.  1826.  Svo.  For  the  Abbot  Gersen :  Rle- 
moire  sur  le  veritable  auteur  de  I'imitation  de  J.  C.  par  G.  de  Gregory.  Revu  et 
public  jjar  les  soins  de  M.  le  Comte  Lanjuinais,  Pair  de  France.  Paris.  1827. 
12mo.  For  Thomas  a  Kempis :  Gersen,  Gerson  und  Kempis  ;  or :  ist  einer  von 
diesen  dreien,  und  welcher  ist  der  Verfasser  der  vier  Bilcher  von  der  Nachfolge 
Christi  ?  von  J.  P.  Silbert.  Wien  1828.  Svo. 

'3  The  French  translation  by  Gujars  des  Moulins,  a  Canon  in  Aire  in  the  diocese 
Terouane,  made  1291-1294,  was  printed  by  command  of  Charles  VIII.,  that  is, 
before  1498  {du  Pin  Prolegomenes  sur  la  Bible,  p.  219  seq.).  The  Italian  by  the 
Venetian  Benedictine,  Nicolaus  Malermi,  in  1471  and  1477.  The  German  trans- 
lations are  more  numerous.  One  in  the  high  fierman  dialect,  printed  first  in  May- 
ehce,  1462,  was  reprinted  14  times  before  the  Reformation,  in  Strasburg,  Augsburg, 
and  Nuremberg.  See  G.  W.  Panzer's  literar.  Nachricht  von  den  alleniltesten 
gedruckten  deutschon  Bibcln,  Niirnberg,  1777.  4to.  Ibid.  Gesch.  der  Ntlrnber- 
gischen  Ausgaben  der  Bibel.   1778.     Ibid.   Bcschreibung  der  iiltesten  Augspur- 

VOL.    III.  41 


322  Tliird  Period.     Div.    V.     A.   D.    140U  —  1517. 

opposition  of  tlie  hierarchy  to  all  translations  of  the  Scriptures  into 
the  national  dialects.^^ 


'^  146. 

OF    ECCLESIASTICAL    PUNISHMENTS    AND    INDULGENCES. 

The  abuse  of  indulgences  was  fully  recognised  by  the  Council  of 
Constance,  and  an  attempt  made  to  rheck  it :  '   but  the  restraint  was 


gischen  Ausj^abcn  der  Bihel,  1780.  llo.  A  trausl.itiou  into  the  Lower  Saxon  was 
printed  tlireo  times,  in  Cologne  1 170,  Lilbcck  1 11)1,  and  Galberstadt,  see  J.  M. 
G  6  t  z  e '  s  V(!rsucli  der  gedrucktcn  Niederstlchsischen  Bibeln  v.  J.  1470  bis  1621. 
Halle,  1775.  4to. 

'^  Compare  §  86,  notes  28,  29.  Even  Jo.  Gerson  Lectio  altera  contra  vanam 
curiositatcni  Consid.  IX.  (0pp.  I.  p.  lO.'S),  says  prohibendani  esse  vulgarem  trans- 
lationem  libi-oi'um  sacroriua  nostra;  Biblia;,  praisertini  extra  moralitates  et  historias. 
Claras  rationes  ad  hoc  plurimas  invenire  facile  est.  The  zealots  opposed  the  having 
any  religious  books  in  the  national  dialect,  see  §  141,  note  S.  A  similar  prohibition 
was  passed  by  the  archbisliop  of  Mayence  against  the  printing  of  (merman  trans- 
lations, A.  D.  1486,  in  Gudenl  codex  diplom.  anccdotorum  res  Moguntinas  illus- 
Irantium  IV.  p.  469  :  Vidimus  ipsi  libros  de  divinis  officiis  et  apicibus  religionis 
nostrae,  e  latina  in  germanicam  linguam  traductos,  non  sine  religionis  dedecore 
versari  per  manus  vulgi.  —  Dicant  translatores  tales,  si  vcrum  colunt,  —  annc 
lingua  germanica  capa?:  sit  eorum,  quae  turn  grsci,  turn  et  latini  egregii  scriptores 
de  sunmiis  spcculationibus  religionis  christianse  et  rerum  scientia  accuratissime 
argutissimeque  scripserunt .'  Fateri  oportet,  idiomatis  nostri  inopiam  minime  suffi- 
cere,  necesseque  fore,  eos  ex  suis  cervicibus  nomina  rebus  lingere  incognita ;  aut, 
si  veteribus  qnibusdam  utantur,  veritatis  sensuin  coirumperc,  quod  propter  magni- 
tudinem  periculi  in  litteris  saciis  magis  veremur.  Quis  enim  dabit  rudibus  atque 
indoctis  hominibus,  et  femineo  sexui,  in  quorum  mauibus  codices  sacraruni  littera- 
rum  inciderint,  veros  excerpere  intellectus  ?  Videatur  sacri  Evangelii,  aut  episto- 
larum  Pauli  textus  :  nemo  sane  prudens  negabit,  multa  suppletione  et  subauditione 
aliarum  scripturarum  opus  esse.  The  archbishop  forbids  therefore  the  printing 
and  sale  of  all  German  translations,  unless  approved  by  certain  commissaries,  under 
penalty  of  exconununication. 

'  The  Commissioners  appointed  by  the  Council  (see  §  130,  note  13)  proposed 
the  following  decree,  see  v.  d.  Hardt  I.  XII.  p.  751  :  Quia  tempoi-e  hujus  nefandi 
schismatis,  quo  singula  quasi  spiritualia  publica;  exponebantur  venditioni,  multa; 
quastuationes  ac  petitioncs  cum  quainplurium  indulgentiarum  et  concessionum 
privilegio,  ut  verosimiliier  pra;sumitur,  pro  pecunia  plus  quam  animarum  salute 
sunt  concessa;,  in  gravamen  pauperum  et  ecclesiastic!  status  ridiculum,  et  quibus 
ex  facilitate  (so  Amort  II.  p.  35,  instead  of  qualitate)  venia^  incentivum  pra'betur 
delinquendi :  idcirco  hasc  s.  Synodus  onines  hujusmodi  novas  quaestuationes,  sub 
cujuscunque  facti  aut  factae  nomine  ab  Apostolica  sede  concessas,  necnon  omnia 
et  singula  privilegia  indulgentiarum,  concessionum  aut  gratiarum,  cujuscunque 
etiam  sint  tenoris  et  contincntiae,  dictis  novis  et  etiam  antiquis  qucestuationibus  et 
pctitionibus,  tempore  jam  lapsi  schismatis,  imo  et  tempore  unionis,  post  conslitutio- 
neni  felicis  recordationis  quondam  Domini  Clenicntis  V.,  qua;  incipit  Jlbiisionibus 
(  Clemcntmar.  lib.  V.  Tit.  9.  c.  2),  qualitercmujue  concessa,  revocat,  irritat,  cassat, 
et  annihilat,  eaque  ut  antea  nullius  vult  esse  roboris  vel  momenti.  Per  banc  revo- 
cationem  ha;c  Synodus  antiquis  qua;stuationibus  et  petitionibus,  dummodo  per 
Presbytcros  bona;  fama;,  habiles  et  idoneos,  sine  sermone  publico,  sed  cum  litera- 
rum,  petitionum  suarum  et  indulgentiarum  antiquarum  vera  expositione,  sine 
commixtione  falsitatis,  et  secundum  formam  dictai  Clementina;  tiant,  aliquatenus 
derogare  non  intendit.  The  Germans  now  urged  Martin  V.  to  adopt  this  decree, 
see  Avisamenta  Nat.  Germ.  Art.  17,  in  v.  d.  llardt  I.  XXII.  p.  JOll  (compare 
§  130,  note  IS).     He,  however,  modiiied  it  to  this  ellcct,  sec  Rcsponsio  Martini 


Chap.  TV.  Internal  History.    §  14f».   Ecclesiasi.  Punishments.    323 

only  temporni-y,  and  was  succoodcd  by  such  an  increase  of  abuses,^ 
that  no  century  is  more  marked  by  them  than  the  loth.  Tiie  years 
of  Jubilee  were  multiplied  more  and  more,-'  till  at  ](Mi<rth  it  was  estab- 
lished as  the  regular  rule  by  Paul  II.  A.  U.  1470,  that  they  should 
recur  every  five  and  twenty  years.'  Indulgences  were  offered  also 
for  joining  expeditions  against  unbelievers,  and  all  who  opposed  the 
papal  power,  and  for  contributing  funds  for  the  same  ;  '  as  well  as  for 
other  services  rendered  the  church.''  The  various  ecclesiastical 
associations,'^  especially   the    monks,''  were    not   only  endowed  with 

Art.  17.  1.  c.  p.  1038  (compare  §  130,  note  IS)  :  Cavebit  Dominus  noster  Papa  in 
futurum  nimiain  indulgentiarum  cflTusioneni,  ne  vilescant ;  ct  in  pra.>teritiini  cou- 
cessas  ab  obitu  Greoorii  XI.  citra  perpetuas,  item  quas  dicuntur  de  poena  et  culpa, 
sive  de  plena  remi.ssione,  concessas  locis,  ilein  omnes  coneessas  ad  instar  altcrius 
induli;entiffi,  rcvocat  ct  annullat. 

^  The  Council  of  Basil  bestowed  itself  many  indulgences,  compare  the  papal 
instructions  in  Raynald,  1436,  no.  6,  sec  a])ove,  §  131,  note  30,  and  Jo.  Polemar,  § 
131,  note  4.5.  This  increase  was  justified,  too,  by  the  Scliolastics,  sec  Gabriel  Biel 
expos.  Missa;  Lcct.  57  :  ante  tempera  b.  Gregorii  modicus  vel  nullus  I'uit  iisus 
indulgentiarum  :  nunc  autcm  crebrescit  earum  usus.  Quod  sine  dubio  Ecclesia 
habens  Spiritum  Christi,  et  ideo  non  crrans,  singula,  prout  ex])cdit,  temporibus 
.suis  distribuit,  mota  et  illuminata  a  Spiritu  Dei,  qui  novit  tenipora,  quas  Pater  in 
sua  posuit  potcstate,  quorum  niysteria  indagare  non  sutticimus.  Possunnis  tanieu 
conjicerc  aliquas  causas,  cur  magis  modo,  quam  olim  usus  indulgentiarum  crebre- 
scit. Qooniam,  ut  timor  transgressionis  mandatorum  Dei  iuduceretur  in  converses 
fideles,  gi-aves  poenitentia;  injungebantur  et  poena;.  Item,  nunc  tcpescente  chari- 
tate,  nee  satisfactiones  condignaj  injungunt'.u-,  nee  modice  injunctaj  periiciuntur ; 
ideo  valde  nccessarius  est  copiosus  indulgentiarum  usus. 

^  The  years  1425  and  1450  were  celebrated  as  years  of  jubilee,  and  in  1451  the 
jubilee-absolution  of  the  diocese  of  Augsburg  was  pui'chascd  in  Poland,  Spain, 
Hungary,  and  various  places  in  Gei-many  ;  see  Eus.  Amort  de  origine,  progressu, 
valore  ac  fructu  indulgentiarum.  Aug.  Vind.  1735.  fol.  P.  I.  p.  S7  seq. 

«  The  bull  dd.  13  Kal.  Maji  1470,  see  in  Raynald,  1470,  no.  55.  in  Afiiort  I.  p. 
91,  gives  as  the  ground  of  this  change:  Nos — attendentes  humanaj  conditionis 
statum  fiagilem,  ad  peccandum  proclivcm,  et  ad  dcclinationem  usque  adeo  celeri 
cursu  —  propcrare,  brcvissimum  quoque  vitte  spatium,  et  pcccatis  nostris  exigenti- 
bus  crebras  pcstilcntias,  varies  morbos  letiferos,  gravissimas  quoque  Turcarum  et 
infidelium  adversus  fideles  persecutiones  assiduas,  atque  universam  Christianitatera 
retroactis  temporibus  quassatam  adhuc  variis  non  quidem  minoribus  injuriis  laces- 
siri,  et  calamitosis  casibus  et  dispendiis  subjacere,  aliasqne  plurimas  arumnas  in 
Christi  populo  adeo  invalescere,  ut  eis  atque  aliis  sinistris  casibus  plerumque  cau- 
santibus  admodum  pauci  remissionum  et  indulgentiarum  hujusmodi  participes  fieri 
mereantur,  etc. 

*  1411  against  Ladislaus,  king  of  Naples,  1420  and  1421  against  the  Hussites, 
1453  (see  §  132,  note  10),  1455  (see  §  132,  note  12)  and  1463  against  the  Turks, 
1457  against  the  Moors,  see  Amort  1.  p.  74.  Also  1502  jubilee-indulgence  was 
granted  to  support  the  war  against  the  Turks,  Amort  I.  p.  101,  Cruciata  for  K. 
Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  against  the  Moors,  1505,  see  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  5 
seq.  The  Bulla  Cruciata,  whicli  is  still  sold  in  Spain,  was  first  issued  by  Julius  H. 
1509,  to  get  funds  for  the  war  against  the  Turks;  in  1519,  Leo  X.  bestowed  the 
profits  of  it  on  the  king  of  Spain,  who  .still  receives  them,  see  Amort  I.  p.  79. 

''  Especially  for  the  contributing  money  to  build  churches.  The  most  celebrated 
indulgence  of  this  kind  is  that  of  Julius  H.  for  the  building  of  St.  Peter's,  first 
issued  in  1506,  and  often  afterwards  (e.  g.  1510,  sec  the  bull  in  Amort  I.  p.  205), 
which  eventually  proved  the  cause  of  the  reformation. 

'  e.  g.  the  Confraternitas  pra!])utii  dominici  in  Antwerp,  from  Eugenius  IV. 
1446  (Amort  I.  p.  201),  the  Confraternitas  s.  Rosarii  from  Sixtus  IV.  1478  (sec  § 
140,  note  10),  several  instances  given  in  Amort  I.  p.  169  seq. 


324  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

ample  indulgences  for  their  own  members,  but  likewise  with  others  to 
enable  them  to  carry  on  a  traffic  with  the  laity.^  The  numerous 
shrines,  too,  were  endowed  with  rich  indulgences,^*^  and  finally  there 
were  indulgences  for  certain  festivals, ^^  ibr  certain  prayers, i"~  and  even 
to  honor  eminent  personages.^-*  It  had  long  been  maintained  by 
some  theologians  that  the  papal  indulgence  extended  also  to  purga- 
tory, though  by  others  it  had  been  disputed  -A'^  the  prevailing  doctrine 
now  was  that  the  Pope  had  such  power  per  modum  suffragii}^  which 


8  See  Amort  I.  p.  132  seq.  Sixtus  IV.  decreed  1480,  that  the  Portiuncula- 
indulgence  (sec  §  69,  note  8  ;  §  109,  note  7)  could  be  obtained  by  any  member  of 
the  order  of  Fianciscans  in  any  of  their  churches  on  the  1st  August,  Wadding 
Annales  jNIinoruni  ann.  1480,  no.  41 ;  14S1,  no.  38. 

"  Indulgences  for  those  who  frequented  the  churches  of  the  Mendicants,  for 
their  benefactors,  etc.,  see  Amort  I.  p.  141  seq. 

'°  e.  g.  the  holy  blood  in  Wilsnack,  §  144,  note  9.  The  shrines  were  innumer- 
able. The  most  noted  were  Rome,  Loretto,  St.  Jago  di  Compostella,  Einsiedeln, 
Aix,  Triers.  The  tunica  Domini  inconsutilis  in  Trier  was  endowed  by  Leo  X. 
1512,  with  a  general  absolution,  and  other  pjivilcges,  see  Wittii  hist.  Westphaliae, 
p.  639  seq.,  and  in  that  same  year  drew  a  crowd  of  pilgrims,  with  whom  a  lucra- 
tive trade  was  carried  on  in  i-clics,  see  Schcckmami  Chron.  S.  Maximini  in 
M  U  n  c  h'  8  Franz  v.  Sickingens  Thaten,  &c.  Bd.  3.  S.  116  if. 

'•  Martinus  V.  decreed  an  indulgence  of  100  days  to  the  festo  corporis  Christi, 
Amort  I.  p.  201,  which  was  doubled  by  Eugenius  IV.,  see  1.  c.  p.  204,  Sixtus  IV. 
1472  to  the  festival  of  St.  Francis  an  indulgence  of  50  weeks,  1475  to  the  feslo 
conceptionis  b.  M.  V.,  one  of  700  days,  1.  c.  p.  203. 

1^  Especially  for  the  Ave  Maria,  see  §  144,  note  12. 

"  Thus  in  1481  Sixtus  IV.  bestowed  a  rich  indulgence  on  those,  qui  seren. 
Principem  Venetiarum  ad  divina  comitantur  officia,  et  rempublicam  consilio  et 
opera  gubernant  et  adjuvant,  see  Amort  I.  p.  203. 

"  First  maintained  by  Alex.  Halesius  and  Thomas  Aquin.  see  §  82,  notes  17 
and  18.  Compare  Amort  II.  p.  59  seq.  —  Gersoii  sermo  II.  pro  defunctis  opposes 
the  notion,  indulgentias  acquiri  posse  pro  mortuis.  Jo.  JViderus  Summa  Confesso- 
rum  lib.  III.  qu.  191  (see  Amort  II.  p.  92)  maintains  the  contrary  :  non  enim  est 
aliqua  ratio,  quare  Ecclesia  merita  communia  possit  transferre  in  vivos,  et  non  in 
mortuos. 

•^  Such  is  the  view  of  a  contemporary  writer  on  indulgences,  JVicolaus  JVeigel 
or  Wigelius,  professor  in  Leipsic,  and  deputy  of  that  university  at  the  Council  of 
Basil  (see  Walch  monimenta  medii  ajvi,  vol.  II.  fasc.  I.  Praf.  p.  XXV.,  and  the 
Leipsic  Easter-program  of  1786 :  De  legato  Academic  Lipsiensis  ad  Cone.  Basi- 
leense),  from  whose  work  against  the  Hussites,  Opus  de  indulgentiis,  written  1441, 
Amort  II.  p.  94,  gives  an  extract.  Cap.  59,  p.  Ill,  on  the  question,  an  possint 
indulgenticB  dari  Us,  qui  sunt  in  purgatorio,  the  exti-act  says :  Doctores  varie 
respondent.  Quod  possint  dari,  potest  probari  1.  Levit.  25.  frater  fratrem  redimit: 
ergo  idem  potest  Ecclesia.  2.  Petrus  habet  claves  regni.  3.  Deus  omnibus  pro- 
vidit,  ut  juvari  possint  ab  alio,  ergo  et  animabus.  4.  Animaj  ilia;  non  pertinent  ad 
Ecclesiam  triumphantem,  ergo  ad  militantem.  5.  Suffragia  piorum  juvant  animas, 
ergo  et  indulgentis.  6.  Thesaurus  sutficit  etiam  pro  purgatorio.  7.  Papa  sa;pe 
facit  prasdicare  crucem,  ut  aliquis  habeat  pro  se,  et  tribus  vel  quatuor  suis  caris  in 
purgatorio  detentis.  8.  Papa  ligat  et  solvit  post  mortem  24.  qu.  2.  9.  Papa  con- 
stitutus  est  judex  vivorum  et  mortuorum.  Sed  ad  illam  partem,  quod  non,  sunt 
multae  rationes  et  satis  fortes.  1.  Animae  non  sunt  de  foro  Papa;.  2.  Non  possunt 
aliquid  operari  in  bonum  Ecclesia.  3.  Non  possunt  a  Papa  ligari.  4.  Si  Papa 
potest  eos  absolvere,  esset  crudelis,  si  non  quotidic  eos  absolveret.  Pro  concor- 
dantia  auctor  ex  Richardo  de  Media- Villa  dicit,  quod  prosint/jcr  modum  stiffragii, 
secundario  ac  indirecte. 


Chap.  IV.   Internal  History.    ^  14G.    Ecdesiast.  Indulgences.    325 

was  formally  confirmed  by  Sixtus  IV.  1477.1''  From  this  time  for- 
ward, however,  the  popes  were  in  the  habit  of  making  provisions  in 
their  bulls  for  the  souls  in  purgatory,  without  regard  to  this  limitation, 
and  as  if  they  had  the  absolute  disposition  of  them, i^  as  the  keepers  of 

'^  See  his  Declaratio  in  Amoi't  II.  p.  292  :  Cum  superioiibus  mensibus  nobis 
relatum  esset,  in  publicatione  indulgentia?,  per  nos  alias  Ecclesiae  Xanctonensi 
(Sainctes)  concessa?,  pluia  scandala  et  disciiuiina  fuisse  exorta,  pra;dicantesque  in 
hujusmodi  publicatione  multos  aljusus  commisisse,  niultosque  eirores  pra?dicasse, 
ac  inter  alia  occasione  dictffi  indulgentia;,  quam  aninuibus  in  purgatoiio  existentibus 
per  modum  suftragii  concessimus,  nonnuUus  scripta  nostra  male  interpretantes 
publice  asseruisse  atque  asserere,  non  esse  ultra  opus  pro  animabus  ipsis  orare,  aut 
pia  suffragia  facere  : — nos  scaudalis  et  erroribus  hujusmodi  ex  pastorali  officio 
obviare  volentes  per  Brevia  nostra  ad  diversos  illarum  partium  Prslatos  scripsimus, 
ut  Cluistifidelibus  declarent,  ipsam  plenam  indulgentiam  pro  animabus  existentibus 
in  purgatorio  per  modum  suffiagii  per  nos  fuisse  concessam,  non  ut  per  indulgen- 
tiam pra'dictam  Christilideles  ipsi  a  piis  et  bonis  operibus  revocarentur,  sed  ut  ilia 
in  modum  suffragii  animarum  saluti  prodesset,  perindeque  ea  indulgentia  proficeret, 
ac  si  devotaj  orationes,  piceque  eleeniosynae  pro  earundem  animarum  salute  diceren- 
tur  et  oflerentur.  This  explanation,  however,  was  likewise  misunderstood  by  the 
evil-minded,  for  its  meaning  was  by  no  means,  indulgentiam  non  plus  proticere 
aut  valere,  quam  eleemosynas  et  orationes.  But  rather :  earn  perinde  valere 
diximus,  i.  e.  per  eum  modum,  per,  acsi,  i.  e.  per  quern  orationes  et  elee- 
mosyna;  valent.  Et  quoniam  orationes  et  eleemosynas  valent  tanquam  suffra- 
gia animabus  impensa ;  nos,  quibus  plenitudo  potestatis  ex  alto  est  attributa,  de 
thesauro  universalis  Ecclesiaj,  qui  ex  Christi  Sanctorumque  ejus  meritis  constat, 
nobis  commisso,  auxilium  et  suffragium  animabus  purgatorii  aflerre  cupientes 
supradictam  concessimus  indulgentiam,  ita  tamen,  ut  tidelcs  ipsi  pro  cisdem  ani- 
mabus sufTragium  darent,  quod  ipsa;  defunctoi'um  anima;  per  so  nequeant  adim- 
plere.  Gabriel  Biel  in  his  Expositio  Missa;  Lect.  56,  is  still  very  doubtful  as  to 
the  question,  utrum  indulgentia;  prosint  defunctis  ;  but  in  Lect.  57,  he  had  fallen 
upon  the  Declaratio  Sixti  P. :  this  he  of  course  at  once  adopted,  but  strove  at  the 
same  time  to  get  a  more  distinct  view  of  the  subject:  Et  quod  frequenter  repetitum 
est^er  modum  suffragii,  non  est  intelligendum,  quasi  modus  suffragii  tollat  effica- 
ciam  indulgentiarum,  ita  quod  opus  illud,  pro  quo  dantur  indulgentise,  non  plus 
valeat  animabus,  quam  si  idem  opus  factum  esset  pro  eis,  nullis  indulgentiis  ad- 
junctis,  sicut  quidam  intelligere  voluerunt :  sic  enim  frusti-a  daretur  indulgentia 
pro  animabus.  Sed  quod  additur  jier  modum  suffragii,  excludit  modum  judiciaria 
potestatis,  qua;  dicit  judicialem  absolutionem.  Cum  enim  defuncti  implere  non 
possint  opus,  pro  quo  dantur  indulgentiae,  dum  illud  pro  eis  fit  ab  alio,  jam  opus 
alterius  suffragatur  eis,  ut  possint  consequi  indulgentias,  non  minus  quam  si  ipsi 
per  se  opus  illud  implevissent:  et  ita  indulgentiae  proficiunt  eis  per  modum  suffra- 
gii, 1.  e.  propter  aliquod  opus  ab  alio  factum,  et  eis  per  modum  suffragii  appli- 
catum. 

"  Till  the  year  1490,  absolution  for  the  dead  was  very  rare :  in  that  year, 
however,  Innocent  X.  adopted  the  following  means  of  procuring  money  for  the 
war  against  the  Turks  (  Trithemii  Chron.  Hirsaug.  II.  p.  535)  :  misit  in  universam 
Germaniam  plenarias  indulgentias  Jubilaji  non  solum  pro  vivis,  sed  etiam  pro  de- 
functis, qua;  sicuti  eatenus  fuerunt  rars,  ita  etiam  plurimorum  disputation!  expo- 
sitoe.  Summa  disputationis  haec  erat,  quod  Papa  de  plenitudine  potestatis  non 
solum  viventibus  contritis  et  confessis  pcenam  possit  remittere  peccatis  alioquin 
debitam,  sed  etiam  omnium  in  Purgatorio  existentium  animarum  ita  remittere 
poenas,  ut  ipsum  Purgatorium  si  velit  penitus  evacuare  possit.  Habuit  ha;c  asser- 
tio  nova  impugnantes,  habuit  et  assertores,  qui  varia  in  utramque  partem  ut  move- 
bantur  synthemata  scripserunt :  cautius  tamen  quam  liberius  ne  forte  proscribe- 
rentur  et  ipsi.  The  Popes  retained  the  formula  per  modum  suffiagii,  but  at  the 
same  time  speak  as  if  this  suffragium  must  be  of  course  effectual.  Thus  in 
Alexandri  P.  VI.  declaratio  Jubila;i  ann.  1500,  h\  Amort  I.  p.  96,  and  in  Julius  IJ. 
bull  of  indulgence  for  the  church  of  St.  Peter,  A.  D.  1510,  1.  c.  p.  209 :  Et  ut 
animarum  salus  eo  potius  procuretur,  quo  magis  aliorum  egent  suffragiis,  et  quo 
minus  sibi  ipsis  proficere  valent,  auctoritate  Apostolica  de  thesauro  s.  Matris  Eccle- 


326  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


sine  animahus  in  purgatorio  cxistentilius,  qu:i;  per  cliarUatcm  ab  hac  luce  Chrislo 
unita;  decesseruiit,  ct  qua;  (liiiii  vivercnt,  silti  ut  Imjiisinodi  iudulgentia  siirtiagare- 
tur,  ineruerunt,  paterno  affcctu,  quantum  cum  Deo  j)()ssumus,  succurrere  cui)ientes, 
dc  divina  misericordia  ac  potestatis  Apostolica;  plenitudine  volumus  ct  concedimus, 
ut  si  qui  parentes,  amici,  ac  coeteri  Christilidelcs  i)ietate  commoti  pro  ipsis  animabus 
purgatorio  igni  pro  expiatione  poenarum  eisdem  secundum  divinam  justitiam  debi- 
tarum  expositis  dicto  anno  Jubila-i  durante  pro  rc])aratione  dicta;  Basilicas  s.  Petri 
aliquam  eleemosynam  juxta  dictorum  poenitentiariorum  —  ordinationem,  dictas 
Basilicas  at  Ecclesias  niodo  pra'misso  devote  visitando,  in  capsa  in  eadem  Ecclcsia 
seu  Basilica  s.  Petri  deputata  posuerint,  ipsa  plenissima  indulgentia  per  modum 
suffragii  ipsis  animabus  in  purgatorio  existentibus,  pro  quibus  dictam  eleemosynam 
pie  erogaverint,  pro  plenaria  paunarum  rclaxatione.  sufiragetur.  How  rajjidly  the 
privileged  altars  were  multi|)lied  may  be  seen  fiom  the  testimony  of  the  papal 
legate,  Rayniundus,  A.  D.  1500,  which  Joh.  de  Paltz,  Provost  of  the  cloister  of 
INeuen  Werkc  near  Halle,  liad  from  him,  and  relates  in  his  Coclifodina  (ed.  1510) 
Append,  qu.  9  ad  3.  According  to  this  account  (see  Amort  H.  p.  283),  five 
churches  in  Rome  were  endowed  with  such  indulgences.  Namely,  1.  A  chapel 
in  the  church  s.  Potentiana;,  in  which  there  was  an  inscription :  ha>c  est  ilia 
sacratissima  Capella,  in  qua  Princeps  Apostolorura,  scil.  s.  Petrus,  suam  pi-imam 
celebravit,  habetque  cadem  Capella  gratiam  banc,  ut  quicunque  celebraverit,  vel 
celebrari  fecerit  unam  Missam  in  ilia  Capella,  liberat  unam  animam  a  poena  pur- 
gatorii,  ut  patet  in  Bulla.  2.  J^ccL  s.  Praxedis,  in  qua  quicunque  celebraverit 
vel  celebrari  fecerit  quinque  Missas,  liberat  unam  de  Purgatorio.  3.  Kcd.  s. 
Laurentii  extra  muros,  quam  Ecclesiam  si  quis  visitaverit  in  omnibus  diebus 
Mercurii  per  totum  annum,  habet  a  Deo  et  Sanctis  Laurentio  et  Stephano  istam 
gratiam  extrahendi  unam  animam  de  purgatorio.  4.  Ecclesia  s.  Sebastiani  etiam 
extra  muros,  in  qua  est  scriptum  apud  Altare,  sub  quo  est  recondittim  corpus  s. 
Sebastiani  sic:  Sub  hoc  Altari  reconditum  est  corpus  s.  Sebastiani  Martyris,  et  in 
omni  Missa,  qua»  celebratur  super  eodem,  liberatur  una  anima  de  purgatorio. 
5.  Capella,  vocata  Scala  cceli,  ubi  decollatus  fuit  s.  Paulus  Apostolus,  in  cpia 
Capella  sic  est  scriptum  :  Hxc  est  secunda  Capella,  qu£E  fuitfundata  in  toto  mun<I() 
ad  honorem  h.  Marias  V.  ct  vocatur  Scala  ccrli,  super  quam  meruit  s.  Bcrnardus 
videre  scalam  erectam  usque  ad  ccclum.  In  qua  quicunque  celebrant  vel  cele- 
brari faciunt  pro  animabus  existentibus  in  purgatorio,  mcritis  ejusdem  b.  M.  V. 
dicta;  animae  cito  liberantur.  Haec  ex  publico  instrumento  a  R.  D.  Raymundo 
mihi  in  indulgentia  prtedicanti  misso  in  Missiva.  Ponlitices  concedunt  ctiam  Laicis 
quartis  feriis  per  integrum  annum  devote  visitantibus  Ecclesiam  s.  Laurentii,  quod 
possint  etiam  unam  animam  indulgentialitcr  liberare.  Insuper  idem  R.  D.  Ray- 
mundus  in  declaratione  Bullas  quondam  publicata;  in  prima  sui  legatione  dicit, 
quod  Calixtus  P.  dederit  indulgentias  pio  animabus  redimcndis  de  pui-gatorio  ad 
Hispaniam  Eccle.?i;e  Tyrasoncnsi.  Similiter  easdem  indulgentias  concessit  P. 
Sixtus  IV.  Ecclesia;  Sanctonensi  in  Francia  sub  commissione  ejusdem  R.  D.  Ray- 
mundi.  Sub  quo  et  Innocentius  VIII.  easdem  niisit  indulgentias  per  Germaniani, 
quod  et  raodernus  P.  Alexander  VI.  per  eundem  fecit  anno  sequent!  immediate 
post  Jubila;um  Roma;  celebratum  anno  1500,  niittendo  ipsum  cum  amplissimo  Jubi- 
laeo  tarn  pro  vivis  quam  pro  defunctis  nedum  per  totam  Germaniam,  sed  et  per  totum 
regnum  Daci^.  The  papal  preachers  spoke  of  the  power  of  the  Pope  over  purga- 
tory as  beyond  all  doubt  ;  thus  Jo.  Angelus  Arcimholdus,  Commissarius  apostoli- 
cus,  in  his  instructions  to  his  delegates,  A.  D.  1514  (in  K  a  p  p  e  n '  s  Nachlosc 
einiger  zur  Erliiuterung  dcr  Reformationsgcsch.  ntitzlicher  Urkunden.  Th.  3.  S. 
180)  :  Advertant  pntdicatorcs,  ut  bene  informcnt  populum  super  validitatc  et 
efficacia  prJEscntiuni  indulgcntiarum,  ut  eo  facilius  ad  eas  promerendas  invitentur, 
cum  per  verbum  pra'dicatoris  intelligant,  clarum  esse  et  omni  scrupulo  et  dubictate 
carere,  Sanctissimo  Domino  nostro  Papa;  omnimodam  ct  plenissimam  competere 
facultatem,  indulgentias  istas  plcnarias  pro  vivis  et  defunctis,  et  omnium  peccato- 
rum  et  poenarum,  quas  quis  in  purgatorio  deberet  pati,  remissionem  —  concedcndi. 
—  Et  qui  de  hac  jratestate  dubitaret,  de  fide  Christiana  dubitaret,  nee  christianus 
csset.  Accordingly  the  limitation  of  this  power  to  the  modus  suffragii  came  soon 
to  be  considered  inadmissible  (see  Morung's  hite,  below,  note  19),  and  the 
formula  per  modum  suflVagii  frequently  omitted,  c.  g.  in  the  letters  of  indulgence 
granted  by  the  Pope's  coujinissary ,  Christian  Bauinhauer,  1510  (see  R  i  c  d  e  r  c  r '  s 


Chap.  IV.   Internal  History.    §  146.    Ecclesiast.  Indulgences.     327 

the  keys  of  heaven,  and  dispensers  of  eternal  happiness.i«  Those 
who  ventured  to  call  in  question  these  claims  were  persecuted, ^'J  and 
only  the  Sorbonne  imposed  any  check  on  their  pretensions.'-"     With 


Nachrichte  zur  Kirchen-,  Gelehrten-  u.  BUchergeschichte.  Bd.  3.  S.  413,  and 
Kist  en  Royaards  Archif  voor  kerkelyke  Geschiedenis  Dcel  1.  p.  215)  :  Notum 
facimus,  quod  D.  N.  Papa  cunctis  ChiistiUdelibus,  — ultra  plenissimas  peccatorum 
indulgentias  sacratissinii  Jubilin  —  ac  alias  plurcs  gratias  et  facultates,  quas  ad  hoc 
dispositi  pro  sc  ac  certis  dcfunctorum  aniniahus  respective  conscquuntiir,  do  plcni- 
tudino  ac  liboralitutu  potcstatis  apostolicn^;  iiiiscricnrditcr  coucissit,  ct  voluit,  ut  tarn 
ipsi  qiiaiu  cranes  ct  siuguli  eorum  pareutos  ac  bencl'actorcs  cum  charitatc  dcf'uucti 
iu  omnibus  precibus,  suffragiis,  —  et  casteris  omnibus  spiritualibus  bonis,  (jua;  iiunt 
et  IJcri  poterunt  in  tola  universali  sacrosancta  Ecclesia  militante,  —  participcs  in 
perpctuum  fiant. 

^'^  See  the  promises  in  the  bull  of  Pius  II.  A.  D.  1463,  above,  §  132,  note  38. 
Still  more  confidently  Julius  II.  1505  {Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  5)  promised  to  all 
■who  should  take  part  in  the  expedition  of  Emanuel,  king  of  Portugal,  plenariam 
omnium  peccatorum  suorum  remissionem  et  indulgentiam,  adding :  ac  eorundem 
omnium,  quos  in  hac  sancta  expeditione  proficisci  contigerit,  animas  in  sanctorum 
Angelorum  consortio  in  ccelestibus  regnis  et  ffiterna  felicitate  pcrmansuras  perpetuo 
decernimus  coUocandas ;  ita  ut,  si  forsan  designato  tempore,  non  excepto  ipsorum 
aliquo,  postquam  iter  pro  prosecutione  tarn  sancti  operis  arripiunt,  ex  hac  luce 
inigrare  contingat,  indulgentiam  hujusmodi  omnino  cousequantur. 

"  Thus  one  of  the  heresies  of  Petrus  of  Osma  (see  §  135,  note  24),  which 
Sixtus  IV.  (Raynald,  1479,  no.  32)  condemns  as  falsas,  s.  catholics  fidei  contra- 
rias,  erroneas  et  scandalosas,  etc.,  is:  Romanum  Pontificem  purgatorii  poenam 
remittcre  non  posse.  The  Canon,  Dietrich  Morung,  of  Bamberg,  was  imprisoned 
for  maintaining  the  same  thing ;  see  the  contemporary,  Joh.  Linturius,  in  his 
contmuation  of  the  Werner  Rollewinck  in  Pistorii  Scriptt.  rer.  Germ.  T.  II. : 
Anno  1489  quidam  Legatus  a  latere  missus  cum  Jubilso  et  maximis  indulgentiis 
a  Papa  Innocentio,  dum  Norimberga;  moram  duceret.  Doctor  Theodoricus  Morung, 
Canonicus  Bambergensis  —  bullis  contradixit  papalibus  in  eo,  quod  Papa  non 
haberet  animis  in  purgatorio  annum  jubilajum  impertiri,  nisi  per  modum  suffragn 
(i.  e.  just  as  had  been  declared  by  Sixtus  IV.,  see  note  16).  Et  idem  Norimber- 
gam  veniens,  in  egressu  ad  Herbipolin,  circa  Norimbergam  capitur  per  clientes 
Marchionis  Friderici,  et  vulneratus  ducitur  in  Kadlspergk.  Absolvit  Legatus 
clientes,  et  ad  manus  Sanctissimi  euudem  Doctorem  captivum  tenuit,  committendo 
ipsum  dicto  Principi.  Tandem  etiam  ipsum  inhabilitavit  propter  libellum  famosum, 
quern  Passionem  Sacerdotum  sub  Principe  Marchione  Alberto,  patre  dicti 
Friderici,  intitulaverat,  editum  tempore  persecutionis  sacerdotum  sub  Principe 
illustri  Marchione  Alberto  ex  parte  cujusdam  SteurcB  (on  account  of  a  tax),  quam 
ab  eis  aliquateuus  exegit  idem  Princeps  in  suo  districtu,  qui  libellus  per  eundem 
Doctorem  confectus  fuisse  dicebatur :  etiam  propterea,  quod  Papalibus  bullis,  con- 
tradixit, et  quod  sacrilegus  incantator,  et  quod  sub  Laici  vestitu  nocturno  tempore 
armatus,  ut  cliens  equestris,  incessit.  Et  hie  Doctor  captus  tenebatur  anno  1494 
circa  festum  Michajlis,  incarceratus  a  Marchione  Friderico  in  quodara  castro 
Rauhenculm. 

20  Thus  the  Sorbonne  decreed  in  Nov.  1482  (see  d'Argentri  I.  II.  p.  307)  : 
Haec  propositio :  Omnis  anima  existens  in  Purgatorio  ex  justitia  divina  adjudi- 
cata  ibidem  stare  pro  quantocunque  temjjorc,  immediate  evolat  ad  ccelum,  sive 
immediate  apotna  liberatur,  si  quis  vivorumjn-o  ea  sex  albos  dederit  per  7nodinn 
suffragii,  seu  eleemosyna  in  reparationem  EcclesicB  S.  Petri  Xantonensis  : 
non  sequitur  ex  Bulla,  nee  ex  contentis  in  ea,  seu  ex  indulgentiis  concessis  prse- 
dictas  Ecclesiaj  S.  Petri  Xantonensis;  nee  sequitur  ex  eadem  Bulla  de  aliqua 
determinata  anima,  puta  patris,  aut  matris,  vel  uxoris,  aut  alicujus  alterius,  quod 
tali  modo  liberetur,  ut  propositio  dixit.  Secundo,  talis  propositio  non  est  simpl'iciter, 
absolute,  et  catholice  asserenda,  nee  ex  tenore  Bullse  seu  virtute  indulgentiarum 
prffidicta;  Ecclesia;  S.  Petri  Xantonensis  conccssarum,  sane  nee  secure  populo 
quovis  modo  pra;dicanda.  The  proposition  here  rejected  shows  how  httle  effect  the 
Ibrmula  per  modum  stLJfragii  (see  note  16)  had  in  restraining  the  pretensions  of 


328  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

the  papal  absolution  were  connected  other  indulgences/-^  some  of 
which,  as,  for  instance,  those  with  regard  to  property  unjustly  ac- 
quired,-- were  plainly  of  an  injurious  moral  tendency  ;  whilst  others, 
as,  for  instance,  the  permission  to  eat  food  prepared  with  milk,  in 
time  of  fast,-^  tended  at  least  to  confuse  the  moral  notions  of  the 

the  Popes.  Soon  after  this,  in  Feb.  148.3,  the  Sorbonne  condemned  amongst  other 
propositions  of  the  Franciscan  Johnnncs  JInfj;eli  (see  §  135,  note  23)  the  follow- 
ing (see  iVJlrgentre  I.  II.  p.  305) :  JlninuE  in  purgatorio  existentes  sunt  de 
jurisdictione  Papcc:  et  si  vellet,  posset  totuin  purgatoriiini  evacuare,  with  the 
"remark,  Ha;c  propositio  in  se  est  dubia,  ct  ad  mentem  asserentis  per  modum  juris- 
dictionis  et  ordinaria;  potestatis  de  falsitate  suspecta  et  scandalosa,  et  nullatenus 
populo  publice  pra^dicanda. 

"'  e.  g.  the  allowing  the  confessors  to  give  dispensation  for  irregularities,  for 
marriages  within  the  Imbidden  degrees  of  relationship,  also  to  change  certain  vows 
into  mere  convenient  acts  of  duty,  etc.  See  Alexander's  Jubilee-bull  of  A.  D. 
1500,  in  Amort  I.  p.  94.     Julius' "bull  of  A.  D.  1510,  1.  c.  p.  206  seq. 

2^  Paul  II.  empowered  his  legate,  1467,  who  was  sent  to  preach  a  crusade 
against  George  Podiebrad  (see  the  bull,  which  is  wanting  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a. 
no.  8,  translated  in  Eschenloer's  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Breslau,  herausgeg.  v. 
Kunisch.  Bd.  2.  S.  68),  to  give  dispensation  to  those  who  should  take  the  cross,  or 
contribute  to  the  expense  of  the  crussdc  —  for  the  income  and  fruits  of  all  ill-gotten 
property,  as  long  as  such  income  should  be  used  oidy  to  carry  on  the  war  against 
heretics.  In  Alexander's  Jubilee-bull  of  1500,  in  Amort  I.  p.  94,  the  power  is 
granted,  super  male  ablatis  incertis,  et  male  quffisitis,  de  quibus  cui  restitutio  fieri 
debeat,  notitia  non  habeatur,  etiam  secundum  qualitatem  personarum,  et  quantita- 
tem  male  ablatorum  et  male  quaisitorum  componendi,  et  residuum  eis  remittendi. 
In  the  bull  by  which  Alexander  extends  the  jubilee  to  Whitsuntide,  1501,  for  all 
Italy  (1.  c.  p.  98),  it  is  stated  thus:  super  male  ablatis  incertis,  vel  per  usurariam 
pravitatem  quaesitis,  etiam  certis,  quando  focnerator  ab  alio  focneratoi'e  extorserit, 
vel  ipse  usuras  restituere  paratus  non  esset,  vel  alicui  privata;  Ecclesia;  deberentur, 
in  quibus  tamen  Romana  Ecclesia  succedere  posset.  So  too  in  the  Jubilee-bull  of 
Julius  II.  1510  (1.  c.  p.  206  seq.).  Arcimbaldiis  says,  in  his  instructions  to  his 
subdelegates  (see  note  17)  in  Kapppen's  Nachlese  III.  S.  195:  Istos  omnes 
casus  dcbent  pra^dicatores  populo  explicare,  et  super  eis  bene  insistere,  ut  bene 
intelligantur,  praesertim  in  primo  casu  super  male  ablatis  incertis,  quia  in  hoc  multi 
sunt  illaqueati,  prKcipue  mercatores,  qui  aliquos  incognitos  aliquo  modo  decipiunt 
plus  vendendo  quam  merces  valent,  vel  vendendo  malum  pro  bono,  vel  accipiendo 
aliquid  plus  in  pretio  ex  eo,  quia  solutionem  pretii  per  tempus  exspectant,  vel 
aliquo  alio  modo,  qui  infiniti  sunt.  Such  directions  operated  of  course  to  encourage 
dishonesty. 

^  Such  permission  was  granted  by  Arcimboldus  to  the  nuns  of  Bethlehem  in 
Nimwegen  (Archief  voor  kerkelyke  Geschiedenis  I.  p.  227)  in  a  letter  of  indul- 
gence, A.  D.  1517  :  Prajterea  ut  liceat  vobis,  una  cum  hospitibus  et  familia  vestra, 
pro  tempore  cxistente,  quamdiu  vixeritis,  quadragesimalibus  usque  ad  Uominicum 
Palmarum  inclusive,  et  aliis  diebus,  quibus  lacticiniorum  usus  est  prohibitus  (cum, 
ut  accepimus,  in  partibus  vcstris  oleum  olivarum  non  crescat)  butyro  loco  olei, 
casco,  absque  alicujus  licentia;  et  cum  consensu  utriusque  medici  tempore  intir- 
mitatis  lacticiniis  hujusmodi,  ac  etiam  tunc  et  quocunque  tempore  prohibito  ovis  et 
carnibus  vesci,  pariter  indulgemus.  When  Innocent  VIII.  granted  permission  to 
the  subjects  of  the  duke  of  Saxony,  1491,  to  use  such  food  on  all  fast  days,  in  con- 
sideration of  a  tax  imposed  for  the  building  of  a  church  in  Freiburg,  tlie  Dominicans 
in  Freiburg  resisted,  especially  Georgius  Fj'ichenhusius  and  Johannes  de  Bam- 
bergo,  and  maintained  that  the  dispensation  was  forged.  They  were  joined  by 
Joh.  V.  Breitenbach,  professor  of  the  canon  law  in  Leipsic,  who  maintained  in  liis 
Consilium  (see  extracts  in  Scckendork  Comm.  de  Lutheranismo,  p.  13  seq.)  con- 
tribuentes  sine  conscientia;  scrupulo  butyro  et  lacticiniis  libere  vesci  non  posse. 
Alexander  VI.  1496,  connnanded  then*  to  be  silent,  and  renewed  the  indulgence 
(see  Andr.  Molleri  Chron.  Friburg.  P.  I.  p.  51 ;  P.  II.  p.  139).  The  last  was 
done  also   by  Julius  II.  1512,  the  proceeds  of  the  tax  being  devoted  partly  to  the 


Chap.  IV.   Internal  History.  §   146.  Ecclesiast.  Indulgences.     329 

people.  The  influence  of  this  system,  which  must  evidently  have 
been  bad  enough  at  the  best,  was  made  still  worse  by  the  impostures 
which  were  constantly  practised  with  regard  to  indulgences.  False 
indulgences,  which  even  surpassed  the  real  ones  in  absurdity,  were 
palmed  upon  the  people;-^  the  venders  of  absolution  wont  beyond 
their  powers,  and  did  not  hesitate  at  any  means  of  getting  rid  of  their 
wares  to  advantage.--^     Hence  the  sale  of   indulgences  came  to  be 

building  of  the  bridge  in  Torgau,  partly  to  the  building  of  St.  Peter's  church,  see 
the  bull  (Butterbrief)  in  Kap  pen's  Nachlese  III.  S.  155  &. 

^  Thus  Nicholas  V.  had  to  call  to  account  several  of  the  clergy  in  Spain, 
amongst  whom  was  even  a  Benedictine  abbot  {Raynald,  14.53,  no.  19.),  for  offering 
for  sale  plenary  indulgences  on  the  authority  of  fictitious  bulls,  and  amongst  other 
things  for  having  pretended  to  have  the  power  animas  parentum  et  amicorum  pro 
certo  pretio  pecuniarum  a  pui-gatorio  et  inferno  extrahendi.  In  old  prayer  books 
of  the  end  of  the  15th,  and  beginning  of  the  16th  centuries,  there  is  a  form  of  prayer 
to  the  Holy  Virgin,  accompanied  with  the  assurance  that  Sixtus  IV.  had  granted 
indulgence  for  11,000  years  earn  devote  recitantibus  (see  Amort  I.  p.  52.  Archief 
voor  kerkelyke  Geschiedenis  I.  p.  243),  which  Amort,  though  only  from  internal 
evidence,  pronounces  to  be  a  fiction.  In  a  Dutch  prayer  book  of  the  beginning  of 
the  16th  century,  many  similar  prayers  arc  accompanied  by  similar  indulgences, 
see  Archief,  I.  p.  241  seq.  One  with  au  indulgence  of  more  than  100,000  years. 
Johannes  Major  (see  §  135,  note  3)  in  Sent.  IV.  Dist.  20.  Qu.  2  :  fatuaj  et  super- 
stitiosas  sunt  quffidam  inscriptiones  viginti  milliorum  annorum,  ubi  quis  dixerit 
quinquies  Pater  noster  ante  talem  imaginem,  etc.  Et  deberent  Pra*lati  illas  reji- 
cere  et  prohibere,  quia  cedunt  in  derisum  et  contemptum  indulgentiarum,  nee 
continent  veritatem.  How  far  this  sometimes  went  is  seen  from  the  passage  of 
Bernardino  Corio,  who  in  his  Historia  di  Milano,  written  about  1500,  relates  (ed. 
Venet.  1565.  4to.  p.  629)  that  Boniface  VIII.  granted,  on  application  of  Galeazzo 
Visconte  the  Jubilee-indulgence  to  Milan,  A.  D.  1301,  cioe,  che  ciascuno  nel  do- 
niinio  del  Visconte,  se  ancJio  nan  fosse  contrito,  ne  confesso,  fosse  assolulo  di  ogni 
peccato,  in  questa  citta  dimorando  dieci  di  continui ;  ma  ogni  giorno  dovesse  visi- 
tare  cinque  Chiese,  etc.  The  Congregatio  Indicis,  A.  D.  1621,  ordered  this 
passage  to  be  omitted  ( Muratorii  Scriptt.  Rer.  It.  IV.  p.  123). 

'•'^  cf.  Jo.  Huss  QuKstio  disputata  ann.  412,  in  the  Hist,  et  Monum.  Jo.  Hussi  I. 
p.  232,  see  below,  §  149,  note  14.  As  early  as  1433,  the  clergy  in  Landshut, 
entered  a  complaint  at  the  Council  of  Basil,  de  abusu  Qua;stuariorum,  see  Amort 
II.  p.  37.  Afterwards  the  abuse  grew  still  worse.  Compai-e  Johannes  Major 
(see  §  135,  note  3)  in  Sent.  hb.  IV.  Dist.  20.  Qu.  2  :  Innumeii  sunt  indulgentiis 
abusus,  potissimum  per  eos,  qui  eas  falso  comminiscuntur.  Deinde  magna;  fiunt 
impensffi,  ut  habeantur,  et  habitae  ab  Episcopis  divulgari  permittantur.  Mille 
quoque  modi  a  quaestuariis  istis  adinventi  pro  habenda  pecunia  a  plebe.  Laudo 
factum  optimi  cujusdam  viri  et  doctissimi  Joannis  Raulini  (>f  1514),  qui,  cum  in 
theologia  Licentiatus  esset,  et  hi  quajstuarii  sibi  offerrent  pecuniain  pro  suo  Docto- 
ratu  ea  lege,  ut  cum  eis  proficisceretur  de  parochia  in  parochiam  concionando ; 
quamvis  pauper  esset,  id  tanquam  se  indignum  recusavit.  Quales  coufessores 
admittantur  in  his  locis  publicis,  Deus  novit,  et  quam  celeriter  finem  imponant,  ut 
lanam  ab  ovibus  colligant !  Nam  ubi  solent  esse  casus  conscientiae  intricatissimi, 
quibus  in  promptu  vix  posset  respondere  consummatus  theologus,  asellus  quispiara 
aegre  capiens  significationem  propositi  casus  omnia  ocyssime  expediet.  A  monk, 
Thomas,  who  lived  before  Luther's  time,  gives  the  following  description  of  this 
traffic  in  indulgences  (in  Florimundl  Rcemundi  de  oitu  et  progressu  haeresium 
hb.  I.  c.  8.  ed.  Colon.  1614.  p.  63  seq.)  :  utque  tanto  melius  ac  facilius  deglubere 
eos  (populos)  possint,  cum  Parochis  rem  et  consilia  conferunt,  dicentes :  Domine 
Paroche,  apportamus  indulgentias  plenarias.  Quod  si  vestro  mandalo  populus 
convenerit,  et  processiones  factse  fuerint,  nos  tertiam  ejus,  quod  inde  collegerimus, 
vobis  dabimus,  et  de  bonorum  hominum  fortunis  una  laeti  convivabimur.  Ibi  Paro- 
chus  concubinarius,  indoctus,  mercenarius  et  non  pastor,  quo  ventrem  suum  replere 
et  scortum  alere  possit,  cum  istis  Bullarum  portatoribus  transigit.     Qui  pecunia  per 

VOL.  III.  42 


330  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

universally  considered  as  a  mere  matter  of  tratBc,'-'^  and  it  was  con- 
fas  et  nefas  collecta  convivantur,  saKant,  genioque  indulgent,  cf.  Mich.  Menot, 
below,  note  30.  See  also  Jounnis  Episc.  C'hemensis  (see  §  1.35,  note  29)  onus 
Ecclesi;e  c.  15.  Franc.  Belcarius  (Beaucnire)  bishop  of  Metz  ("f  1591)  com- 
inentaiii  lerum  Gallicaruni  lib.  XVI.  no.  15,  of  tlie  indulgence  traffic  under  Leo 
X.:  Tanta  pontificiorum  niinistrorum  iiiipudentia  erat,  ut  liarum  (indulgentiarum) 
obeundaruni  munus  palani  nundinarentur  inter  se,  et  nonnunquain  parum  sobrii, 
praeseilini  in  Geiniania,  in  divcrsoriis  aut  alias,  aut  alio  ludi  genere  ad  alios  trans- 
ferrent.  Of  the  noted  Dominican,  John  Tetzel,  who  hawked  about  the  papal 
indulgences  in  Germany,  lirst  as  commissioner  of  Arcindioldus,  and  then  of  the 
Elector  Albrecht  of  Mayence,  the  following  account  is  given  by  Frederick  Mecuni 
or  Myconius,  then  a  Franciscan  in  Annaberg,  in  his  history  of  the  reformation 
(ed.  by  E.  S.  Cyprian,  2te  Ausg.  Leipzig,  1718.  8vo.  S.  14) :  "  Incredible  is  it 
how  far  this  ignorant  and  shameless  monk  dared  to  go.  He  said  that  if  a  man  had 
slept  with  his  own  mother,  he  could  buy  of  the  Pope  absolution  therefor,  and  that 
if  the  Pope  forgave  him,  God  also  must  forgive  him.  Also  that  if  they  made  haste 
to  give  in  their  money,  and  bought  grace  and  absolution  enough,  all  the  mountains 
about  Annaberg  would  become  clear  silver.  Also,  that  as  soon  as  the  ring  of  the 
money  was  heard  in  his  bason,  the  soul  for  which  it  was  put  in  would  ascend  out 
of  purgatory.  —  Such  was  the  reverence  in  which  the  indulgence  was  held,  that 
when  Tetzel  came  into  a  city,  the  bull  was  carried  before  him  on  a  velvet  or  a 
golden  cloth,  and  all  the  priests,  monks,  the  Council,  schoolmasters,  scholars,  the 
men,  women,  and  children  went  in  a  procession  with  flags  and  torches,  to  meet  him. 
Then  all  the  bells  were  rung,  all  the  organs  played,  he  was  escorted  into  the 
churches,  a  i-ed  cross  erected  in  the  midst,  on  which  the  Pope's  banner  was  hung, 
&c.  —  Ad  1517,  when  Tetzel  offered  indulgences  for  sale  in  the  countries  border- 
ing on  Saxony,  for  the  building  of  St.  Peter's,  Myconius  relates,  p.  20  :  His  im- 
pudence now  passed  all  bounds.  He  gave  letters  of  indulgence  for  sins,  which 
men  intended  to  commit.  He  said  that  the  Pope  had  more  power  than  all  the 
apostles,  all  the  angels  and  saints,  and  even  than  the  Virgin  Mother  herself.  For 
these  were  all  inferior  to  Christ,  but  the  Pope  equal  to  him.  Nay,  that  since  the 
ascension  Christ  would  exercise  no  more  authority  in  the  church  till  the  day  of 
judgment,  but  had  committed  all  power  to  the  Pope  as  his  vicar.  Similar  accounts 
of  Tetzel's  proceeding  by  Luther,  in  his  book  against  Hansworst,  1541,  from  which 
Sleidamis,  Vih.  Xlll.  ed.  am  Ende,  H.  p.  208,  gives  extracts:  the  passage  :  Is 
inter  alia  docebat,  se  tantam  habere  potestatem  a  Pontifice,  ut  etiam  si  quis  virgi- 
nein  matrem  vitiasset  ac  gravidam  fecisset,  condonare  crimen  ipse  posset  interventu 
pecuni;e  :  deinde  non  modo  jam  commissa,  verum  etiam  futura  peccata  condonabat, 
has  led  to  much  controversy  whether  it  should  not  read  virginem  aut  matrem. 
The  character  of  these  hawkei-s  is  seen  from  what  is  said  by  the  papal  legate, 
Cardinal  Raymund,  who  wrote  to  the  German  princes,  1503  (see  Bernardi  Wittii, 
a  Benedictine  in  Liesborn,  hist.  Westphalia;,  written  1517,  ed.  Monast.  1778.  4to. 
p.  610)  :  Quanto  nos  magis  istis  pecuniis  pepercimus,  tanto  inhonestius  quidam  ex 
nostris  Commissariis  cas  disperserunt :  in  pluribus  enim  dioecesibus,  ubi  non  fuimus 
in  propria,  nihil  penitus  de  tertia  parte  remansit  propter  eorum  excessivas  expensas 
atque  inmioderatos  usus.  Sunt  enim  plures,  quorum  avaritiaa  nee  hodie  possit 
satisfieri,  etc. 

^®  Thus  Bernardus  JVitte,  1.  c.  p.  587  ad  ann.  1490 :  Eodem  anno  et  sequenti 
maxima;,  imnio  inauditae  pra;terilis  sajculis  indulgentias  pro  terra;  sancta;  recupera- 
tione  per  Raymundum,  tunc  Romana;  Curiae  Protonotariura  et  Apostolicum  Lega- 
tum,  universum  pene  nostrum  perorbem  perlatae  sunt,  infinitaque  pecunia  collecta. 
Verum  in  eum  usum,  ubi  hactenus  translatus  fuei'at,  et  hie  thesaurus  collocatus 
est.  O  auri  sacra  fames,  quantum  te  Domina  inundi  cruciat!  p.  605,  ad  ann.  1503  : 
Raymundus  —  Apostolica;  sedis  ad  Germaniam  Datiamque,  etc.  Legatus  missus, 
ut  Christifideles  ad  recuperationem  terra;  sanctse  ac  in  Tui-cos  Christi  inimicos  in 
pugnam  animaret,  promissa  peccatorum  indulgentia  cunctis,  qui  contra  Turcum 
militare  vellent,  parum  quidem  profecit,  a;s  autem  inopis  et  simplicis  vulgi  Romanse 
Ecclesiae  gazis  inipendit.  —  Surdcnt  profecto  opulentum  aures  Evangclio,  nee 
divinus  sermo  Principibus  auditus  est:  contenti  pra;senti  rerum  statu  potentes 
futurum  Christi  regnum  nonnisi  niorientes  inquirunt.  Credula  paupertas  facile 
praedicatoribus  obedit.   P.  653,  ad  ann.  1516 :  of  the  absolution,  which  Arcimboldus 


Chap.  IV.    Internal  History.    §  146,  Ecchsiast.  Indulgences.     *331 

stantly  occurring  that  wliat  was  offered  as  the  Iiighest  spiritual  gift, 
was  altogether  rejected  by  the  teinpornl  ]irinces,'-^'  or  regarded  with 
suspicion,-^  or  bitterly  complained  of.-''  There  were  some  also  who 
opposed  the  whole  system  of  indulgences  as  injurious  to  all  true 
religion  and  morals,-^*'  though,  for  the  most  part,  they  only  made 
themselves  the  objects  of  persecution. 

was  commissioned  by  Leo  X.  to  offer  for  sale,  the  proceeds  being  destined  to  the 
building  of  St.  Peter's  church  at  Rome.  Hujus  rei  gratia  et  quia  in  superioribus 
annis  sub  Alexandro  et  Julio  summis  Ponlificibus  similes  quasi  indulgentia;  emissa; 
fuerunt,  provincia  nostra  satis  extenuata  est  sed  utinain  vel  Romana  Curia  semel 
satiata !  sed  perpetuam  quis  saturabit  esuriem  ?  Trithemii  Chron.  llirsaugiense 
ad  ann.  1490.  T.  II.  p.  536,  of  the  sale  of  indulgences  by  Raymund :  Multa  certe 
florenorum  millia  ex  ea  gratiarum  largitione  per  Germaniam  fuere  collecta,  quorum 
tamen  nescio  si  vel  unus  denarius  in  prsdicatum  Cruciate  opus  contra  Turcos 
fuerit  expositus.  Guicciardini  historia  d'ltalia,  1.  XIII.  :  Leone  aveva  sparso  per 
tutto  il  mondo  senza  distinzione  di  tempi  e  di  luoghi  indulgcnze  aniplissime,  non 
solo  per  peter  giovare  con  esse  a  quegli,  che  ancora  sono  nella  vita  presente,  ma 
con  faculta  di  potere,  oltre  a  questo,  liberare  le  anime  dei  defuncti  dalle  pene  del 
pui-gatorio ;  le  quali  cose  non  avendo  in  se  ne  verisimilitudine,  ne  autorita  alcuna, 
perche  era  nolorio,  che  si  conccdevano  solamente  per  estorquere  danari  dagli 
uomini,  che  abbondano  piu  di  semplicita,  che  di  prudenza,  ed  essendo  esercitate 
impudentamente  dai  commissari  diputati  a  questa  esazione,  la  piu  parte  dci  quali 
comperava  dalla  corte  la  faccultk  di  esercitarla,  aveva  concitato  in  nuilti  luoghi 
indegnazione  e  scandalo  assai,  e  specialmenle  nella  Germania.  How  far  tiie  pro- 
ceeds of  these  sales  were  from  being  uniformly  applied  to  the  purpose  for  which 
they  were  professedly  intended,  see  Guicciardini  ed.  Venet.  1592,  p.  395  b.  il 
Pontifice  (Leone),  il  quale  per  facilitk  della  nafura  sua  essercitava  in  molte  cose 
non  poca  maesta  I'ufficio  ponteficale,  dono  a  Maddalena  sua  sorella  I'emolumento  e 
I'essatione  delle  indulgenze  di  molte  parti  di  Germania.  Leonis  X.  cpist.  ad 
Albertum  Eleclorem  Mogunt.  dd.  26  Nov.  1517  (in  H.  Schmidt's  Einleitung 
zur  Brandenb.  Kirchen  u.  Reformations-Historic.  Berlin,  1718.  4to.  S.  244  :  Fra- 
ternitati  Tuas  committimus  et  mandamus,  ut  postqnam  acceperit  dictum  librum 
Titi  Livii  (namely,  the  23  de  bello  Macedonico),  ipsi  Johanni  solvat  seu  solvi 
faciat  CXLVII  Ducatos  auri  de  Camera  ex  pecuniis  indulgentiarujn  concessarum 
per  illas  provincias  in  favorem  fabi-icae  Basilicae  Principis  Apostolorum  de  Urbe. 

^  For  the  year  of  Jubilee,  1450,  the  Teutonic  Order  forbad  all  their  dependr.nts 
to  make  the  pilgrimage  to  Rome,  see  V  o  i  g  t  in  Raumer's  hist.  Taschenbuche 
f  1833.  S.  138.  For  the  Post-Jubilee-ycar,  1451,  the  sale  of  the  indulgences 
was  committed  to  the  four  bishops  of  Prussia,  but  a  part  of  the  proceeds  were  to  be 
paid  into  the  papal  treasury,  and  the  bull  commissioning  them  was  to  cost  1,000 
ducats.  The  ambassador  of  the  Order  at  Rome  writes  to  the  Grand-Master,  p. 
142  :  "  All  which  being  taken  into  consideration,  my  Lord,  5-ou  will  readily  see 
that  this  absolution  is  quite  too  dear;  and  if  I  might  offer  my  poor  advice,  it  would 
be  rather  to  beg  to  be  excused  from  it  than  to  introduce  it  into  the  country,  since 
its  chief  effect  will  be  to  carry  away  from  us  our  money."  The  Order  agreed  in 
this  view  of  the  subject,  and  did  not  allow  the  indulgence  to  be  exposed  for  sale. 

^'*  When  about  to  put  up  for  sale  a  Jubilee-indulgence  for  the  year  1466,  the 
German  Diet  stipulated  that  the  money  should  be  delivered  neither  to  the  Pope, 
nor  the  Emperor,  but  to  them.  See  Mailer's  Reichtagstheatrum,  Th.  2.  S. 
216  seq.  Cardinal  Raymund  was  not  allowed  to  proclaim  the  Jubilee-year  1500, 
in  Germany,  till  the  commissioners  of  the  Diet  in  Nuremberg  had  bound  him  by  a 
contract  to  deposit  the  amount  destined  to  carry  on  the  war  against  the  Turks 
under  four  locks  {Raynald,  1500.  no.  20.  Sammlung  der  Reichsabschiede,  Bd.  2. 
S.  96  ff.). 

^  See  M.  Meyeri  epist.  ad  .^neam  Sylv.  see  §  132,  note  17.  Gravamen  Nat. 
Germ,  VIII.  A.  D.  1510.  see  §  134,  note  8. 

■'"  Nicholas  V.  1448,  had  (o  take  measures  (see  the  bull  in  Raynald,  ad  h.  a. 
HO.  9),  because  in  nonnullis  Burgundiap  partibus  plerique  sa»ct']ares  Presbyteri,— 


332  Tkird  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

For  the  hierarchy  measured  their  favor  by  the  degree  of  blind  sub- 
mission which  they  found  to  their  commands.  For  the  submissive 
they  knew  how  to  reconcile  the  demands  of  Christianity  with  the 
entire  gratification  of  their  desires,  wl)ilst  the  refractory  they  perse- 
cuted without  mercy,  even  tiiough  tiicy  might  be  animated  by  the 
purest  zeal  for  religion  and  morals.  The  catalogue  of  the  sins  of 
disobedience  was  yearly  lengthened,  and  on  the  Thursday  before 
Good    Friday,   the  most  solemn   anathemas  were  affixed  to  them.^i 

etiam  nonnunquaiii  in  sermonibus  publicis  ad  populum  —  habitis,  aliqua  piarum 
aurium  offensiva,  —  et  prtEsertim  indulgentiarum  et  remissionum  peccaminum, 
necnon  clavium  Ecclesias,  et  sacramenti  poenitentia;  materias  concernentia  affirma- 
runt,  —  unde  ibi  ^-ravia  scandala  succesiserunt.  — Amongst  the  errors  of  the 
Franciscan,  John  Yitrarius,  in  Paris,  condemned  by  the  Sorbonne  in  1498,  were 
the  following  (d'Jlrgentri  I.  II.  p.  341) :  VIII.  On  ne  doit  point  donner  d'argent 
aux  Eglises  pour  Its  pardons  (which  the  Sorbonne  designates  as:  scandalosa, 
devotionis  fidelium  diminutiva,  falsa,  reparanda).  IX.  Les  pardons  ne  sent  point 
donnis  pour  les  BonrdeaulT  (Est  indiscrete  popnlo  praedicata,  scandalosa  in  reli- 
giosos  domos,  quibiis  coUatas  sunt  indulgentias).  X.  Les  pardons  viennent  d'enfer 
(Est  piarum  aurium  offensiva,  scandalosa,  in  Ecclesiam  et  claves  Ecclesiae  blasphe- 
ma,  haeretica,  reparanda,  si  fuerit  praedicata).  In  1517,  on  the  other  hand,  Michael 
Menot  could  preach  with  impunity  (see  §  14.5,  note  10)  (Sermones  quadragesi- 
males.  Paris.  1526.  8vo.  fol.  147.  b.) :  Vultis,  quod  ego  dicam  vobis  unumverbum? 
Numquam  theologi  fecerunt  nienfionem,  nee  posuerunt  manum  in  istis  indulgen- 
tiis  :  aut  si  fecerunt,  raro  et  modicum.  Videatis  Joannem  Andres,  Panormitanum, 
et  omnes  Canonistas,  qui  dicunt  de  indulgentiis  parum.  Scotus  parum.  —  Sed  soli 
caffardi  eas  praedicaverunt  cum  infinitis  mendaciis,  ut  populum  decipiant:  qui 
saspe  sunt  parvi  diaboli,  quando  sunt  in  taberna  :  quibus  non  est  quaestio,  nisi  de 
luxuria,  de  ludo,  etc.  Die  si  vis :  quid  ergo  est  ?  oportet  ire  ad  magnam  indulgen- 
tiam,  qus  est  contritio.  Et  si  hoc  facias,  promitto  fibi,  quod  Magdalenae  promissum 
est.  Vade  ad  lachrymas  cordis :  effunde  abundanter.  Deus  non  dixit  ei,  quod 
poneret  quinque  solidos  in  trunco,  sed  dixit  ei :  fides  tua  te  salvam  fecit  (Luc.  vii. 
50).  —  Philippus  Turrianus,  domus  s.  Spiritus  commendator  1509,  preached 
against  indulgences,  see  Conspectus  hist.  Univers.  Viennensis  Saec.  II.  (Viennae, 
1724.  8vo.)  p.  73 :  diversas  contra  indulgentias  cum  populi  otfendiculo  propositiones 
palam  effutivisse  ferebatur,  and  was  punished  by  a  line,  lllrich  Krafft,  a  preacher 
in  Ulm  ("f  1516.  see  Veesenmeyer  comm.  de  vicissitudinibus  doctiinae  de  s.  coena 
in  Eccl.  Ulmensi.  Norimb.  1789.  4to.  p.  8)  said  publicly  of  Tetzel :  "  Here  is  a 
decoy  bird  coming,  who  wants  to  talk  your  money  out  of  your  purses.  Believe 
him  not,  dear  friends,  Christ  alone  is  our  absolution  and  our  sacrifice,  who  has 
already  done  and  paid  for  us  enough."  See  V  o  g  e  1 '  s  Leben  des  pabstl.  Gnaden- 
predigers,  oder  Ablasscramers  J.  Tezels  (Leipz.  2te  Aufl.  1727.  8vo.).  Besides 
these.  Wolf,  in  his  Lectiones  memorabiles,  mentions  the  following  persons,  as 
opponents  of  the  sale  of  indulgences  in  the  beginning  of  the  16th  century  (ex- 
tracted in  Flacii  catalogus  test,  verit.) :  Sebastianus,  D.  theol.  and  canon  in 
Erfurt  (see  Flacius  ed.  Francof.  1666.  p.  827),  Ludolph  Castrick,  Pastor  of  St. 
Michael's  Church  in  Magdeburg  (Flacius,  p.  833),  Job.  Pfennig,  preacher  in 
Nuremburg,  afterwards  in  Annaberg,  who,  when  about  to  flee  into  Bohemia  to 
escape  from  persecution,  was  seized  and  kept  in  prison  by  the  bishop  of  Meissen 
(Flacius,  p.  841.  G.  Fabricii  Annal.  urbis  Misn.  p.  78),  Tilemann,  a  monk  in 
Groningen  (Flacius.  p  842). 

31  Compare  §  117,  note  17.  See  the  JBulla  ccencB,  which  Paul  II.  pub- 
lished 1468,  and  which  was  especially  directed  against  George  Podiebrad, 
Gregory  of  Heimburg  and  others,  in  Cypriani  tabularium  Ecclesiae  Komanse. 
Francof.  et  Lips.  1743.  4to.  p.  38  seq.  Leo  X's  Bulla  ccencB,  A.  D.  1515,  see  in 
Wittii  hist.  Westphalias,  p.  647,  and  Hartzheim  Concill.  Germ.  T.  VI.  p.  144  : 
Consueverunt  Romani  Pontifices,  praedecessores  nostri,  ad  retinendum  puritatera 
religionis  Christianse  —  arma  justitias  per  ministerium  Apostolatus  in  praeseuti  cele- 
britate  exercere.  Nos  igitur  vetustum  et  solemnem  hunc  morem  sequentes,  ex- 
commucicamus  et  anathematizamus  ex  parte  Dei  omnipotentis,  Patris,  et  Filii,  et 


Chap.  IV.    Internal  History.  §   14G,  Ecclesiast.  Indulgences.  333 
Even  the  Synods  confessed  that  ban  and  interdict  were  often  unjustly 

Spiritus  Sancti,  auctoiitate  quoque  beatorum  Apostolorum  Petri  et  Pauli  ac  nostra, 
omnes  haereticos,  Gazaros,  Patarenos,  Pauperes  de  Lugduno,  Arnoldistas,  Spero- 
nistas,  Passagerios,  AViclevistas  seu  Hussitas,  Fratricellos,  de  opinione  nuncupatos, 
et  quoslibet  alios  haereticos,  ac  omnes  lautores  —  eorundem.  Item  excommunica- 
mus  et  anathematizamus  omnes  violatores  et  perturbatores  libertatis  ecclesiasticae, 

—  et  eos  prffisertim,  qui  —  Ecclesiis  et  ecclesiasticis  personis  sine  licentia  speciali 
Romani  Pontificis  —  onera  —  imponunt.  —  Item  —  omnes  piratas,  cursarios,  — 
prsBcipue  qui  mare  nostrum  a  monte  argentario  usque  ad  Terracinam  discurrere,  et 
navigantes  in  illo  depraedari  —  hactenus  prasumpserunt,  ac  omnes  receptatores 
eorundem.  —  Item  —  omnes,  qui  in  terris  suis  nova  pedagia  imponunt  vel  prohibita 
exigunt.     Item  —  omnes  falsarios  Bullarum  seu  literarum  Apostolicarum.  —  Item 

—  omnes  illos,  qui  equos,  arma,  ferrura,  ligamina,  et  alia  prohibita  del'erunt  Sara- 
cenis,  Turcis  et  aliis  Christi  nominis  inimicis,  quibus  Christianos  impugnant.     Item 

—  omnes  impedientes  seu  invadentes  victualia,  seu  aUa,  ad  usum  Romans  Curiae 
necessaria,  adducentes  :  —  cujuscunque  luerint  ordinis,  pra^eniinenfiK,  conditionis 
et  status,  etiamsi  Pontificali,  Regali,  Reginali,  aut  alia  quavis  ecclesiastica,  vel 
mundana  pra;iulgeant  dignitate.  Item  — omnes  illos,  qui  ad  Sedem  Apostolicam 
venientes,  et  recedentes  ab  eadem  —  spoliant,  —  mutilare  vel  interficere  praesu- 
ixiunt.  —  Item  —  omnes  temere  mutilantes,  —  interficientes,  capientes — Patriar- 
chas,  Archiepiscopos,  eorumque  mandatores.     Item  —  omnes  illos,  qui  — personas 

—  ad  Romanam  Curiam  super  eorum  causis  et  negotiis  recurrentes,  —  aut  —  Pro- 
curatores  ipsorum,  vel  etiam  Auditores  seu  Judices  super  dictis  causis  —  deputatos 
occasione  causarum  —  ejusmodi  verberant,  —  vel  occidunt,  seu  bonis  spoliant  (see 
§  136,  note  4)  —  :  ac  illos,  qui,  ne  Uteris  et  mandatis  et  Apostolica;  Sedis,  et 
Legatorum — ejusdem  —  non  habito  primo  eorum  beneplacito  et  assensu  pareatur, 

—  sub  gravissimis  poenis  probibere  (see  §  136,  note  5),  — quive  in  animarum 
eorundem  periculum  se  a  nostra,  et  Romani  Pontificis  pro  tempore  obedientia  per- 
tinaciter  subtrahere  —  prssumunt :  quive  jurisdictionem  seu  fructus  ad  ecclesiasti- 
cas  personas  pertinentes  usurpant  vel  arripiunt  (§  136,  notes  2,  3)  :  —  cujuscunque 
praeeminentiffi  —  fuerint,  etiamsi  Pontificali,  Regali,  Reginali,  vel  quavis  alia  prae- 
lulgeant  dignitate.  Item — omnes  mufilantes,  vulnerantes,  interficientes,  seu 
capientes  et  detinentes,  seu  depraedantes  Romipetas.  —  Item  —  qui  —  occupant, 
detinent,  vel  hostiliter  destruunt,  seu  invadunt  —  almam  urbem,  regna  SiciUae  vel 
Trinacriae,  insulas  Sardiniae  et  Corsicas,  terras  citra  Pharum,  patrimonium  b.  Petri 
in  Tuscia,  Ducatum  Spoletanum,  Comitatum  Venaysinura,  Sabinensem,  Marchiae 
Anconitans,  Masste,  Trebarije,  Romandiolae,  Campaniae,  et  Maritime  provincias, 
et  terras  specialis  commissiones  Arnolphorum,  Bononiensium,  Ferrariensium,  Bene- 
ventanorum,  Perusii,  Avinionensis  civitatis,  Castelli,  Tuderti,  et  alias  civitates, 
terras,  et  loca  vel  jura  ad  ipsam  Romanam  Ecclesiam  spectantia.  —  Non  obstantibus 
quibuscunque  privilegiis  —  eis — concessis,  quod  excommunicari  vel  anathemati- 
zarinon  possint  per  literas  Apostohcas  non  facientes  plenam  et  expressara  —  de  — 
nominibus  omnibus  propriis  —  mentionem  :  nee  non  consuetudinibus  —  contrariis. 

—  Et  a  quibus  quidem  sententiis  nullus  per  alium,  quam  per  Romanum  Pontificem, 
nisi  duntaxat  in  mortis  articulo  constitutus,  absolvi  possit :  nee  etiam  tunc,  nisi  de 
stando  s.  Romanae  Ecclesiag  mandatis,  satisfactione  vel  suflBcienti  cautione  prsestitis. 

Illos  autem,  qui  contra  tenorem  praesentium  talibus  —  absolutionis  beneficium 

impendunt  de  facto,  excommunicationis  et  anathematizationis  sententia  innodamus : 

—  et  declarantes,  —  nos  gravius  contra  eos  spiritualiter  et  temporaliter — proces- 
suros  :  et  nihiloniinus  quidquid  egerint  absolvendo  vel  alias,  nullius  sit  roboris  ac 
momenti.  Ut  autem  hujusmodi  nostri  processus  ad  communem  omnium  notitiam 
deducantur,  chartas  sive  membranas  processus  continentes  eosdem  in  valvis  Basili- 
carum  Principis  Apostolorum,  sanctique  Johannis  Lateranensis  de  urbe  affigi,  seu 
appendi  faciemus,  quEe  processus  ipsos  suo  quasi  sonoro  prajconio  et  patulo  indicio 
publicabunt,  ut  hi,  quos  processus  hujusmodi  contingunt,  quod  ad  ipsos  non  per- 
venerint,  aut  quod  ipsos  ignoraverint,  nullam  possint  excusationem  prEetendere, 
seu  ignorantiain  prsetendere,  cum  non  sit  verisimile,  quoad  ipsos  remanere  in- 
cognitum,  quod  tam  patenter  omnibus  publicatur.  (Concerning  this  mode  of  pub- 
lication see  §  59,  note  33 ;  §  96,  note  6  ;  §  100,  note  9.)  Verum  ut  prajsentes 
literae,  ac  omnia  in  eis  contenta,  eo  fiant  notiora,  quo  in  plerisque  civitatibus  et 
locis  fuerint  publicata,  Venn,  fratribus  nostris  Patriarchis,  Primatibus,  Archiepis- 


334         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.   1409—1517. 

imposed,  and  rebuked  the  Popes  for  their  haste.^-^  And  it  is  not  to 
be  wondered  at  that  as  the  respect  for  the  hierarchy  sank  lower  and 
lower,  till  their  censures  were  often  as  little  regarded  by  men -^-^  as  by 
the  reptiles  and  insects,  against  which  they  were  not  unfrequently 
directed.-^^ 


«^  147. 

INQUISITION. 

During  the  papal  schism  and  the  period  of  the  reforming  councils, 
the  power  of  the  Inquisition  seemed  to  be  broken  with  that  of  the 
hierarchy  ;  ^  but  with  the  revival  of  this  last  the  Inquisition  also  re- 
vived, and  commenced  in  Spain  and  Germany  a  course  more  deeply 
marked  than  ever  by  cruelty  and  bloodshed. 

In  Spain-  the  occasion  for  this  cruelty  was  afforded  by  the  Jews, 
who,  from  A.  D.  1391,  had  been  forced  in  appearance  to  embrace 
Christianity,  but  in  private  had  continued  to  worship  according  to  the 
religion  of  their  fathers.^  The  Inquisition  established  to  inquire  into, 
andi  bring  to  judgment  this  heresy,  assumed  a  character  hitherto 
unknown,  however,  from  the  circumstance,  that  the  king  and  queen, 
Ferdinand  and  Isabella,  were  empowered  by  the  Pope  to  appoint  the 
Inquisitors  (1478),  and  to  confiscate  for  the  royal  use  the  estates  of 

copis,  Episcopis,  et  locorum  Ordinariis  ubilibet  constitutis  per  hasc  scripta  cora- 
mittimus,  et  in  viitute  sanctas  obedientic-e  districte  praecipiendo  mandamus,  qua- 
tenus  per  se,  vel  alium,  seu  alios,  prtesentes  literas,  postquam  eas  receperint, 
seu  earum  habuerint  notitiam,  saltern  semel  in  anno,  aut  pluries,  prout  expedire 
videiint,  in  Ecclesiis  suis,  dum  major  in  eis  populi  multitudo  ad  divina  convenerit, 
solemniter  publicent,  et  ad  Christitidelium  mentes  deducant  et  declarent. 

32  See  Cone.  Basil,  above,  §  131,  note  23. 

33  See  §  135,  note  29. 

34  Compare  Mailer's  Schweizergeschichte,  neue  Aufl.  Leipzig,  1826.  Th. 
4.  S.  24()  ft.  One  case  is  related  by  Valerius  Anshelm  Berner  Chronik. 
Bd.  1.  S.  206  seq.  A.  D.  1479. 

1  Thus  Jacobus  Carthusiamis  (see  §  135,  note  31)  de  arte  curandi  vitia  (in 
V.  d.  Hardt  Autograplia  Lutheri  praef.  p.  47)  could  say  openly  :  Utinam  moderni 
theologi  ac  Prselati  ordine  procederent  in  correctionibus  :  non  esset  opus  tot  homi- 
nes it^ne  cremari.  Sperandum  melius  esset  de  pluribus,  si  viderent  vestigia  Christi 
in  Prselatis  et  theologis,  qui  per  mansuetudinem  sua^  doctrinae,  et  per  pietatem 
•omnes  vicit,  et  trahendos  ad  se  traxit.  Moderni  autem  non  ^ic.  Sed  qui  nititur 
informari  rationibus,  exposcens  rationem  de  lide,  non  sunt  parati  reddere  rationem, 
ut  tanien  docet  fieri  b.  Petrus.  Sed  statim  fremunt  dentibus,  acclamantes  :  hareti- 
^us  est,  cojnburatur.  Sicque  attrahendos  exasperant,  et  exasperatos  repellunt,  et, 
si  possunt,  ihmnix  bonorum  et  corporis  illis  procurant.  Qua:  omnia  Christus  non 
•docuit,  sed  omnia  prohibuit.  Inde  accidit,  quod  moderni  nil  proficiant,  sed  polius 
Ecclesiam  Dei  diminuant.     Et  cunctos,  etiam  timoratos,  scandalisant. 

-  Lud.  a  Paramo  de  origine  et  progressu  officii  sancts  Inquisitionis.  Matriti, 
1598.  fbl.  S  p  i  1 1 1  e  r '  s  Entwurf  der  Gesch.  der  span.  Inquisition,  vor  der  Samm- 
luno-  der  Insti-uctionem  des  span.  Inquisitionsgerichtes,  abers.  von  J.  D.  Keuss. 
Hannover,  1788.  8vo.  Histoire  critique  de  Tinquisition  d'Espagne  par  D.  Jean 
Ant.  Llorente.  Tomes  IV.  k  Paris.  1817,  1818.  8vo. 

-  Llorente,  I.  p.  141  seq. 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  History.     §   147.     Inquisition.        33S 

the  condemned.  Two  inquisitors  were  first  appointed  (1480),  but  though 
they  showed  themselves,  as  it  might  have  seemed,  sufficiently  active 
in  their  bloody  work,'*  they  were  soon  displaced,  and  Thomas  de 
Torquemada  appointed  Inquisitor  General  (1488).^  By  him  a  regular 
system  was  introduced.  Intjuisitors  were  stationed  in  every  place  of 
any  note,  and  provided  with  the  most  particular  instructions.'^  These 
again  surrounded  themselves  with  assistants  (f'amiliares  Sancti  Offi- 
cii). All  resistance  even  of  the  civil  authorities  was  put  down  by  the 
most  fearful  means.^  The  burning  piles  of  the  victims  were  altars 
on  which  at  once  reason  was  sacrificed  to  fanaticism,  and  civil  liberty 
to  royal  despotism.^  The  bishops,  instead  of  assisting  in  the  judg- 
ment, were  obliged  to  submit  to  the  new  Inquisition,'-*  and  even  the 
popes  were  not  able  to  restrain  this  monster  of  their  own  creation. i** 

■•  Llorente,  I.  p.  145  seq.  Compare  Sixti  IV.  epist.  ad  Ferdinandum  et  Isabel- 
lam,  dd.  29  Jan.  1482,  in  Llorente  IV.  p.  347 :  Quo  factum  est,  ut  multiplices 
querelas  ct  lamentationes  factae  fueiint,  tam  contra  nos  de  illarum  (literaruni)  expe- 
ditione  hujusmodi,  quam  contra  Majestates  vestras  et  contra  dilectos  filios  Michaelem 
de  Morillo  Magistrum,  et  Joannem  de  s.  Martino  Baccalaureum  in  theologia, 
Ordinis  Prasdicatorum  professores,  quos  dictarum  litterarum  praetextu  inquisitores 
in  vestra  civitate  Hispalensi  nominastis,  pro  eo  quod  (ut  asseritur)  inconsulte,  et 
nullo  juris  ordinc  servato  procedentes,  multos  injuste  carceraverint,  diris  tormentis 
subjecerint,  et  hfereticos  injuste  declaraverint,  ac  bonis  spoUaverint,  qui  ultimo 
supplicio  affecti  fuere  :  adeo  ut  quam  plures  alii  justo  timore  perterriti  in  fugam  se 
convertentes  hinc  inde  dispersi  sint,  plurimique  ex  eis  —  ad  sedem  Romanam, 
oppressorum  ubique  tutissimum  ret'ugium,  conl'ugerint. 

*  Llorente,  I.  p.  172  seq. 

®  The  earliest  dates  29  Sept.  (according  to  Llorente,  29  Oct.)  1484,  may  be  seen 
in  the  Sammlung  der  Instructionem  des  span.  Inquisitionsgerichtes,  Ubers.  v.  J.  D. 
Reuss,  S.  1  if.,  extracted  in  Llorente,  I.  p.  175  seq. 

''  See  the  efTorts  of  the  Cortes  of  Arragon  at  Rome,  against  the  new  Inquisition, 
especially  against  the  system  of  confiscation,  Llorente,  I.  p.  187  ;  murder  of  an 
Inquisitor  in  Saragossa,  1485,  p.  189 ;  disturbances  at  the  same  time  in  all  Arragon, 
p.  211 ;  renewed  resistance  of  the  Cortes  of  Arragon,  1510,  p.  371  ;  united  efforts 
of  the  Cortes  of  Castile,  Arragon,  and  Catalonia,  against  the  Inquisition  at  the 
accession  of  Charles  V.,  1518,  p.  376  seq. 

*  Ranke's  Fursten  u.  Volker  von  Sudeuropa  im  sechszehnten  u.  siebzehnten 
Jahrh.,  vornehmlich  aus  ungedruckten  Gesandtschaftsberichten.  Bd.  1.  (Hamburg, 
1827.  8vo.)  S.  241.  In  what  regard  the  new  Inquisition  was  at  first  held  in  Spain 
may  be  seen  from  Sixti  IV.  epist.  ad  Isabellam,  dd.  23  Febr.  14S3,  in  Llorente, 
IV.  p.  354  :  Quod  autem  dubitare  videris,  nos  forsan  existimare,  cum  in  pertidos 
illos,  qui  Christianum  nomen  ementiti  Christum  blasphemant,  et  judaica  perfidia 
crucifigunt,  quando  ad  unitatem  redigi  nequeant,  tam  severe  animadvertere  cures, 
ambitione  potius  et  bonorum  temporalium  cupiditate  [te  agi],  quam  zelo  fidei  et 
catholicas  veritatis,  vel  Dei  timore  ;  certo  scias,  ne  ullam  quidem  apud  nos  ejus  rei 
fuisse  suspicionem.  Quod  si  non  defuerint  qui  ad  protegendum  eorum  scelera 
multa  susurrarint,  nihil  tamen  sinistri  de  tua  vel  —  consortis  tui  illustris  devotione 
persuaderi  nobis  potuit. 

®  The  first '  archbishop  of  Granada,  Ferdinand  de  Talvera,  having  sought  to 
counteract  the  influence  of  the  Inquisition,  in  his  capacity  as  confessor  to  the 
queen,  was  brought  to  trial,  and  only  saved  by  the  influence  of  the  Pope,  Llorente, 
I.  p.  341. 

^°  The  Popes  at  first  tried  to  draw  some  advantage  from  the  new  Institution,  by 
selling  absolution  for  the  crime  of  apostacy,  but  this  met  with  so  much  opposition 
both  from  the  Inquisition  and  the  royal  power,  that  Alexander  VI.  had  at  length 
to  annul  all  that  had  been  granted,  23  Aug.  1497,  Llorente,  I.  p.  239  seq.  In  like 
manner  they  at  first  sold  privileges,  by  which  individuals  were  taken  from  the 


336  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

In  1492,  by  Torquemada's  advice,  all  Jews  who  refused  to  embrace 
Christianity,  were  expelled  from  the  kingdom,  and  in  1502  a  like 
fate  was  decreed  for  the  Moors  in  Granada,  notwithstanding  the 
assurances  to  the  contrary  made  at  the  peace  of  1492.  But  still  for 
centuries  the  Inquisition  found  no  lack  of  victims  for  its  bloody  work.i^ 
Fear  and  mistrust  mingled  in  the  nearest  and  holiest  relations  of  life; 
whilst  cruelty,  revenge,  treachery  and  hypocrisy  becanie  more  and 
more  deeply  marked  in  the  character  of  the  unhappy  people  who 
groaned  under  this  fearful  yoke.i- 

jurisdiction  of  the  Inquisition;  but  on  the  15th  May,  1502,  Alexander  decreed  that 
in  future  the  Grand-Inquisitor  sliould  be  the  judge  of  all  such  cases  of  exemption, 
Lforente,  I.  p.  247  seq. 

"  According  to  Llorente,  IV.  p.  252,  up  to  149S,  when  Torquemada  resigned 
his  office,  there  had  been  8,800  burned  alive,  6,500  in  effigy,  90,004  punished  in 
various  ways  :  under  his  successor,  the  Dominican,  Diego  Deza,  from  1499-  1506, 
1664  were  burned  alive,  832  in  effigy,  32,456  perished  by  penance:  under  the 
third  general  Inquisitor,  the  Cardinal  and  Archbishop  of  Toledo,  Francis  Ximenez 
de  Cisneros,  from  1507-1517,  2536  were  burned  alive,  1368  in  effigy,  47,263 
reconciled  to  the  church. 

'-  The  orthodox  view  of  this  scourge  may  be  seen  from  the  account  of  the 
origin  of  the  Inquisition  in  Jo.  Mariana  hist,  de  rebus  Hispaniae  (Toledo,  1592) 
lib.  XXIV.  c.  17  :  Mcliori  Hispanix  fato,  quod  eatenus  factum  non  erat,  quaestion- 
ibus  habendis  adversus  i-eligionis  desertores  atqiie  hajreticos,  aliisque  in  veram 
pietatem  criminibus  vindicandis  certi  judices  designati  in  Castella  sunt,  discreti  ab 
Episcopis  (quorum  ere  partes  ab  antique  erant),  Romani  Pontificis  auctoritate,  et 
favore  Principum  armati,  Inquisitorum  ab  officio  nomine.  Morem  in  aliis  provin- 
ciis  frequentem  Italia,  Gallia,  Germania,  ipsaque  Aragonia,  hoc  demum  tempore 
Castella  est  imitata :  neque  in  studio  impios  conatus  vindicandi  se  ab  ulla  gcnte 
vinci  passa  est.  Auctor  consilii  Hispaniae  Cardinalis  (i.  e.  Petrus  Gonzalez  a 
Mendoza,  Archiepiscopus  Hispalensis).  Licentia  superiorum  temporum  multa 
in  ea  provincia  erant  depravata,  JNIauris  Judasisque  cum  piis  promiscue  versantibus 
nuUo  non  commercii  genere.  Prava  consuetudine  usuque  non  paucos  e  piorum 
numero  infici  necesse  fuit :  plures  sacra  christiana,  qu«  susceperant  patria  super- 
stitione  abdicata,  fide  inconstanti,  nullo  vetante  deserebant :  labes  Hispali  maxime 
est  grassata :  in  ea  urbe  primum  qusstionibus  arcano  habitis  de  sentibus  gravissi- 
rriis  posnis  vindicatuni  est.  Nam  majori  commisso  delicto,  igne  post  diuturnum 
carcerem  et  tormento  necabantur ;  leviori  de  causa  ignominia  inurebatur  familias 
perpetua ;  non  pauci  bonis  publicatis  aeternis  tenebris  vinculisque  mandati.  Rubra 
crux  obliquis  radiis  ac  decussatim  in  crocea  veste,  quam  S.  Benedicti  (San-Benito) 
vocant,  plerisque  data  insignis,  a  caeterisque  discreta,  ut  essent  documento,  et 
magnitudine  supplicii  terrerent  alios.  Quod  usu  salutare  extitit,  grave  initio  pro- 
vincialibus  visum  est.  Ilia  maxime  :  parentum  scelera  filiorura  poenis  lui ;  occulto 
accusatore  reos  fieri ;  neque  cum  indice  compositos  damnari ;  contra  quam  olim 
factum  erat,  peccata  in  religionem  vindicari  morte.  Illud  gravissimum,  adimi  per 
inquisitiones  loquendi  libere,  audiendique  commerciura,  dispersis  per  urbes  et 
oppida  et  agros  observatoribus,  quod  extremum  in  servitute  credebant.  Ita  discre- 
pantibus  judiciis,  nonnulli  mortis  poenam  removebant,  caeterum  suppliciorum  acer- 
bitates  omnes  complectebantur  :  in  hoc  numero  Fernandus  Pulgarius  arguto  atque 
eleganti  ingenio,  cujus  extat  de  Ferdinandi  Regis  rebus  gestis  historia :  alii,  quo- 
rum melior  sententia  fuit,  qui  foedare  religionem,  et  sanctissimas  caeremonias  mutare 
conati  essent,  eos  frui  vita  et  communi  spiritu  non  putabant  oportere,  bonis  et  igno- 
minia multandos  videri,  nulla  filiorum  cura.  Pra-clare  id  legibus  comparatum,  ut 
caritas  liberorum  cautiores  parentes  reddat.  Occulto  judicio  tergiversationes  vitari  : 
neque  nisi  de  convictis  aperte,  aut  confessis  poenas  sumi.  In  niultis  sajpe  aniiquos 
Ecclesiae  mores,  prout  res  et  tempera  exigunt,  mutari :  et  majoiem  licentiam  majori 
severitate  cogrcendam  videri.  Successus  opinionem  superavit.  —  Ab  hoc  initio  res 
in  banc  auctoritatem  crevit  atque  potestatem,  qua  nulla  pravis  hominibus  toto  orbe 
christiano  formidabilior  est,  reipublicse  universe  majori  comniodo;  preesens  renie- 


Chap.  IV.    Internal  History.     ^  147.    Inquisition.         337 

In  Germamj  the  Inquisition  was  revived  in  a  different  manner, 
though  with  the  same  characteristics  of  cruelty  and  bloodsiied.  The 
heretics  in  that  country  had  long  been  suspected  of  secret  connexion 
willi  the  evil  one  ;  and  this  suspicion  made  them  more  the  objects  of 
hatred  than  even  their  heresy,  since  no  one  was  supposed  to  be  safe 
from  their  arts.^"^  Innocent  VIII.  took  advantage  of  this  to  proclaim 
to  the  Germans,  1484,  that  they  were  in  constant  danger  from  sor- 
cerers and  witches,!^  and  commissioned  the  two  Inquisitors,  Heinrich 


dium  adversus  impendentia  mala,  quibus  alia;  provincise  exagitantur,  cajlo  datum  : 
nam  humano  consilio  adversus  tanta  pericula  satis  caveri  non  potuit. 

"  Compare  E.  D.  Hauber's  bibliotheca,  acta  et  scripta  magica,  grOndliche 
Nachrichten  und  Urthcile  von  solchen  Biichern  und  Handlungen,  welche  die 
Macht  des  Teufels  in  leibl.  Diiigen  betreffen.  36.  Stilck.  Lemgo  1739-1745.  8vo. 
G.  C.  Horst's  Daraononiagie,  od.  Geschichte  des  Glaubens  an  Zauberei  u. 
dilmonische  Wunder,  niit  besonderer  Berilcksichtigung  des  Herenprocesses  seit 
den  Zeiten  Innocentius  VIII.  2.  Th.  Frankf.  a.  M.  1818.  Ibid.  Zauberbibliothek. 
6  Theile.  Mainz,  1821  -  1826.  8vo. 

i"*  In  the  bull  Suinmis  desiderantes  affectibus,  dd.  Non.  Dec.  1484,  incomplete 
in  the  Lib.  Septimus  Decretall.  Lib.  V.  Tit.  12.  c.  4,  complete  in  Hauber's 
bib),  mag.  St.  1.  S.  1  ff  Horst's  Diimonomagie.  Th.  2.  S.  17  ff.  :  Nuper  ad 
nostruni — pervenit  auditum,  quod  in  nonnuUis  partibus  Alemanniae  superioris, 
necnon  in  Moguntinensi,  Coloniensi  Trevirensi,  Salzburgensi  et  Bi'emensi  provin- 
ciis  —  coniplures  utriusque  sexus  personam,  proprias  saUitis  immemores,  et  a  fide 
eatholica  deviantes,  cum  daemonibus,  incubis  et  succubis,  abuti,  ac  suis  iucanta- 
tionibus,  carminibus  et  conjurationibus  —  mulierum  partus,  aniiiialium  foetus,  terrae 
fruges,  vinearum  uvas,  et  arborum  fructus,  necnon  homines,  mulieres,  pecora, 
pecudes,  et  alia  diversorum  generum  animalia,  vineas  quoque,  pomaria,  prata, 
pascua,  blada,  frumenta,  et  alia  terra?  legumina  perire,  suffocari  et  extingui  facere 
et  procurare,  ipsosque  homines,  —  et  animalia  diris  tarn  intrinsecis  quani  extrinsecis 
doloribus  et  tormentis  afficere  et  excruciare,  ac  eosdem  homines,  ne  gignere,  et 
mulieres,  ne  concipere,  virosque,  ne  uxoribus,  et  mulieres,  ne  viris  actus  conju- 
gales  reddere  valeant,  impedii-e  :  fidem  praterea  ipsam,  quam  in  sacri  susceptione 
baptismi  susceperunt,  ore  sacrilege  abnegare,  aliaque  quam  plurima  nefanda, — 
instigante  humani  generis  inimico,  committere  et  perpetrare  non  verentur.  — 
Quodque  licet  dilecti  filii,  Henricus  Institoris  in  prsedictis  partibus  Alemannise 
superioris,  —  necnon  Jacobus  Sprenger  per  certas  partes  lineEe  Rheni,  Ordinis 
Praidicatorum,  et  theologian  pi-ofessores,  hajreticaj  pravitatis  inquisitores  per  literas 
Apostolicas  deputati  fuerunt:  tamen  nonnulli  Clerici  et  laici  illarum  partium, 
quEerentes  plura  sapere  quam  oporteat,  pro  eo  quod  in  literis  deputationis  hujusmodi 
provinciae,  —  ac  excessus  hujusmodi  nominatim  et  specifice  expressa  non  fuerunt, 
—  prajfatis  inquisitoribus  in  provinciis  —  pra;ilictis  hujusmodi  inquisitionis  olficiuni 
exequi  non  licere, —  pertinaciter  asserere  non  erubescunt.  —  Nos  igitur,  —  ne 
contingat,  provincias  —  et  loca  pra?dicta — debito  inquisitionis  officio  carere,  eisdem 
inquisitoribus  in  illis  oflicium  inquisitionis  hujusmodi  exequi  licere  —  tenore  prae- 
sentium  statuimus.  Proque  potiori  cautela  literas  et  deputationem  pi-a;dictas  ad 
provincias  —  et  crimina  hujusmodi  extendentes,  prtefatis  inquisitoribus,  quod  ipsi  — 
in  provinciis  —  prsdictis  contra  quascunque  personas  —  hujusmodi  inquisitionis 
officium  exequi,  ipsasque  personas,  quas  in  pranmissis  culpabiles  repererint,  juxta 
earum  demerita  corrigere,  incarcerare,  punire,  et  mulctare  ;  necnon  in  singulis 
provinciarum  hujusmodi  parochialibus  Ecclesiis  verbum  Dei  fideli  populo,  quoties 
expedient  ac  eis  visum  fuerit,  proponere  et  prjedicare,  omniaque  alia  et  singula  in 
prajmissis  et  circa  ea  necessaria  et  opportuna  facei-e,  et  similiter  exequi  libere  et 
licite  valeant,  plenam  ac  libcram  eadem  auctoritate  de  novo  concedimus  facultatem. 
Et  nihilominus  ven.  fratri  nostro  Episcopo  Argcntinensi  per  Apostolica  scripta 
mandamus,  quatenus  —  non  permittat,  eos  quoscunque  super  hoc  —  molestari,  seu 
alias  quomodolibet  impediri ;  molestatores  et  inipedientes  et  contradictores  quoslibet, 
et  rebelles,  cujuscunque  dignitatis,  status,  gradus,  prseeminentiae,  nobilitatis,  et 
excellentise  aut  conditionis  fuerint,  et  quocunque  exemtionis  privilegio  sint  muniti, 

VOL.  III.  43 


338  Tliird  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

Kramer  and  Jacob  Sprenger  to  purge  the  land  of  them.  To  convince 
the  incredulous,  and  bring  their  new  business  into  regular  train,  these 
men  published  the  Hexenhammer  (Malleus  maleticarum.  Colon. 
1489.  4to.).^'^  A  few  only  of  the  more  clear-sighted  ventured  to 
declare  against  this  delusion,  but  their  opposition  was  both  dangerous 
to  themselves  and  ineffectual. ^'^     Many  who  were  entirely   innocent 

per  excommunicationis,  suspensionis  et  interdict!,  ac  alias  etiam  formidabiliores,  de 
quibus  sibi  videbitur,  sententias,  censuras  et  pu?nas,  oiiini  appellations  postposita, 
compescendo  :  et  etiam  legitiniis  super  his  per  euni  servandis  processibus  senten- 
tias ipsas,  quoties  opus  fuerit,  aggravare  et  reaggravare  auctoritate  nostra  procuret, 
invocato  ad  hoc,  si  opus  fuerit,  auxilio  brachii  sacularis. 

'^  Concerning  the  various  editions  of  this  work  see  Hauber,  St.  1.  S.  39  seq. ;  II. 
S.  90  seq. ;  V.  S.  311  seq.  It  consists  of  three  parts.  P.  I.  treats  super  tria,  quEe 
ad  maleticialem  effectuin  concununt,  ut  sunt  D*mon,  maleficus  et  divina  per- 
missio;  P.  II.  super  reinedia  prajservativa  and  super  remedia  maleficia  amoventia; 
P.  III.  super  remedia  ultima  contra  personas  maleficarum. 

'^  In  Evreux  as  early  as  1453,  Wilhelminus  Edelinus,  Doctor  of  Theology,  and 
Prior  of  St.  Germain  en  Laye,  was  condemned  to  perpetual  imprisonment  for 
secret  dealings  with  the  evil  one,  see  Chroniques  d'Enguerran  de  Monstrelet  (a 
Piuis,  1572),  vol.  III.  fol.  63.  The  particular  charge  against  him  may  he  seen  from 
the  work  of  a  contemporary,  the  Dominican  JKlcholai  Jaquerii  {'^  in  Ghent,  1471), 
flagellum  hasreticorum  fascinariorum  (ed.  Francof.  15S1.  8vo.),  cap.  5.  The 
schedula,  in  which  the  unhappy  man  had  written  out  the  offences  put  upon  him, 
continebat  inter  cetera,  quod,  quando  ipse  fuit  introductus  ad  dictam  sectam, 
Diabolus  asserebat,  quod  ipse  Magister  Guilhelmus  bene  posset,  si  vellet,  augmen- 
tare  ejusdem  Daemonis  dominium,  pracipiendo  cidein  Magistro  Guilhelmo  prasdi- 
care,  quod  hujusmodi  secta  non  erat  nisi  illusio,  et  quod  hoc  pra?dicaret  ad  conten- 
tanduni  populum  patriae,  ubi  tunc  morabatur  ipse  Magister  Guilhelmus.  Compare 
Hauber,  St.  15.  S.  152  ff.  —  Malleus  malefic.  P.  I.  Qu.  1.  answers  the  question  : 
utrum  asserere  maleficos  esse  sit  a  Deo  catholicum,  quod  ejus  oppositum  perti- 
naciter  defendere  omnino  sit  ha?reticum.  It  seems  that  there  were  many,  who 
pubhce  pra?dicant,  maleficas  non  esse,  aut  quod  nullo  modo  valeant  hominibus 
nocere.  Hence  P.  I.  Qu.  18.  modus  prcedicandi  contra  quinque  argiwienta 
Laicontni,  quibus  pr  oh  are  videntur  sparsim,  quod  Dens  non  permittat  tantam 
potestatem  Diabolo  et  malejicis  circa  hujusmodi  maleficia  inferenda.  These 
aro-uments  were  :  Primum  sumitur  ex  parte  Dei :  Deus  punire  potest  hominem 
propter  peccata  et  punit  giadio,  fame  et  mortalitate,  item  diversis  aliis  infirniitatibus 
variis  et  innumeris,  quibus  humana  conditio  subjacet :  unde  quia  opus  ei  non  est 
adjungere  alias  punitioncs,  ideo  non  permittit.  II.  ex  parte  Diaboli :  Si  vera 
essent  qua;  pra'dicantur,  quod  videlicet  (Dasmones)  vim  generativam  impedire 
possunt,  ut  videlicet  mulier  non  concipiat ;  vel,  si  concipiat,  quod  aborsum  faciat ; 
vel  si  non  aborsum,  quod  etiam  post  partum  natos  interiiciunt :  utique  sic  perimere 
possent  totum  mundum.  Et  iterum  posset  dici,  quod  opera  Diaboli  essent  fortiora 
operibus  Dei,  scihcet  sacramento  matrimonii,  quod  est  opus  Dei.  III.  ex  parte 
hominis  :  Videmus,  si  maleficium  debet  esse  aliquid  in  nuindo,  tunc  aliqui  homines 
plus  aliis  maleficiantur.  De  quo  si  quEeritur,  utique  (Mcitur  hoc  esse  propter  puni- 
tionem  peccatorum  :  sed  hoc  est  falsum ;  ergo  et  illud,  quod  maleficia  sint  in 
niundo.  Falsitas  autem  probatur  ex  eo,  quia  tunc  majores  peccatores  amplius 
punirentur:  hoc  autem  est  falsum,  cum  minus  puniantur,  quani  alii  interdum 
justi.  Quod  etiam  cernitur  in  pueris  innocentibus,  qui  asseruntur  maleficiari. 
Quarto  potest  addi  et  aliud  argumentum  ex  parte  Dei,  hoc  :  Quod  quis  impedire 
posset,  et  non  iinpedit,  sed  fieri  permittit,  utique  judicatur  ex  sua  voluntate  pro- 
cessisse.  Sed  Deus  cum  sit  summe  bonus,  non  potest  velle  malum:  ergo  non 
potest  permittere,  ut  fiat  malum,  quod  ipse  impedire  potest.  Ite7n  ex  parte  morbi: 
Defectus  et  infirmifatcs,  qui  dicuntur  maleficiales,  similes  etiam  sunt  defectibus  et 
infirniitatibus  naturalibus,  i.  e.  qui  ex  defcctu  naturje  procedunt.  Quod  enim 
aliquis  claudicat,  cxcoecatur  vel  rationem  pcrdit,  vel  etiam  moritur,  ex  defectu 
naturEB  conlingere  possunt :  unde  non  possunt  secure  malelicis  adscribi.  Ultimo 
ex  parte  judicum  et  prcedicatorum,  qui,  cum  talia  adversus  maleficas  praedicant 


Chap.  IV.     Internal  Ilhtory.    §147.     Inquisition.  339 

were  its  victims,  whilst  it  proved  a  ready  mode  of  bringing  suspected 
heretics  to  justice  to  accuse  them  of  sorcery,'"  the  civil  authorities 
vying  with  the  Inquisitors  in  the  persecution.''^ 

et  practicant,  utique  propter  ingens  odium  a  nialeficis  conti'a  eos  conceptum  nun- 
quarn  essent  securi.  They  who  opposed  the  behef  in  witches,  fbiinded  their 
arguments  chiefly  on  the  Decret.  Gratiani  Causa  XXVI.  Qu.  5.  c.  12,  ex  Cone. 
Anquirensi,  where  the  nightly  excur.-ions  of  witches,  and  their  power  of  changing 
their  siiapes  is  condemned  as  a  lieathcn  supei'stition,  and  tlie  priests  called  upon  to 
preach  against  it.  Hence  Malleus  nialef.  P.  II.  cap.  3.  attempts  to  show  that  such 
opponents  in  cortice  canonis  laborarent,  and  that  there  are  ceitainly  sucii  instances. 
After  mentioning  several,  he  proceeds:  Tantummodo  hasc  sufficiant  adversus  illos, 
qui  hujusmodi  corporales  transvectiones  aut  omnino  negant,  aut  quod  solummodo 
imaginarie  et  fantastice  fiant,  alfirmare  conantur.  Qui  utique  in  suo  errore  si 
relinquerentui-,  parumesset,  imo  nee  advertendum,  dunnnodo  in  fidei  contumeliam 
ipsoruni  ei'ror  non  vergeret.  Attento  auteni  quod  illo  errore  non  contenti  eliam 
alios  inserere,  et  publicare  in  nialeficarum  augmentationem  et  fidei  detrimentum 
nou  verentur,  dum  asserunt,  quod  omnia  maleficia,  quae  eis  juste  tanquam  instru- 
mentis  Da;monum  vere  et  realiter  imputantur,  eis  tantummodo  imaginarie  et  illu- 
sorie,  tanquam  innoxiis,  esse  imputanda,  sicuti  et  ipsa  transvectio  fantastica,  unde 
et  pluries  inipune  in  magnam  creatoris  contumeliam  et  gi-avissimum  jam  ipsorum 
augmentum  remanserunt,  etc.  Compare  P.  II.  cap.  8.  There  are  two  remarkable 
dialogues  in  this  period,  in  which  the  grounds  for  and  against  this  belief  in  witches 
are  set  forth.  Ulricus  Molitoris,  Decretorum  Doctor,  a  memlier  of  the  episcopal 
Council  in  Constance,  wrote  one:  De  lamiis  et  pythonicis  mulieribus.  Colon.  1498. 
at  the  request  of  the  archduke  Sigismund  of  Austria.  The  grounds  against  the 
belief  are  showed  with  great  power,  but  at  the  same  time  very  cautiously,  and  the 
decision  put  into  the  mouth  of  the  archduke,  compare  Hauber,  St.  2.  S.  103  seq. 
In  the  dialogue  of  the  Franciscan  Thomas  Murner :  De  pythonico  contractu, 
Freyburgii,  1499,  it  is  difficult  to  see  what  was  the  real  opinion  of  the  author,  see 
Hauber,  St.  2.  S.  116  seq.  Both  dialogues  are  appended  to  the  edition  of  the 
Maleficarum.  Francof.  1580.  8vo. 

'^  An  instance  of  this  occurred  in  Arras,  A.  D.  1459,  where  a  large  number  of 
persons,  who  were  supposed  to  be  Waldenses,  were  accused  of  sorcery,  and  burned 
alive,  see  Enguerrand  de  Monstrelet  Chioniques.  vol.  III.  fol.  84.  The  great 
jurist.  Franc.  Baldiiinus,  who  was  himself  a  native  of  Arras,  says  of  this  event, 
Comm.  in  Institutt.  lib.  IV.  Tit.  IS.  p.  774:  Quo  gravius  et  ab  hominis  Ingenio 
magis  alienum  est  hoc  malum  (of  sorcery),  eo  major  adhibenda  est  cautio,  ne  quis 
ejus  prfetextu  ab  adversariis  temere  obruatur.  Facile  enim  hie  quidvis  confingere 
potest  ingeniosa  simultas,  ut  et  multitudinem  statim  commoveat,  et  attonitos  judices 
irritet  adversus  eum,  quem  cum  Dajmonibus  rem  habere  mentietur.  Ante  annos 
sexaginta  sensit  infelix  nostra  patiia  magno  suo  malo  hujusce  generis  calumnias. 
Magna  erat  Va[densium  mentio,  quos  adversarii  jactabant  nescio  quid  commercii 
habere  cum  immundis  spiritibus.  Hujus  criminis  prstextu  optimi  quique  statim 
opprimebantur.  Sed  tandem  Senatus  Parisiensis  causa  cognita  vidit  meras  esse 
sycophantias,  infelices  reos  liberavit,  improbos  sycophantas  cum  iniquis  judicibus 
damnavit.  Extatque  adhuc  ejus  memorabile  hac  de  re  Arestum,  editum  XX.  die 
mensis  Maji,  anno  1491.  Compare  Hauber,  St.  2.  S.  64  ff.  The  Malleus  malefi- 
carum tries  to  show  that  sorcery  is  the  worst  heresy  (P.  I.  Qu.  14.). 

''^  The  Malleus  maleficarum  shows,  P.  III.  in  the  introduction,  that,  since  crimen 
maleficarum  non  est  mere  ecclesiasticum,  imo  potius  civile  propter  damna,  quas 
inferunturtemporalia,  therefore  judex  scecularis  cognoscere  etjudicare  potest  usque 
ad  sententiam  diffinitivam  ad  poenitentiam,  quam  ab  Ordinariis  recipiet :  secus  super 
sanguinem,  quam  per  se  ferre  potest.  Hence  also  P.  HI.  is  intended  for  the  in- 
struction of  the  civil  courts  on  the  subject.  v 


340  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  140<J  —  1517. 

CHAPTER    FIFTH. 

OPPONENTS    OF     THE    CHURCH    OF    ROME. 

<§,    148. 
OLDER    FANATICAL    SECTS. 

The  Manichccans  still  maintained  themselves  in  Bosnia,  where 
they  were  the  prevailing  sect  till  the  king  of  that  country,  Stephen 
Thomas,  went  over  to  the  Roman  church  in  1442, ^  and  began  to 
persecute  them.  By  this  measure,  however,  he  only  hastened  the 
fall  of  his  kingdom,  which  was  conquered  by  the  Turks  in  1463.^ 
The  Flagellants  also,  still  existed  in  secret  in  Thuringia  and  Anhalt."^ 

*  See  Epist.  Benedicti  Ovetarii  Vicentini  ad  Petrum  Donatum  Episc.  Patavi- 
num,  dd.  Rom.  Kal.  Oct.  1442,  in  Martene  ampl.  coll.  I.  p.  1592. 

'  See  the  praises  bestowed  on  the  king  for  this  persecution  in  the  Pope's  letter, 
Raynald,  1445,  no.  23.  Two  Wywodes,  Stephen,  the  king's  father-in-law,  and 
John,  went  back  to  the  heretics  after  a  pretended  conversion  to  the  Roman  church, 
and  protected  the  Manichseans.  Instructions  concerning  them  in  Nicholas  V. 
letter  to  his  legate,  Raynald,  1449,  note  9.  The  Manichseans  went  so  far  as  even 
to  call  in  the  Turks  to  aid  them  against  their  king,  Raynald,  1450,  no  13.  Stephen 
Thomas'  son  and  successor,  Stephen  Thornassowitsch,  pacified  the  Turks,  by 
agreeing  to  pay  them  tribute,  and  then  began  anew  to  persecute  the  Manichsans 
and  confiscate  their  estates,  Raynald,  1460,  no.  91.  cf.  Pii  II.  commentarii 
rerum  memorab.  a  Jo.  Gobelino  compositi,  lib.  V.  p.  125:.  Rex  Bossinas  —  ut 
piaculum  traditae  Turcis  Synderoniae  purgaret,  ac  suae  religionis  fidem  faceret,  sive, 
quod  multi  crediderunt,  avaritias  obtentu  Manichasos,  qui  erant  in  regno  suo  quam 
plurimi,  nisi  baptismum  Christi  acciperent,  e  regno  migrare  coegit  substantia 
relicta:  duo  circiter  millia  baptizati  sunt,  quadraginta  aut  pauIo  plures  pertinaciter 
errantes  ad  Stephanum  Bosnie  ducem  (Stephen  Cosaccia,  Duke  of  Hcrzegowina) 
perfidiai  socium  confugere.  Tres  principes  hajreseos  in  aula  Regis  potentes  Epis- 
copus  Nonensis  vinctos  ad  Pontificem  duxit,  quos  Pius  per  monasteria  relegatos 
edoceri  Christianum  dogma  curavit.  Joannes  Cardinalis  sancti  Sixti  ad  se  vocatos 
instruxit,  persuasitque  tandem  abjuratiserroribus  Ecclesite  Romanas,  quae  nee  falle- 
ret,  nee  falleretur,  documenta  suscipere :  reconciliatos  ad  Regem  remisit  (cf.  Ray- 
nald, 1461,  no.  136)  :  duo  in  fide  permansere,  tertius  more  canis  ad  vomitum 
rediens  ex  itinere  dilapsus  ad  Stephanum  confugit.  In  A.  D.  1463,  Stephen  was 
taken  prisonei-  and  put  to  death  by  the  Turks,  and  Bosnia  subdued  ( GobelUnus, 
lib.  XI.  p.  311). 

^  See  their  doctrines  in  §  120,  note  8.  Flagellants  were  discovered  and  punished 
in  Sangerhausen,  A.  D.  1414  and  1454,  in  Nordhausen  1446,  in  Anhalt  1481, 
see  Forstemann  die  christi.  Geisslergesellschaften.     Halle,  1828.  S.  163  ff. 


Chap.   V.     Reformers.     §  149.     Hnss.  341 


^  149. 

ATTEMPTS    AT    REFORM. 
JOHN    HUSS    AND    JEROME    OF    PRAGUE. 

Authorities:   Historia  et  monumenta  Jo.  Hus  atque  Hieronymi  Pragensis. 

Tomi  II.  JSforimbergee,  171.5.  fol. 
Against  Huss :  jEnecB  Sylvii  de  Bohemorum  origine  ac  gestis  historia  (RomcB, 
1475  fol.  and  often,  e.  g.  Wolferbyti,  1620.  8vo.)  cap.  35,  36.  Jo.  Cochlai 
hist.  Hussitarum,  hbb.  XII.  apud  S.  Victorem  prope  Moguntiam.  1549.  fol. 
For  Huss:  Hussitenkrieg :  darinnen  begriffen  das  Leben,  die  Lehre,  der  Todt 
M.  Johannis  Hussi,  auch  wie  derselbe  von  den  Boh.nen-ist  gerochen,  &c. 
alles  aus  glaubwilrdigen  Geschichtschreibern,  alten  Monumenten  und  Manu- 
scripten  mit  Fleiss  zusammengetragen  durch  M.  Zachariam  Theobaldum. 
Ntlrnberg,  1621.  4to.  . 

Works  on  the  subject:  Wilh.  Seyfridi  diss,  de  Jo.  Hussi  Martyris  vita,fatis  ac 
scriptis.  Jens,  1729.  cum  annotationibus  J.  Chr.  Mylii.  Hilperhitsce,  1743. 
4to.  Lebensbeschreibungen  von  Huss  u.  Hieron.  v.  Prag  in  W.  Gilpin's 
Lives  of  Reformers,  2  vols.  8vo.  Lond.  1809.  Hussens  Leben  von  Aug. 
Zitte,  2  Theile,  Prag,  1789,  90.  von  J.  F.  W.  Tischer.  Leipz.  1798. 
Leben  des  Hieronyraus  v.  Prag  von  Tischer.  Leipz.  1802.-  Compare 
the  Works  on  the  Council  of  Constance  prefixed  to  §  130. 

The  successor  of  Conrad  Stiekna,  John  Milicz,  and  Matthew 
Janow,  in  the  cause  of  good  morals  and  true  piety,  was  JoJt7i  Huss  of 
Hussinecz,  Master  of  Arts,  and  Teacher  of  Theology  at  Prague, 
and  from  A.  D.  1402,  preacher  at  the  chapel  of  Bethlehem,i  and 
confessor  to  the  queen.  Huss  was  converted  to  Realism,  and  made  a 
follower  of  Augustine,  by  the  writings  of  Wicliife,  which  in  their 
wide  circulation  had  been  brought  also  to  Prague.^     Without  adopt- 


1  Founded  bv  Johann  von  Muhlheim  and  the  merchant  Kreuz  1391  (P  e  1  z  e  I  s 
Leben.gesch.  des  Konigs  Wenceslaus.  Th.  1.  Prag,  1788.  S.  243)  :  Iheir  object  is 
thus  stated  in  the  foundation  (Ibid.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  102  seq.)  :  Ego  Johannes  de 
Milhem  provida  consideratione  pensans,  et  anims  mea;  salutem,  multorumque 
Christifidelium  spiritualem  refectionem  desiderans,  quomodo  in  civitate  Pragensi, 
licet^  multa  sint  loca  ad  divinos  cultus  ordinata,  nihilominus  tamen  eadem  per 
nlurimos  alios  sacros  actus  occupantur  pluries,  sic  quod  nullus  locus  ad  pnvilegia- 
ium  orKdicationis  verbi  Dei  officium  sit  ibidem  specialiter  deputatus,  sed  praedica- 
tores  ipsi  specialiter  vulgaris  Boemici  eloquii,  plerumque  per  domos  et  latebras 
coc^untur,  quod  non  congruit,  divagari,  quemadmodum  sa-pius  notabiliter  est  com- 
nertum-  hac  igitur  consideratione  permotus,  et  ad  diets  prsdicationis  sancta; 
incrementa  procurauda  attentius  animatus-Capellam  in  honore  ss.  Innocentum  in 
area  orovidi  viri  Crucis,  civis  majoris  civitatis  Pragensis,  quam  idem  Crux  —  ad  id 
Die  donavit  —  quam  Bethlehem,  quod  interpretatur  domus  panis,  censui  appellan- 
dam  hac  consideratione,  ut  ibidem  populus  communis  et  Christihdeles  pane  praedi- 
cationis  sanctse  refici  debeant,  —  decrevi  et  disposui  engendam. 

2  JEnecB  Sylvii  hist.  Bohem.  c.  35  :  Rexerunt  scholam  Pragensem  usque  in  ea 
temoora  Teutones.  Id  molestissimum  Bohemis  fuit,  hominibus  natura  ferocibus 
atque  indomitis.     Ex  quibus  vir  quidam  genere  nobilis,  ex  domo  quam  Putridi 


342  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409—1517. 

jng  all  Wicliffe's  speculative  opinions,^  he  learned  from  him  to  take  a 
deeper  view  of  the  abuses  of  the  church,  and  by  the  study  of  his 
works  was  strengthened  in  his  love  of  truth  and  goodness.  He  was 
therefore  zealous  in  reconmiending  and  circulating  Wicliffe's  writ- 
ings,'^  and  connected  himself  intimately  with  their  great  advocate, 
Jerome  Fauifisch,  commonly  called  Jerome  of  Prague;  thus  drawing 
upon  himself  the  enmity  of  the  numerous  German  teachers  in  the 
university  of  Prague,  who  were  one  and  all  Nominalists,  and  oi)posers 
of  Wiclitfe.  After  having  become  famous  as  a  popular  preacher, 
Huss  began  in  the  synods  to  attack  the  corruptions  of  the  clergy.^ 
-  _      . :^^ . 

piscis  vocant,  apud  Oxoniam  Anglice  civitatcm  Uteris  studens,  cum  Johannis  Wy- 
clevi  libros  otfendisset,  quibiis  de  rcalibus  uiiivcrsalibus  titulus  iiisciibitur,  niasfno- 
pere  illis  oblectatus,  exeuiplaria  sccuin  attiilit  (about  1402).  Inter  (jua;  de  civili, 
de  jure  divino,  de  Ecclesia,  de  diversis  quKstionibus,  contra  Clerum  pleraque 
vohunina,  vcluti  pretiosuni  thesaurum,  patriae  suk  intnlit.  Inibutus  jam  ipse 
Wiclevitarum  veneno  et  ad  nocenduiii  paratus,  turn  quo?'  ciat  familiar  sua;  cogno- 
men, putridum  piscein  i.  e.  foetidum  virus  in  cives  suos  evomuit.  Commodavit 
autein  scripta,  qua;  attulerat,  his  potissime,  qui  Teutonicorum  odio  tenebanfur. 
Inter  quos  Johannes  eniinuit,  obscuro  loco  natus,  ex  villa  Hus,  qui  anserem  signili- 
cat,  cognomen  mutuatus.  Hie  cum  esset  ingenio  peracri,  et  lingua  diserta,  mul- 
tuiiique  dialecticis  oblectaretur,  et  peregrinas  opiniones  amaret,  avide  admodura 
AVyclevitarum  doctrinam  arripuit,  eaque  Teutonicos  vexare  magistros  ccepit,  sperans 
eo  confusos  Teutones  scholas  relicturos. 

'  Thus  in  his  tract,  de  corpore  et  sanguine  Domini,  written  in  prison  in  Con- 
stance (Hist,  et  monunu  I.  p.  47),  his  views  of  Transubstantiation  are  entirely 
orthodox.  Compare  also  his  confession  of  faith,  below,  note  12.  In  his  Kesponsio 
ad  scripta  Mag.  Stephani  Paletz  he  says  (Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  330)  :  Ego  enim 
fateor,  quod  sententias  veras,  quas  M.  Joan.  Wicletf — posuit,  teneo,  non  quia  ipse 
dicit,  sed  quia  divina  scriptura,  vel  ratio  infallibilis  dicit.  Si  auteni  aliquem  erro- 
rem  posuerit,  nee  ipsum,  nee  quemcunque  alium  intendo  in  errore,  quantumlibet 
modice,  imitari. 

^  JEneas  Sylvius,  1.  c.  relates  of  his  preaching  in  the  chapel :  Qui  cum  se 
libenter  audiri  animadverteret,  multa  de  libiis  Johannis  Wyclevi  in  medium  attulit, 
asserens  in  eis  omnem  veritatem  contineri,  adjiciensque  crebro  inter  pra-dicandum, 
se  postquam  ex  hac  luce  migraret,  in  ea  loca  proficisci  cupere,  ad  (jua;  Wyclevi 
anima  pervenisset,  quern  virum  bonum,  sanctum,  ca;loque  dignum  non  dubitarct. 
The  errors  of  Wicliffe  were  opposed,  1408,  by  Stephanus,  Cartusia;  Dolanensis 
Prior,  though  without  naming  Huss,  Medulla  tritici  s.  Antiwikleffus  in  Pezii  thes. 
anecdotorum  T.  IV.  P.  II.  p.  149  seq.,  compare  p.  157  :  Audivi  crebrius,  et 
quadam  apostatica  lectione  cujusdam  dialog!  et  trialogi  (see  §  123,  note  14) 
didici  ct  obstupui,  qualiter  quidam  insani  Magistri  et  homines  pestiferi  Wikleffitici 
ordinis  et  schismatis,  canina  rabie  concitati,  cursu  prajcipiti,  profanis  et  sacrilegis 
sententiis,  et  arte  diabolica  confectis  articulis,  s.  matris  Ecclesia;,  magisterio  S. 
Spiritus  bene  et  optime  dispositum,  ritura  et  ordinem  dedecorant  et  commaculant ; 
et  ausu  temerario  fabulationis  nequissimas  sic  inipudenter  in  medium  proferunt,  ut 
non  solum  post  discursum  peregrinai'um  nobis  terrarura  et  districtuum,  etiam  in 
terris  nostris  Bohemife  et  Moraviae,  aulas  Piincipum,  collegia  et  cathedras  sacerdo- 
tum,  scholas  studentium,  promiscui  sexus  popularem  tumultuni  fidelium,  antra 
deserti  claustralium,  sed  etiam  segregatas  in  partem  et  pacem  silentii  Cartusiensium 
cellulas  tuba  illorum  ululans  et  pestifera,  muros  et  bonos  mores  transgrediens,  cum 
terrore  valido  repleverit  vehementer.  That  doubts  concerning  the  doctrine  of 
Transubstantiation  had  been  spread  by  Wicliffe's  writings,  is  seen  from  the  direc- 
tions of  Sbynko,  A.  D.  1406  (1.  c.  p.  158),  *o  his  clergy,  enjoining  them  to  preach 
the  doctrine,  with  the  threat:  qui  aliter  —  dogmatizare'auderet,  —  hasreticus  esset, 
et  talis  per  nos  taliter  puniretur,  quod  et  aliis  merito  potei'it  cedere  in  exemplum. 
Stephanus  therefore  defends  this  doctrine  especially  in  his  Medulla  tritici,  P.  I. 

^  Compare  the  Condones  Synodica;  in  the  Hist,  et  Monum.  H.  p.  34,  e.  g.  p. 
37  :  Sed  dicite,  o  Clerici,  si  non  durius  dominamur  cum  Christianis,  quam  Reges 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  149.     Huss.  343^ 

The  accidental  circumstance  that  the  weak-minded  king,  Wentzel, 
whom  a  feud  with  Boniface  X.  had  exasperated  against  the  clergy  in 

gentium  domineiitur  eoruin  ?     Ecce  occuiiit  Laicus,  aliquid  niolcstia;,  vol  appa- 
rentis  quaiidoque   injuria;   nobis  I'aciens ;  statini  abutendo   privilegio   cleiicali    ex 
inipatientia   at    arrogantia,    sa'pius    verbo,    et   frequenter    facto   dicimus:    citabo, 
vexabo,  compescain  ribaldum,  dcducam  super  cum  aciitum  gladhmi  sjiiritualis 
potestatis,  et  si  pauper  incautus  sententia  exconiniunicationis  percussus   fuerit, 
gaudemus  et  gloriaiiiur.     Et  tantum  eos,  non  ex  caritate  et  amore  justitiaj,  sed  ira 
et  zelo  vindicta;  dira;  dominando  oppriniinius,  quod  etiam  malum  proverbiuin  contra 
nos  continxerunt  dicentes  :  si  offenderis  Clericum,  interfice  eum  ;  alias  nunquam 
habebis  pacem  cum  illo.  —  Sed  dicite  ulterius  vos  Clcrici,  ubi  practicatis,  —  quod 
qui   major   sit  in   iu)bis,   sit  sicut  minor,  et  qui  prcecessor,  sicut  jninistrator 
{Luc.   xxii.  26)  ?     Numquid   quia   amatis  primas  cathedras  in  synagogis,  prinios 
recubitus  in  coenis,  salutationes  in  foro,  et  Patres,  Magistri,  aut  Domini  ab  homini- 
bus   appellari  ?     Numquid    quia  plus   amatis   post   se    clientem   eruentatum   cum 
gladio,  quam   Clericum  humilem  cum  libro  ?     Numquid  quia  q\iasi  nibil  de  veris 
divitiis  spiritualibns  Ecclesia;  curatis,  sed  totis  curis  et  consiliis  bonis  temporalibus 
inhiatis  ?     Numquid  quia  beneticia  et  officia  ecclesiastica  quaeritis,  ut  non  serviatis 
in  eis  fideliter,  sed  ut  per  ilia  dominemini  vi,  et  vivalis  gentiliter  ?  —  Vel  utrum  in 
hoc,  quia  gloriamini  —  in  frequentia  clientelas,  in  equorum  pluralitate,  in  a^diticiis 
supertluis,  in  nuilta  supellectile,  in  congregatione  pecuniae,  in  pauperum  exactione, 
in  contemptu  pauperum  et  humilium,  in  veneratione  divitum  et  superborum,  in 
veridicoruni  despectione,  in  adulatorum  amatione,  et  breviter  in  qualibet  gloria  et 
altitudine    sneculari?     Heu   in    hac  magna  injuria  et  ofTensa  Christi   Dei  et  suae 
regulse  sol,  Pralatus  major,  conversus  est  in  tenebras,  et  luna,  minor,  in  sangui- 
nera.     Et  secundum  b.  Bernhardum,  'et  alium   Doctorem  Gilbertum  factum  est  in 
Clero    abominahile   monstrum    super  terram.     Gi-adus  summus.   animus  intimus; 
sedes  prima,  vita  ima  ;  lingua  magniloqua,  manus  otiosa ;  sermo  multus,  fructus 
nullus ;  vultus  gravis,  actus  levis;  ingens  auctoritas,  nutans  habilitas  ;  speculator 
coecus,  prsco   mutus,  pugil  mancus,   praecursor  lentus,  medicus  morbi   ignarus. 
Et    quia  simile  generat  sibi  simile,   hinc   est  quod  in   quatuor  temporibus  multi 
scientiis  nulli,  et  in  moribus  valde  distort!  ad  sacros  niajores  ordines  promoventur, 
et  lit  tanta  dehonestatio  Cleri,  quod  sacerdotes  vicarii  a  suis  Plebanis  longe  ultra 
concubinas  in  servitutem  et  despectum   rediguntur,  fit   in  se  dedecus  Clero,  ut 
etiam  in  temporalibus  bonis  per  sacerdotes  furta  et  latrocinia  multa,  et  mala  con- 
silia   cumulentur,    sicut   vos  ipsi  testimonium    potestis   perhibere.     p.   38  :  Nunc 
igitur  vos,  sacerdotes,  attendite,  si  non  sunt  inter  vosconsecrata  vasa  Deo  abomina- 
bilia  supra  modum.     Sunt  namque  multi  ex  vobis,  Pra^lati,  Canonici,  Plebani,  et 
alii  Presbyteri,  qui  mulierculis  coutuntur,  velut  idola  colunt,  ardent  in  desiderio  et 
amore  illarum  :  vexantur  lascivia,  et  libidine  turpi  vinculantur  multi,  multi  Plebani 
conoibinarii    fornicantur  cum  talibus  corporaliter,  quod  in  multis  locis    animalia 
gradientia  super  terram  aperte  demonstrant.     O  sacerdos,  vas  immundum,  noviter 
ante  cum  scorto  fcedatuni,  et  adhuc  adulterina  voluntate  illi  conjunctum,  audes  sic 
in   te   capere   sacramentum   omni  decore   et  suavitate   repletum  ?     Quomodo  non 
times,  quod  ira   Dei  super  te  descendente  statim  confringaris  cum  Oza,  qui   ad 
tactum  temerarium  arcs  domini  statim  percussus  et  mortuus  est  (2  Sam.  v.  6,  7). 
Quis  potest  ffistimare,  quantum   consecrata  vasa  concubinaria  Clericatum  hujus 
dioecesis   dehonestant  ?     Unde    Dominus  noster  Archiepiscopus   debet,    quantum 
potest,  rationabiliter  etiam  usque  ad  mortem  laborare,  et  se  exponere,  ut  sua  ilia 
vasa  Deo  consecrata  a  ttn-pitudine  concubinaria  purgarentur,  et  cum  ipse  habeat 
ignem  carceris  et  purgationis,  et  ministros  sulficientes,  debet  ipse  lalia  sua  immunda 
vasa,  quae  per  se  purgari  nolunt,  igne  illo  carceris  mandare  purificari  efficaciter  et 
sufficienter.     Sunt   ulterius  multi  de  vobis,  qui  crapula  et  ebrietate  ultra  Laicos 
turpiter  maculantur,  vadunt  cum  baculis  ad  taburnam,  sicut  Laici  ad  limina  Sancto- 
rum, et  cum  inde  redeunt,  male  possunt  ambulai-e,  minus  loqui,  et  minime  tunc 
scire  possunt,  quid  eorum  dignitas  sacerdotalis  requirat.     Ditiores  eorum  de  elee- 
mosyna  frequentant  ad  inviccm  invitatos  ad  convivia,  ubi  cibus  et  potus  in  quanti- 
tate  plures  et  majores,  in  substantia  magis  pretiosi,  et  in  qualitate  delicatiores, 
quam    apud    cives   et   nobiles   apponuntur.     Ubi   Christus    cuni  sua  passione   est 
proscriptus,  sed  carne  spuinante  in  libidine  de  mulierculis  et  factis  vcnereis  verbis 
inipudicis  coUoquia  consuminautur,  etc.     Sermo  syuodalis  ana.  1405.  p.  42  agaiust 


344  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

general,  was  pleased  with  these  censures,'^  was  of  little  use  to  him,  as 
it  only  served  to  increase  the  number  of  his  enemies;  and  when  in 
concert  with  Jerome  of  Prague  he  had  succeeded  in  enlarging  the 
privileges  of  the  Bohemians  in  the  university,  so  as  to  drive  away  the 
German  teachers  (1409),^  he  became,  through  their  means,  an  object 
of  odium  in  other  countries  also.  Huss  now  stood  at  the  head  of 
the  theologians  of  Prague,  and  as  a  preacher  exerted  a  wonderful 
influence   on    the   people.     To   counteract  this,   the    Archbishop  of 

the  fomicatio  Cleri,  also  against  the  plea,  quod  non  sit  peccatum  mortale  simplex 
t'ornicatio  (see  Cone.  Paris,  ann.  1429.  c.  2.  above,  §  138,  note  10);  then  p.  43 
against  the  avaritia  Cleri.  e.  g.  Quod  dctestabilissiniuin  est,  religiosi  possessionati, 
qui  a  vulgo  vocantur  divites  sive  pingucs  Domini,  Monachi,  ex  avaro  fundaiiiento 
fraternitatis  I'abricant  literas,  quibus  rnagniticant  sua  opera,  contra  illud  Salvatoris 
(Ltic.  xvii.  10) :  cum  feceritis  omnia,  quce  fracepta  sunt  vobis,  dicite,  servi 
inutiles  sumus.  Illas  auteni  literas  solum  tribuunt  divitibus,  facientes  eos  partici- 
pes  suorum  operum,  ut  inclinati  eorum  conventibus,  ventres  et  buccas  rubentes 
reficerent,  implerent  marsupia,  et  praedia  augmentarent.  p.  45  :  usuras  exercent, 
negotiatores  sunt,  confessiones  produnt,  taxillis  ludunt.  Ecclesias  ut  otientur  con- 
veniunt,  exinde  rixas  procui-aales  populi  turbativas,  filios  spiritualiter  suffocant, 
carnaliter  generant,  —  spiritualem  aditicationem,  qua;  salvat  animas,  nihil  curant. 
Sed  ut  augmentent  censum,  aut  divilias,  ex  quibus  eorum  posteri  luxuriantur  et 
superbiunt  uberius,  optinie  se  facere  existimant,  et  pro  eis  subditos  avare  inducunt, 
ut  etiam  filiis  praetermissis,  parentibus  et  consanguineis  pauperibus,  pro  ipsis 
abundantibus  ordinent  testamenta.  —  Et  quid  de  Altaristis,  Capellanis,  et  monstruo- 
sis  Monachis,  qui  cum  multa  jam  dicta  exerceant,  et  choreas  intrant  publicas  ducti 
patre  Diabolo,  etc.  —  Sermo  de  exequiis  niortuorum  ann.  1411.  p.  81:  Videat 
ergo  defunctorum  beneficiarius,  quid  est  sibi  utilius,  quid  est  Ecclesia;  commodius, 
aut  quid  Deo  honorificentius,  et  faciat  illud  pro  mortuis,  tanquara  eis  salubrius. 
Unde  opus,  quod  maxime  purgaret  militantem  Ecclesiam  a  crimine,  ac  stabiliret 
ipsam  in  niandatis  Domini,  et  accenderet  in  amore  Dei :  illud  foret  opus  maxime 
juvans  dormientem  Ecclesiam,  quia  militans  purgata  a  peccato,  stabilita  in  man- 
dato,  et  in  amore  Dei  accensa,  ut  sic,  maxime  succurreret  Ecclesias  dormienti.  Ex 
quo  videtur,  quod  Evangelizatio  sancta,  sic,  ut  dicitur,  disponens  militantem  Eccle- 
siam multum  prffistat  suffragium  Ecclesiae  dormienti.  Istud  autem  Satan  consider- 
ans,  maxime  nititur  Evangelizationem  extinguere,  et  sophisticans  tam  sacerdotes, 
quam  simplices,  ducit  utrosque  in  Charibdim :  Clericos  in  avaritiam  per  venditio- 
nera  triginta  Missarum  de  Requiem,  et  laicos  in  prsesumptuosam  coniidentiam,  et 
emptioneni  simoniacam  earundem.  Jam  enim  in  illis  committitur  taxa,  sicut  in 
vaccis,  dum  emuntur.  Sic  enim  scit  astutus  hostis  aniiiiarum  fascinare  homines, 
ut  via  prEBtermissa  ad  vitam  securissima,  incumbant  super  dubia.  Quis  enim 
ignorat,  quin  via  securissima  ad  vitam  est,  vivere,  ut  Christus  et  Apostoli  docue- 
runt  ?     Et  quis  scit,  quern  triginta  Missae  a  purgatorio  Uberarunt  ? 

*  An  old  Bohemian  chronicle  (Contin.  Benessii  in  Pelzel's  Lebensgesch.  des 
Konigs  Wenzel.  Th.  2.  S.  553  seq.)  says,  "  As  long  as  Huss  confined  himself  to 
the  sins  of  the  laity,  he  was  universally  lauded  ;  but  as  soon  as  he  attacked  the 
Pope  and  the  clergy,  bringing  to  light  their  pride,  avarice,  simony,  and  other  vices, 
and  showing  that  they  ought  not  to  have  any  possessions,  the  whole  priesthood 
was  arrayed  against  him  as  one  possessed  of  the  devil,  and  an  arch-heretic." 

'  See  Pelzel,  1.  c.  S.  543  seq ;  547  seq.  The  royal  ordinance  of  Jan.  18.  1409, 
by  which,  after  the  example  of  the  university  of  Paris,  three  votes  were  given  to 
the  Bohemians  instead  of  one,  and  to  tlie  Germans  three,  as  had  hitherto  been  the 
case,  see  in  Pelzel,  Th.  2.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  125.  The  loss  to  the  city  by  the  depar- 
ture of  the  Germans  was  made  use  of  by  the  clergy  against  Huss,  see  Hussii  sermo 
.synodalis  ann.  1410  (Hist,  et  monum.  II.  p.  72)  :  tacti  vcritate  insistunt  graviter, 
ut  opprimant  os  pra-dicantium,  insidias  qii;erunt.  et  non  invenientes  mendacium  in 
ore  praHlicantiuMi,  vcritateni  accusant  mcndaciis,  nunc  dicentes,  quia  Magistri 
per  adhaasioncm  errorum  expulerunt  iialioncs  exteras,  nunc  mentientes,  quia  de 
corpora  Christi  male  sapiunt,  nunc  false  imponentes,  quia  Papam  nihil  esse  dicunt. 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  149.     IIuss. 


34# 


Prague,  Sbynko,  was  empowered  by  Alexander  V.,  on  his  own  appli- 
cation, to  forbid  all  preacliiiiir  in  private  chapels,  and  to  cause  Wic- 
liffe's  writings  to  be  publicly  burned  (1410).8  Huss  continuing, 
however,  to  preach  in  the  Bethlehem  chapel,''  a  complaint  was  entered 
against  him  at  R,ome.  King  and  queen,  the  nobility  and  the  university, 
afl  joined  in  interceding  for  him,  so  as  to  succeed  in  obtaining  a 
second  examination ;  i"  whilst  Huss  defended  both  Wicliffe  and 
himself  in  various  writings.^  At  length  the  Archbishop,  overawed 
by  such  a  general  resistance,  withdrew  his  accusations. i~ 

»  Alexander's  bull  of  20  Dec.  1409  ap.  Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  89.  See  P  e  n  z  e  1, 
1.  c.  S.  563  ff. 

9  See  Huss'  appeal  from  the  Archbishop  to  the  Pope  John  XXII.  in  Historia 
et  Monum.  I.  p.  112  seq.  The  university  also  resolved,  1.5  June,  1410,  quod 
Universitas  nullo  niodo  consentit  Archiepiscopo  Pragensi  Sbinconi  cum  suis  Prae- 
latis  in  combustionem  librorum  Magistri  Johannis  Wiklet.  Pelzel,  Th.  2. 
Urkundeubuch,  S.  130. 

10  Narratio  et  scripta  qusdam  rev.  Viri  M.  J.  Huss,  quibus  occasiones,  initia  et 
progressus  certaminum  ipsius  cum  factione  Pontilicia  explicantur  in  Hist,  et  Mo- 
num. I.  p.  109  seq.     Pelzel,  Th.  2.  S.  577  seq. ;  585  seq. ;  591  seq. 

>'  See  Jo.  Huss.  de  libris  hasreticorum  legendis  (Hist,  ct  Monum.  I.  p.  127),  in 
which  he  brings  authorities  for  the  position :  libri  hsreticorum  sunt  legendi  non 
comburendi,  dum  in  ipsis  Veritas  continetur.  Ejusd.  actus  pro  dcfensione  hbri 
Jo.  Wicleff  de  trinitate  sancta  publice  celebratus  ann.  1410,  Uom.  post  fest.  S. 
Jacobi  (1.  c.  p.  131)  e.  g.  p.  132  :  Malum  dico  combustionem  librorum,  quae  com- 
bustio  nullum  peccatum  de  cordibus  hominum  sustulit,  sed  veritates  multas,  et 
sententias  pulchras  et  subtiles  in  scripto  destruxit,  et  in  populo  disturbia,  invidias, 
dilfamationes,  odia  multiplicavit  et  homicidia,  et  Christianissimum  Regem  Bohemiae 
in  suspicionem  malam  religionibus  aliis  stulte  et  improvide  deputavit.  Et  super 
hsc  omnia  concausans  pariter  contra  Trinitatis  testimonium  verbum  predication^ 
evangelica;  voluit  alligare.  Ejusd.  Replica,  contra  Anglicum  Jo.  Stokes,  Wiclefti 
calumniatorem,  celebrata  Dom.  post  Nativ.  Maria;,  1411  (p.  13.5).  Detensio  quo- 
rundam  Articuloruin  Jo.  Wicleff,  ann.  1412  (p.  139).  First,  a  defence  of  the 
articles  :  Illi,  qui  dimittunt  prsdicare,  sive  verbum  Dei  audire  propter  excommu- 
nicationem  hominum,  sunt  exconununicati,  et  in  die  judicii  traditores  Christi  habe- 
buntur.  Then  of  the  other  (p.  146)  :  Domini  temporales  possuntad  arbitrium  suum 
auferre  bona  temporalia  ab  Ecclesiasticis  habituaUter  delinquentibus.  Then  of 
the  third  (p.  156)  :  Decima;  sunt  pura-  eleemosyna;.  Jo.  Hussii  Replica,  contra 
occultum  adversarium  ann.  1411  (p.  168). 

12  How  much  excited  the  common  people  also  were  against  the  Archbishop,  see 
in  Sfephani  Prioris  Dolanensis  Antihussus  (written  1412)  c.  16.  in  Pezii  thes. 
anecd.  T.  IV.  P.  II.  p.  418  :  Reverendus  Pater,  Dominus  Archiepiscopus  ohm 
Sbinko,  sancto  insistens  labori  pro  illorum  malorum  et  principaliter  pro  illius  vene- 
nati  capitis  malorum  Wikleff  et  ejusdem  sacrilegarum  doctrinarum  exterminio, 
factus  fuit  ex  inobedicntia  et  rebellione  illius  Magistri  Huss  velut  confemptibilis  et 
pene  fabula  in  populo,  ita  ut  plerique  insolentes  vulgares  ac  iionicas  de  eodem  viro 
Dei  confino-erent  et  decantarent  cantiones  {Sbynyek  Knyhy  spalyl,  etc.,  more 
complete  in'^Pelzel,  II.  S.  568 :  the  Archbishop  Sbynko,  a  dunce,  who  burnt  books 
without  knowing  what  was  in  them)  publice  perplateas  contra  justissimam  —  com- 
bustionem librorum  hominis  istius  haM-eticffi  pravitatis.  Both  parties,  Huss  and 
the  Archbishop,  agreed  in  July,  1411,  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  judges  to  be 
nominated  by  the  king  (Pelzel,  II.  S.  585  seq.)  These  judges  decided  amongst 
other  things,  that  the  Archbishop  should  inform  the  Pope  that  in  Bohemia  there 
were  no  heresies.  Huss  cleared  himself  from  all  suspicion  by  a  confession  of  faith, 
which  he  subscribed  on  the  1st  Sept.  (see  Pelzel,  II.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  144  ff.). 
In  this  he  says,  e.  g.  tidcntcr,  veraciter  ct  ronstanter  assero,  quod  a  veritatis 
amulis  sinistre  sedi  ApostoUca;  sum  delatus:  false  siquidem  detulerunt  et  deferunt, 
quod  docuerim  populum,  quod  in  sacramento  altaris  remanet  substantia  panis  raate- 

voL.  III.  44 


346  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

But  the  papal  displeasure  was  soon  awakened  anew.  A  crusade- 
bull  having  been  issued  against  king  Ladislaus  (141i2),i3  Huss  and 
his  friend  Jerome  of  Prague  were  excited  to  greater  zeal  than  ever  in 
their  resistance  to  these   abuses, i'*  and  succeeded   in    arousing   the 

rialis.  False,  quod  quando  clevatur  hostia,  tunc  est  corpus  Christi,  et  quando 
ponitur,  tunc  non  est.  False,  quod  sacerdos  in  peccato  nioitali  non  conficit.  False, 
quod  Domini  a  Clero  auferant  temporalia,  quod  decimas  non  solvant.  False,  quod 
indulgcntis  nihil  sunt.  False,  quod  ijladio  maleriali  suaseiim  Clerum  percutere. 
False,  quod  prffidicaverim  vel  tenueriin  aliquos  vel  aliqueni  errores  vel  errorem, 
vel  aliquam  haeresim,  vel  quod  seduxcrim  a  via  veritatis  populuni  quoquo  niodo. 
False,  quod  causa  extiteiiui,  quod  quidain  Magistii  Teutonici  expulsi  de  Piaga 
fuerint,  cum  ipsi  nolentes  alms  Universitatis  studii  Pragensis  tencre  I'undationis 
privilegium,  ncc  sercnissiiui  Principis — Wcnccslai  —  Regis  volentes  parere  man- 
datis  Ileitis,  putantes,  quod  absque  eorum  prajseiilia  non  valeret  Pragensis  Univer- 
sitas  subsistere,  nullo  pellonte  ad  propria  vel  quo  ipsis  placuit  recesserunt.  Fateor 
autcm  me  a  reverendissimi  in  Christo  Pafris  Domini  Sbinkonis  sententia  ad  sedem 
appcllasse  Apostolicam,  deinum  a  processibus,  qui  ex  informatione  sinistra  a  s.  sede 
Apostolica  emanarunt.  Sinistre  etenim  veritatis  cenuili,  honoris  sui  et  salutis 
immemoi-es  sedi  Apostolica;  suggesserunt,  quod  in  regno  Boemia;  in  civitate  Pra- 
gensi  et  Marchionatu  Moravia;  errores  pullulassent  et  haereses,  et  multorum  corda 
infecissent  adeo,  quod  necessai'ium  foret  correctionis  remedium  adhibere.  False 
denique  suggesserunt,  quod  Capella  Bethleem  Ibret  locus  privatus,  cum  ipsa  sit  ab 
ordinario  Episcopo  locus  in  beneficium  ecclesiasticum  confu-matus,  cujus  destructio 
honorem  Dei  aliquantulum  in  populo  tolleret,  animarum  profectum  minueret, 
causaret  scandalum,et  populum  contra  destructores  non  inodice  provocaret.  Citatus 
autem  personaliter  ad  Romanam  Curiam,  optabam  comparere  humiliter:  sed  quia 
mortis  insidiae  tarn  in  regno  quam  extra  regnum,  preseitim  a  Teutonicis  sunt  mihi 
posita;,  ideo  multorum  fretus  consilio  judicavi,  quod  foret  Deum  tentare  vitam  niorti 
tradere  profectu  Ecclesia?  non  urgente.  Igitur  non  parui  personaliter,  sed  advoca- 
tes et  procuratores  constitui,  volens  sanctae  sedi  Apostolicfe  obedire.  Quapropter, 
sumrae  Christi  Vicarie,  humiliter  vestra;  Sanctitatis  imploro  clementiam,  quatenus 
me  a  comparitione  personali  —  benigniter  absolvere  dignetur,  quia  per  Serenissi- 
mum  —  Wenceslaum  —  Rcgem,  necnon  per  Reverendissimos  Patres  —  Wence- 
slaum  Patriarcham  Antiochenum,  Dominum  Conradum  Olomucensem  Episcopum, 
Illustrem  Principem  Dom.  Rudolfum  Ducem  Saxonise  s.  Imperii  Electorem,  etc. 
—  cum  prffifato  reverendissimo  in  Christo  Patre  Domino  Sbinkone  sum  totaliter 
concordatus:  nam  offerebam  me  ad  respondendum  omnibus  et  singulis  objiciendis, 
etiam  referens  me  ad  totum  auditorium,  quod,  si  quod  contra  me  deduceretur, 
vellem  etiam  ignis  incendio  nisi  cederem  emendaii,  etc.  Sbynko  wrote  a  letter  to 
the  Pope,  which  was  approved  by  the  king,  in  which  he  says  (Hist,  et  Monum.  I. 
p.  11 1)  :  EiTores  ha»reticos  in  Regno  Bohemia;,  in  civitate  Pragensi,  et  Marchionatu 
Moravia;  nescio,  nee  aliquis  super  hac  re  convictus  est,  pro  qua  foret  aut  fuisset 
ecclesiastice  puniendus.  Ego  etiam  et  Magister  Joannes  Huss,  necnon  csteri 
Universitatis  Studii  Pragensis  Doctores  et  Magistri  super  singulis  dissensionibus 
atque  rixis  inter  nos  utruraque  subortis — sumus  plenarie  concordat!.  Quapi-opter, 
beatissime  Pater,  famam  pra;dicti  Regni  laudabilem  ex  pastorali  officio  conservare 
desiderans,  ad  Vestra;  Sanctitatis  clementiam  conf'ugio,  supplicando,  quatenus 
super  Christianissimo  regno  S.  V.  piis  dignetur  moveri  visceribus,  exconununica- 
tionem  et  censuras  exinde  ortas  cessare  et  annuUare.  This  letter,  however,  was 
never  sent,  as  Sbynko  died  on  the  28  Sept.  1411. 

>«  See  §  129,  note  13.  See  in  Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  212  seq.  third  bull,  and 
another,  in  which  commissaries  are  appointed  to  preach  such  a  crusade. 

'■*  Quaestio  Mag.  Jo.  Huss,  disputata  ab  eo  ann.  1412  (Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p. 
215),  a  discussion  of  the  question  :  Utrum  secundum  legem  Jesu  Christi  licet  et 
expedit  pro  honore  Dei,  et  salute  populi,  ac  pro  commodo  regni  bullas  Papfe  de 
erectione  crucis  contra  Ladislaum  Regcm  Apulia;  et  sues  complices  Christiiidelibus 
approbare  ?  He  treats  of  these  points  in  the  Bulla  de  erectione  crucis,  indulgen- 
tiam  omnium  jieccatorum,  subsidia  bellorum,  et  circa  utraque  ista  modum.  Of 
the  lirst,  p.  216:  est  indulgere  gratis  conccdere,  —  sive  reniittere  vindictam,  quam 


Chap.    V.     Rfformers.     §   149.     Htiss.  347 


reus  deberet  pro  excessu  sustinere. — Sic  auteni  indulgere  peccatoribus  est  Deo 
pi-oprium.  —  Saccrdotes  Cbristi  habent  potestatciii  verc  pocnitcntes  absolvere  a 
pu'iia  et  a  culpa.  —  Sacci-dos  potest  saciaiiicntalitcr  osteiidcre,  sibi  conlitentem 
taliter  absolutuui,  qui  ad  tautuin  conteritur,  quod  statiin  decedens  sine  pana  pur- 
gatorii  ad  patriaiii  perveniret,  et  hoc  est  sacerdotuin  absolvere.  —  p.  217  :  Unde 
sapientes  Christi  saccrdotes  noii  asserunt  simpliciter,  quod  contitens  sit  a  peccatis 
solutus,  sed  sub  conditione  ista  :  si  dolet,  et  uolit  pcccare  aiiiplius,  et  contidit  de 
Dei  misericordia,  et  vult  iiiiposteruin  inandata  Dei  observare.  —  Nullius  Papa;  vel 
Episcopi  prodest  in  indulgentia  honiini,  nisi  de  quanto  prius  se  disposuerit  apud 
Deum.  01'  the  second  :  Licet  sajculari  bracbio  pugnarc,  et  sibi  subsidia  ad  bellan- 
dum  prrestare,  habitis  conditionibus  caritatis. —  Non  licet  Romano  Pontitici,  nee 
expedit  sibi,  vel  cuicunque  Episcopo  vel  Clerico  pro  dominatione  sa.'culaii,  vel 
mundi  divitiis  pugnare.  He  refers  to  the  example  of  Christ,  Lite.  xxii.  51.  —  p.  218  : 
Quomodo  ergo  Romanus  Pontifex  non  timet  in  multorum  hominum  mortem  per 
crucis  erectionem  et  procurationem  stipendii  consentirc,  immo  prajstare  remissio- 
nem  omnium  peccatorum  ex  eo,  quod  quis  Christianos  quam  plurimos  trucidaret? 
Revera  non  cepit  exemplum  illud  a  Christo  Jesu,  qui  invasus  ab  hostibus  cum  suo 
grege  pusillo,  valens  omnes  uno  verbo  interimere,  dixit  patientissime,  Jo.  xviii.  8  t 
si  me  qucEritis,  sinite  hos  abire.  p.  219:  Litteris  Papa;  de  crucis  erectione  contra 
Christicolas  quidam  obediunt  ex  ignorantia,  ut  Laici  simplices,  et  onines  illi,  qui 
in  nullo  putant  resistendum  jussioni  Papae,  male  accipientes  illud,  Deut.  xvii. 
10-12.  Ubi  capiunt,  quod  omnis  sententia  Papae  est  tenenda,  quod,  inquit  Doctor 
de  Lyra,  est  manifeste  falsum,  quia  sententia,  inquit,  nullius  houiinis,  cujus- 
cunque  auctoritatis,  tenenda  est,  si  contineat  manifestam  falsitatem  sive  errorem. 
p.  220  :  Videamus,  si  Salvator  noster  in  casu  simili  ita  fecit,  et  patebit  in  lege  sua 
contrarium.  Nam  Luc.  ix.  -51  seq.  dicitur:  Ipse  Jesus  faciem  suamfirmavit,  ut 
iret  in  Hierusalem,  et  misit  nuncios  ante  conspectum  suum,  et  euntes  intrave- 
runt  civitatem  Samaritanorum,  ut  prcepararent  ilU,  et  non  receperunt  eum,  quia 
fades  ejus  erat  euntis  in  Hierusalem.  Jacobus  et  Joannes  dixerunt :  Domine, 
vis,  dicimus,  ut  ignis  descendat  de  ccbIo,  et  consutnat  illos,  sicut  Helias  fecit. 
Et  conversus  increpavit  eos  dicens :  nescitis,  cujus  spiTitus  cstis.  Filius  enim 
hominis  non  venit  animas  hominum  perdere,  sed  salvare.  Videat  ergo  Papa,  cur 
personas  utriusque  scxus  in  exterminium,  non  dico  Samaritanorum,  sed  Christiano- 
rum  concitat  sub  obtentu  remissionis  peccatorum  omnium  :  et  non  datur  per  eum 
alia  causa,  nisi  nonsolutio  pecuni«  vasallatus  Ladislai,  et  nonsusceptio  ejus  pro 
patre  sanctissimo,  ac  rebellio  et  hostilis  impugnatio  sicut  sui  nuncii  et  bullK  protes- 
tantur.  P.  221,  in  the  Modus  donationis  indulgentiarum  he  censures  1,  the  anathe- 
mas invoked  on  those  who  should  help  to  give  Ladislaus  and  his  family  a  Christian 
burial,  2,  the  call  on  all  believers  to  join  in  exterminating  Ladislaus  and  his  rebel 
followers,  3,  the  promise  of  absolution  for  contributions  in  money.  P.  228  :  Res 
corporalis  quantumcunque  parvi  pretii  non  debet  emi,  nisi  cum  ista  prudentia,  quod 
emptor  de  vendito  probabiliter  sit  securus.  Sed  Papa  non  potest  assecurare  ali- 
quem,  quod  post  mortem  vel  ante  tantam  indulgentiam  habebit.  Ideo  probabiliter 
est  tale  commercium  dimittendum.  Papa  enim  subducta  revelatione  nescit  de 
aliquo,  nee  de  se  ipso,  si  sit  praedestinatus  a  Domino :  quod  si  praescitus  fuerit,  non 
proderunt  sibi  tales  indulgentiae  ad  beatitudinem  contra  ordinationem  Domini  feter- 
naliter  ordinantis.  Ideo  cum  Papa  non  potest  generaliter  procurare  tales  indulgen- 
tias  sibi  ipsi,  est  multis  evidens,  quod  tales  indulgentiae  sunt  suspectte  :  non  enim 
obstat  fidei,  quod  multi  Papae,  qui  concesserunt  verbaliter  amplas  indulgentias, 
sunt  damnati :  quomodo  igitur  possunt  defendere  suas  indulgentias  coram  Deo  ? 
P.  229  :  Positis  indulgentiis  papalibus  a  poena  et  a  culpa,  ut  praemittitur,  videtur, 
quod  potest  Papa  purgatorium  destruere.  Probatur.  Quia  potest  Papa  quemlibet 
in  agone  contritum  et  confessum  a  poena  et  a  culpa  absolvere,  et  cuilibet  potest 
dare  illam  gratiam  post  se  in  futurum,  et  non  obstat  aliquid,  nisi  forte  invidia  vel 
negligentia.  Det  ergo  cuilibet  in  futurum,  et  dato  illo  nullus  veniet  ad  purgato- 
rium, quo  dato  omnes  vigiliae,  missa;  defunctorum,  oblagia,  lai-gce  eleeniosyn£e, 
anniversaria,  omnia  alia  suffragia,  ut  cominemorationes  perpetnae,  dotationes  Capel- 
lanorum,  extructiones  claustrorum  et  altariuin,  pro  hujusmodi  hominibus  forent 
frustra.  —  Sed  istud  consequens  Clerum  non  modice  conturbaret.  Unde  vel  oportet 
eos  negare  habere  pofestatem  hujusmodi  ad  dandura  sic  indulgentias,  vel  incidere 
in  consequens  jam  indictum.     Si  autem  dicitur,  quod  licet  habet  potestatem  dare 


348  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

indignation  of  the  whole  nation. ^^  The  wrath  of  the  Pope  was  now 
no  longer  to  be  stayed.  At  a  synod  held  in  Rome,  AVicliffe's 
writings  were  condemned.ic  Huss  excommunicated,  and  the  place 
where  he  resided  laid  under  interdict  (141:3).  Huss  appealed  from 
the  Pope  to  Christ  himself,*"  and  having  written  in  his  own  defence 
the  Tractatus  de   Ecclesia,i8   his  chief  work,   betook   himself  from 

Papa  sic  indulg;entias,  non  tamen  debet,  nisi  ex  causa  rationabili,  scilicet  quando 
impugnatur,  vel  indiget  pecuniis:  revera  orandum  erit  fidelibus,  ut  impugnetur,  et 
indigeat  pecuniis,  quia  tunc  thesauruni  Ecclesi;L'  fidelibus  aperict  ad  salutem. 
P.  232.  He  applies  the  passage,  Jer.  vi.  13,  and  viii.  10:  a  minimo  usque  ad 
maximum  omnes  avaritite  student,  et  a  Propheta  usque  ad  sacerdotem  cuncti 
faciunt  dolum.  Omncs  cnim  datorcs  indulgentiaruin,  quKstores  de  voto,  et  prae- 
dicatores  erectionis  cnicis  student  mirabiliter  avaritiK,  omnem  sollicitudinem  Dia- 
boli  cautelosain  apponentes,  nunc  pra-dicando,  quod  summa  venit  populis  gratia, 
nunc  quod  caduni  est  eis  apertum,  nunc  quod  progenitores  possunt  per  illas  indul- 
genlias  rediincre,  nunc  quod  qui  negligit  tantani  gratiani,  perdit  vitam  ajternam, 
nunc  literas  absolutionis  care  vendendo,  nunc  peiegrinationem  debitam  ex  voto 
pecuniis  et  alia  vota  compensando.  Huss  wrote  also  Contra  Bullam  Papse  Jo. 
XXIII.  Replica.  1.  c.  p.  235,  contradicting  it  in  ten  points.  E.  g.  Pra;dicandum  est 
ergo  populo,  ut  promulgatione  indulgentiarum  non  seducantur,  quia  indulgentiae 
nihil  valent,  sicut  nee  aliud  bonum  opus  ad  consequendain  beatitudinem,  nisi  homo 
relinquat  peccatum,  dolens  de  praeterito,  et  cavens  finaliter,  diligenter  et  continue 
de  futuro.  Si  enim  de  omnibus  peccatis  poenitentiam  egerit,  et  niandata  Dei  custo- 
dierit,  omnium  peccatorum  remissionem  et  poenre  jeternce  obtinebit.  ■ — Item  praedi- 
candum  est  ipsi  populo,  ut  caveat,  ne  per  reliquias  spolietur:  quia  sanctorum 
reliquiffi  non  sunt  pro  exquirendis  pecuniis  exponenda;.  —  Item  praedicandum  est 
populo,  ne  in  confessionibus  permittat  se  simoniace  spoliare  per  taxam,  vel  per 
injuctionem  offercndi,  vel  niissas  coniparandi,  vel  alio  modo  illicito.  —  Item  praedi- 
candum est  ilkid  Augustini  lib.  2,  ad  Julianum  :  non  tollit  peccata,  nisi  solus 
Christus.  —  Ex  isto  docendus  est  populus,  ut  credat,  quod  solus  Deus  habet  mun- 
dare  animam  ab  interiori  macula,  et  quod  nullus  homo  potest  dimittere  cuiqiiam 
peccata,  nisi  Deus  prius  dimiserit.  —  Et  iterum  docendus  est  populus,  quod  ad 
remissionem  peccatorum  requiritur  pcenitentia  interior.  —  Also  Opusculum  de  sex 
eri'oribus  (1.  c.  |).  237),  qui  Clerum  et  magnam  partem  populi  infecerunt.  These 
are,  1.  quod  quilibet  sacerdos  missando  creat  corpus  Christi,  et  efficitur  pater  et 
creator  sui  creatoris  (because  non  creatur,  sed  in  manibus  saccrdotum  conticitur. 
Creator  is  God  alone)  ;  2.  quod  credendum  est  in  b.  Virginem,  vel  in  Papam,  vel 
in  Sanctos,  cum  tamen  solum  in  Deum  veraciter  est  credendum  (difference  be- 
tween credere  homini  and  in  hominem)  ;  3.  quod  sacerdotes,  cui  volunt,  possunt 
remittere  peccata,  et  absolvere  a  poena  et  a  culpa ;  4.  quod  subditi  debent  suis 
superioribus  in  omnibus  praeceptis.  Ileitis  sive  illicitis,  obedire;  5.  quod  omnis  ex- 
communicatio,  sive  justa  sive  injusta,  ligat  excommunicatum,  et  nocet  sibi,  et 
separat  eum  a  communione  Cbristifidelium,  et  privat  eum  Ecclesis  sacramentis; 
6.  error  simoniaca;  hsresis,  qua  Clerus  est  pro  majori  parte,  proh  dolor,  maculatus. 

'*  Theobald's  Hussitenkrieg,  S.  25.  P  e  1  z  e  1'  s  Lebensgesch.  des  Konigs 
Wenzel.  Th.  2.  S.  60S  seq.  Jerome  surpassed  Huss  in  bis  zeal.  He  caused  the 
bull  to  be  carried  through  the  city  by  a  prostitute  and  then  burned.  Several  of 
Huss'  followers  contradicted  the  priests  in  the  churches,  when  they  proclaimed  the 
absolution.  Three  of  them  having  been  executed  for  such  disturbances,  the  com- 
motion increased  (see  Stephani  Pi'ioris  Dolanensis  Antihussus,  c.  5,  in  Fez.  IV. 
II.  p.  380).  King  Wenzel  also  was  much  excited  on  the  subject,  and  complained 
in  a  letter  to  the  Pope  (which  see  in  P  e  1  z  e  1'  s  Lebensgesch.  des  Kgs  Wence- 
slaus.  Th.  2.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  151)  of  the  impudence  of  the  promises,  and  the 
avarice  of  the  indulgence-sellers. 

18  Mansi  XXVII.  p.  505. 
1^  Which  see  Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  22. 

18  Tractatus  de  Ecclesia  (Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  243).  Cap.  1 :  Ecclesia  sancta 
catholica  i.  e.  universalis  est  omnium  praedestinatorum  universitas,  quae  est  omnes 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  149.     IIuss.  349 

Prague  to   Hussinecz,   where   he  continually  employed   himself  in 

pra;de.stinati  prrRscntes,  praeteriti  et  futuii.  Cap.  2  :  tripartitur,  scil.  in  Ecclesiam 
triuiiiphantem,  niilitantem  et  dormientem.  Ecclesia  niilitans  est  nunierus  prae- 
destiiiatoruin,  duin  hie  viat  ad  patriain.  —  Ecclesia  doriiiieiis  est  nunierus  prsdesti- 
natoi-um  in  purgatorio  patiens.  —  Ecclesia  triuniphans  est  beati  in  patria  quiesccntes, 
qui  adversus  Satanara,  uiilitiani  Christi  tenentes,  finaliter  tiiumphaiunt.  Una 
autem  magna  Ecclesia  erit  ex  omnibus  illis  in  die  judicii.  Cap.  3  :  Sicut  aliquid 
est  in  huniano  corpore,  quod  non  est  pars  ipsius  corporis,  ut  sputum,  phlegma, 
stercus,  apostema  vel  urina,  et  illud  non  est  de  corpore,  cum  non  sit  pars  corporis; 
aliud  vero  est  in  humano  corpore  tanquam  pars  ejus,  ut  omne  mcmbrum  ejus  :  sic 
aliquid  est  in  coi-pore  Christi  mystico,  quod  est  Ecclesia,  et  tamen  non  est  de 
Ecclesia,  cum  non  sit  pars  ejus,  quomodo  est  omnis  Christianus  prascitus,  de  ipso 
corpore  tanquam  stercus  finaliter  egerendus.  Et  sic  aliud  est  esse  de  Ecclesia, 
aliud  esse  in  Ecclesia.  —  Quadruplex  est  habitudo  viatorum  ad  sanctam  matrem 
Ecclesiam.  Quidam  enim  sunt  in  Ecclesia  nomine  et  re,  ut  pra-destinati  obedientes 
Christo  catholici.  Quidam  nee  re,  nee  nomine,  ut  prasciti  pagani.  Quidam 
nomine  tantum,  ut  prsesciti  hypocrite.  Et  quidam  re,  licet  videantur  nomine  esse 
foris,  ut  prsdestinati  Christiani,  quos  Antichristi  Satrapje  videntur  in  facie  Ecclesiae 
condemnare.  —  Dupliciter  homines  possunt  esse  de  s.  matre  Ecclesia,  vel  secun- 
dum prfedestinationem  ad  vitam  Eeternam,  quomodo  omnes  finaliter  sancli  sunt  de 
s.  matre  Ecclesia,  vel  secundum  praedestinationem  solum  ad  praesentem  justitiam, 
ut  omnes,  qui  aliquando  accipiunt  gratiam  remissionis  peccatorum,  sed  finaliter  non 
perseverant.  —  Sicut  Paulus  fuit  simul  blasphemus  secundum  praesentem  injusti- 
tiam,  et  de  s.  matre  Ecclesia,  —  atque  in  gratia  secundum  prsdestinationem  vitae 
aaternas ;  sic  Scarioth  fuit  simul  in  gratia  secundum  praesentem  justitiam,  et  nun- 
quam  de  s.  matre  Ecclesia  secundum  prKdestinationem  vitse  feterna;.  Cap.  4  : 
solus  Christus  est  caput  universalis  Ecclesia?.  Cap.  6  :  Ecclesia  malignantium  est 
corpus  Diaboli,  cujus  ipse  est  caput.  Cap.  7.  quod  Romanus  Pontifex  cian  Car- 
dinalibus  non  sit  totum  corpus  universalis  Ecclesia,  sed  pars,  nee  Papa  sit 
caput,  sed  Christus.  Matth.  xvi.  18,  is  thus  explained:  tit  es  Petriis,  i.  e.  con- 
lessor  Petrae  verae,  qui  est  Christus,  et  sujier  hanc  petram,  quam  confessus  es,  i.  e. 
super  me  cedijicaho  ecclesiam  meam.  —  Romana  Ecclesia  est  totalis  Ecclesia  mili- 
tans,  quam  Deus  plus  diligit,  quam  aliquam  ejus  partem.  Cap.  8  :  credere,  quod 
homini  est  ad  beatitudinem  necessarium,  est  veritati  tanquam  a  Deo  dictae  sine 
liKsitatione  adhaerere  firmiter.  Pi-o  qua  veritate  ratione  certitudinis  debet  homo 
mortis  periculo  exponere  vitam  suam.  Et  isto  modo  tenetur  quilibet  Christianus 
credere  explicite  vel  implicite  oinnem  veritatem,  quam  s.  Spii-ilus  posuit  in  Scrip- 
tura.  Et  isto  modo  non  tenetur  homo  dictis  sanctorum  prater  Scripturam,  nee 
Bullis  papalibus  credere,  nisi  quod  dixerint  ex  Scriptura,  vel  quod  fundaretur 
simpliciter  in  Scriptura.  Sed  potest  opinative  homo  credere  Bullis,  quia  tam  Papa 
quam  sua  Curia  potest  falli  propter  ignorantiam  veritatis.  De  ilia  enim  verificatur, 
quod  fallit  et  fallitur:  fallit  Papam  lucrum,  et  fallitur  propter  ignorantiam.  Cap. 
9:  Ex  his  patet,  quomodo  Christus  est  fundamentum  Ecclesia?,  et  quomodo  Apo- 
stoli  sunt  fundamenta.  Christus  antonomastice,  quia  ab  ipso  incipit,  et  in  ipso 
finitur,  et  per  ipsum  finitur  constitutio  Ecclesia.  Prophetae  vero  et  Apostoli  sunt 
fundamenta,  quia  ipsorum  auctoritas  portat  infirmitatem  nostram.  —  Solum  Christus 
est  caput,  —  Petrus  non  fuit  nee  est  caput  sanctae  Ecclesiae  catholica?,  —  fuit  capi- 
taneus  inter  Apostolos,  et  fuit  fundamentum  Ecclesiarum,  ut  in  proximo  dictum 
est  de  Apostolis.  —  Quare  autem  Christus  Petrum  post  se  capitaneum  et  pastorem 
constituit,  fuit  prseeminentia  virtutum  ad  regendam  Ecclesiam.  —  Tres  autem 
erant  virtutes,  in  quibus  Petrus  pra?cellebat,  fides,  humilitas  et  caiitas.  —  Si  jam 
dictis  virtutum  viis  incedit  vocatus  Petri  vicarius,  credimus,  quod  sit  verus  ejus 
Vicarius,  et  prEecipuus  Pontifex  Ecclesise,  quam  regit.  Si  vero  vadit  viis  contra- 
riis,  tunc  est  Antichristi  nuncius,  contrarius  Petro,  et  Domino  Jesu  Christo.  Cap. 
10 :  Cum  Christus  dicit  Petro :  tihi  dabo  claves  regni  cailorum,  i.  e.  potestatera 
ligandi  solvendique  peccata,  in  persona  Petri  dixit  toti  Ecclesia?  militanti,  non  quod 
qufflibet  persona  illius  EcclesiK  indifferenter  habeat  illas  claves,  sed  quod  tota  ilia 
Ecclesia  secundum  singulas  ejus  partes  ad  hoc  habiles  habeat  illas  claves  —  Non 
potest  homo  solvi  a  peccato,  nee  remissionem  peccatorum  recipere,  nisi  Deus  ipsum 
solverit,  vel  ei  remissionem  dederit.  —  Unde  vesane  insaniunt  Pi-esbyteri,  qui 
putant  vel  dicunt,  se  ad  suum  votum  solvere  vel  ligare  sine  absolutione  vel  liga- 


350  Third  Period.     Div.V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


tione  prima  Christi  Jesu.  —  Cavere  ergo  debet  Christi  discipulus  a  fallacia  Anti- 
christ!, diiin  sic  arguitur  :  quodciinque  Vicaiius  Cluisti  ligaverit  super  terrain,  crit 
ligatuii)  et  in  ccelis,  sed  hunc  lideleni  Laicuni,  nolenteni  sibi  dare  pro  absolutione 
pecuniam,  ligat  supra  terrarn,  ergo  ligaturin  coelis  :  —  sed  hunc  incontrituin  volen- 
tem  dare  pecuniam  solvit  supra  terrain,  ergo  est  solutus  et  in  coelo.  —  Nam  qui- 
cunque  homo  rite  poenitens  solutus  fuerit  super  terrain  a  Christi  vicario  in  terra, 
etiam  solvitur  in  coelo.  —  Quilibet  sacerdos  Christi  rite  ordinatus  habet  potestatem 
sutficientem  quaelibet  sacrainenta  sitii  pertinentia  conferendi,  et  per  consequens 
vera  contritum  a  peccato  absolvendi.  —  Quomodo  autem  ista  potestas  fuit  par  in 
Apostolis,  habetur  Dist.  21.  in  Can.  In  novo.  —  Unde  stultum  tbret  credere,  quod 
Apostoli  nullum  donum  spiiituale  a  Christo  receperant,  nisi  quod  fuerat  a  Petro  ad 
ipsos  simpliciter  derivatum.  Nam  omnibus  dixit  Mutth.  xviii.  18:  qiuecunque 
solverit is  super  terrain,  etc  — Cap.  11.  MultiSacerdotcs  emungunt  ex  illo  Matth. 
xviii.  18,  et  ex  illo  Christi  dicto  Matth.  xxiii.  2,  3.  —  quod  debet  eis  quilibet  sub- 
ditus  in  omnibus  obcdire,  et  sic  ipsi  sacerdotes  quicquid  sonat  eis  ad  libitum  ia 
Christi  Evangelio,  sine  corrcspondente  caritativo  iiiinisterio,  pro  sua  gloria  clamo- 
rose  sibi  adsciibunt.  Sed  quod  sonat  in  laborem,  in  abjectionem  mundialein,  et  in 
sequelam  Jesu  Christi,  illud  aspernantur,  tanquam  sibi  contrarium,  vel  fingunt  se 
id  tenere,  et  non  tenent.  —  Quia  contra  Cleri  pestiferi  crimina  sacerdotes  Christi 
prredicarunt,  ideo  oi-ta  est  dissensio,  ex  eo  quod  Clerus  pestem  scandali  inferens 
populo,  nolens  pati  pi.tdicationem  suie  pesti  contrariam,  contra  Evangelium  pra!di- 
cantes  et  pestem  eorum  sanare  volentes  per  verbuin  Domini  malitiose  volens  prfe- 
dicationem  extingucre  consurrexit.  —  Cap.  12.  Huss  now  turns  to  a  work  pub- 
lished against  him  by  eight  Doctors  of  Theology  in  Prague,  with  Stephanus  Paletz 
at  their  head.  They  had  appealed  to  the  passage  in  the  bull  Unani  sanctam : 
Subesse  Romano  Pontitici,  omni  humanse  creaturas  est  de  necessitate  salutis.  To 
this  he  replies  :  Jesus  Christus  est  Romanus  Pontifex,  sicut  est  caput  universalis 
ac  cujuslibet  particulars  Ecclesias.  Hence  the  Apostles  did  not  call  themselves 
Papas  sanctissimos,  capita  universalis  Ecclesise,  vel  universalis  Pontifices,  and 
Gregory  the  Great  had  strenuously  opposed  the  application  of  this  last  title  to  him- 
self (see  Vol.  I.  §  115,  note  31).  Non  sic  heu  quasrunt  moderni  Pontifices,  qui 
sine  virtutum  moiibus,  in  nudo  nomine  gloriantur,  tingentes,  quod  ratione  officii 
vel  dignitatis  ecclesiastics;  ip'^is  nomen  competit  sanctitatis.  Sed  si  hoc  haberet 
ratione'm,  tunc  Judas  debuisset  vocari  sanctus  Apostolus.  Cap.  13.  In  this  and 
the  following  chapters  he  answers  six  assertions  of  his  opponents:  I.  Papa  e.st 
caput  s.  Romanaj  Ecclesia;.  II.  Collegium  Cardinalium  est  corpus  s.  Romanas 
Ecclesiffi.  III.  Papa  est  manifestus  et  verus  successor  Principis  Apostolorum 
Petri.  IV.  Cardinales  sunt  manifesti  et  veri  successores  collegii  aliorum  Aposto- 
lorum Christi.  V.  Pro  regimine  Ecclesiae  per  universum  mundum  oportet  semper 
manere  hujusmodi  manifestos  veros  successores  in  tali  officio  Principis  Apostolo- 
rum Petri,  et  aliorum  Apostolorum  Christi.  VI.  Non  possunt  inveniri  vel  dari 
supra  terrain  alii  tales  successores,  quam  Papa  existens  caput  et  collegium  Cardi- 
nalium existens  corpus  Ecclesia;  Romanae.  He  says  first  in  general  :  Oinnis 
Veritas  in  religione  Christi  scquenda,  et  solum  ipsa  vel  est  Veritas  a  sensu  corporco 
coo-nita,  vel  ah  intelligentia  infallibili  inventa,  vel  per  revelationem  cognita,  vel  in 
divina  posita  Sciiptura.  But  this  applies  to  no  one  of  those  six  points  :  igitur 
nullus  sex  punctorum  est  Veritas  in  religione  Christi  sequenda.  The  answers  to 
I.  and  II.  all  amount  to  this,  that  Christ  alone  is  the  head  of  the  church,  caput 
Ecclesise  catholica>,  that  the  Pope  and  Cardinals  are  not  even  always  prasdestinati 
and  members  of  the  church.  Cap.  15.  answer  to  Punct.  V.  :  Ecclesia  potest 
feque  bene  regi  a  Sanctis  sacerdotibus,  demptis  illis  duodecim  cardinibus,  sicut 
regebatur  per  trecentos  annos  et  amplius  post  ascensionem  Christi.  Answer  to 
Punct.  VI.:  Christus  est  caput  sufficientissimum.  —  Si  non  potest  Deus  dare  alios 
veros  successores  (Apostolorum),  quam  sunt  Papa  et  Cardinales;  sequitur  quod 
potentia  Csesaris,  —  instituendo  Papain  et  Cardinales,  potentiain  Dei  limitaret. — 
Nam  Csesar  Constantinus  post  annos  trecentos  Papain  instituit.  Romanus  enim 
Pontifex  fuit  consocius  aliis  Pontiticibus  usque  ad  donationem  Cssaris,  cujus 
auctoritate  coepit  capitaliter  dominari.  —  Oportet  considerare  sectam  Cleri  du- 
plicem,  scil.  Clerum  Christi  et  Clerura  Antichristi.  Clerus  Christi  quieta- 
tur  in  suo  capite  Christo  ac  suis  legibus.  Clerus  vero  Antichristi  vel  totaliter 
vel  praponderanter  innititur  legibus  humanis  et  legibus  Antichristi,  ct  tamen 
palliatur  esse  Clerus  Christi  atque  Ecclesiae,  ut  populus  simulatius  seducatur.  — 


Chap.   V.     Reformers.     §  149.     Huss. 


351 


preachintr  in  the  open  air,i9  and  in  the  production  of  several  new 
works,  all  in  the  same   spirit   by   which   he   had   ever  been   distin- 

guished.-°  -J 

In  the  mean  time  the  Council  of  Coi:stance  was  opened.  Huss 
having  furnished  himself  with  testimonials  of  his  orthodoxy  from  all 
quarters,  and  even  from  the  papal  Inquisitor  in  Bohemia,-^  did  not 
hesitate 'to  comply  with  the  summons  of  the  emperor  Sigismund, 
to  present  himself,  and  arrived  in  Constance  with  a  letter  of  safe 
conduct  from  the  emperor,"^'^  on  the  3d  Nov.  1414.2^  But  the  hostile 
feelincr  already  entertained  against  him  as  a  Realist,  and  the  cause 
of  the°expulsion  of  the  Germans  from  Prague,  was  stdl  more  inflamed 
by  the  intelligence  which  came  with  him,  that  James  von  Misa,  a 
priestMn  Prag°ue,  was  defending  the  restoration  of  the  cup  to  the  laity ; 
which   iunov°ation   was   understood   to   be  countenanced   by   Huss.24 


Clerus  Antichristi  instat  attentius  pro  traditionibus  humanis,  et  pro  pnvilegiis,  quae 
fastuiii  vel  lucrum  sKculi  capiunt,  defendendis,  vultque  gloiiose,  voluptuose  et 
Christo  di*pariter  vivere,  postergans  peuitus  imitationem  in  nioiibus  Domini  Jesu 
Chiisti  Sed  Clerus  Chiisti  laborat  assidue  pro  legibus  Christi  et  ejus  privilegiis, 
quibus  bonum  spirituale  acquiritur  ostendendum,  fugitque  fastum  et  voluptatem 
sfficuli  quffirit  conformiler  Christo  vivere,  attendens  diligentissime  sequelam  Do- 
mini Jesu  Christi.  Cap.  17  :  Nee  dubium,  quin  Papaj  et  Cardinalibus  est  obedien- 
dum,  dum  docuerint  veiitatera  juxta  legem  Dei :  —  si  autem  Rabbi,  i.  e.  Magistri 
vel  magni,  ut  dicit  Lyra,  seu  Papae  vel  Cardinales,  pra;cepennt  vel  docuerint 
aliquid  prfeter  veritatem,  etiam  cum  tota  Curia  Romana,  non  est  fideli  parendum, 
dum  coo-noverit  veritatem.  Cap.  IS.  Justification  of  his  resistance  to  the  Pope. 
Cap.  19"- 21.  When  the  prelates  are  to  be  obeyed.  Cap.  22  and  23.  Of  the 
injustice  of  the  censures  passed  on  him. 

19  P  e  1  z  e  r  s  Lebensgesch.  des  Konigs  Wenceslaus.  Th.  2.  S.  61S  f. 

20  Which  see  in  Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  117  seq.  The  work  De  sacerdotum  et 
monachorum  abhorrenda  abominatione,  is  not  Huss',  as  is  shown  in  §  122,  note  7. 

21  In  several  public  letters  and  notices,  Huss  challenged  any  one  in  Prague  or  all 
Bohemia  to  convict  him  of  a  single  heresy  (see  Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  2).  The  papal 
inquisitor,  JVicolaus  Episc.  J\^azarethanus,  gave  him  a  written  testimonial,  that 
no  one  accused  him,  and  declared  before  a  notary  (1.  c.  p.  3)  :  Ego  multis  et 
pluribus  vicibus  Magistro  Joanni  Hus  conversatus  sum,  secum  comedendo  et 
bibendo,  et  sermonibu"  suis  sa-pe  interfui,  ac  collationes  plures  de  diversis  sacraj 
Scriptura;  materiis  faciendo,  nunquam  aHquem  in  ipso  inveni  errorem  vel  hsresim, 
sed  in  omnibus  verbis  et  operibus  suis  ipsum  semper  verum  et  catholicum  hominem 
reperi. 

22  Which  see.  Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  2.  The  emperor  says :  honorabilem 
Magistrum  Johannem  Hus  —  in  nostram  et  sacri  Imperii  protectionem  recepimus 
et  tutelam,  and  orders  all  the  authorities:  ipsum  —  omni  prorsus  impedimento 
remoto  transire,  stare,  morari  et  redire  libere  permittatis,  sibique  et  suis,  cum  opus 
fuerit,  de  securo  et  salvo  velitis  et  debeatis  providere  conductu,  ad  honorem  et 
reverentiam  nostrae  Majestatis. 

^  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  IV.  p.  11. 

2-1  At  the  instance  of  his  fiiends  in  Prague,  Huss  examined  the  subject  by  the 
light  of  the  Scriptures  and  the  authority  of  the  church  fathers.  See  Hist,  et 
Monum.  I.  p.  52  seq.  The  result  to  which  he  came  was:  videtur  quod  licet  et 
expedit  Laicis  fidelibus  sumere  sanguinem  Christi  sub  specie  vini.  Nam  licet 
corpus  et  sanguis  Christi  sit  sub  utraque  forma  sacramentali :  tamen  Christus  non 
sine  ratione,  nee  graiis  instituit  utrumque  niodura  sacramentalem  suis  fidelibus, 
sed  ad  magnum  profectum.  Nam  modus  manducandi  sacramentalis  sub  forma 
panis  est  specialis  modus  figurandi  et  excitandi  efficaciter  ad  manducationem  spiri- 
tualem.     Et  modus  sacramentalis  bibendi  sub   forma  vini   est   specialis   modus 


352  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

The  more  zealously  the  council  labored  to  bring  about  a  reformation 
in  the  government  of  the  church,  the  more  strongly  they  seemed  to 
feel  the  necessity  of  opposing  all  innovations  in  doctrine,  that  the. 
spirit  of  reform  might  not  become  a  spirit  of  overturn  and  destruction. 
On  the  28  Nov.  1411,  IIuss  was  imprisoned  and  accused  as  a  heretic. 
In  spite  of  all  the  intercessions  of  his  friends  in  Bohemia,-'^  he  was 
treated  with  increasing  severity.  Without  giving  him  an  opportunity 
of  defending  himself,  he  was  required  unconditionally  to  retract;-^ 

figiirandi  et  excitandi  mentein  ex  institutione  Christi  ad  giistandum  suaviter  effu- 
sionem  Christi  sanguinis,  quern  effudit.  —  Ex  quo  patet,  quod  sicut  sacerdos  digne 
suiaens  sub  utraque  specie  non  sine  causa  sumit:  sic  ct  devotus  Laicus  potest 
licite  suniere,  cum  eadem  sit  ratio  quoad  sumptionem  corporis  et  sanguinis  utrobi- 
que.  Both  here  and  afterwards  he  was  much  more  moderate  in  his  expressions 
than  James  von  Misa.  His  friends  in  ]5ohemia  sent  liim  a  letter  in  his  piison  in 
Gottleben,  by  the  hand  of  the  knight  John  von  Chhinij  on  the  .31st  May,  1415 
{v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  IV.  p.  291)  :  Kogamus  intinic,  quod  niotivain  et  finalem 
intentionem  vestram  de  communione  caHcis,  si  videbitur,  prssenti  charts  inferatis, 
amicis  tempore  suo  monstrandam.  Quia  fratrum  adhuc  aliquaHs  est  scissio,  et 
propter  ilhid  muUi  turbantur,  ad  vos  et  aibitrium  vestrum  juxta  scripta  quaedam  se 
referentes.  Huss  rephed  :  De  sacramento  calicis  hal)etis  sci'iptum,  quod  scripsi  in 
Constantia,  in  quo  sunt  motive.  Et  nescio  aliquid  dicere,  nisi  quod  Evangeliuna 
et  epistola  Pauli  sonant  directe,  et  tentum  fuit  in  primitiva  Ecclesia.  Si  potest 
fieri,  attentetis,  ut  saUem  permittatur  per  bullam  ilHs  dari,  qui  ex  devotione  postu- 
laverint,  circumstantiis  adhibitis.  But  after  the  Council  had  condemned  the  Com- 
nuinio  sub  utraque  for  the  laity  on  the  15  June,  1415  (see  §  144,  note  6),  Huss 
wrote  moi-e  decidedly  to  a  Dominus  Haulikon  on  the  21  June,  1405  (Hist,  et 
Monum.  I.  p.  80):  Noli  resisteie  sacramento  calicis  Domini,  quern  Christus  perse 
et  per  suum  Apostolum  instituit,  quia  nulla  scriptura  est  in  oppositum,  sed  sola 
consuetudo,  qufe,  ut  asstimo,  ex  negligentia  inolevit.  Jam  non  debemus  consuetu- 
dinem  sequi,  sed  Christi  exemplum  et  vcritatem.  Modo  Concilium  allegans  con- 
suetudinem  damnavit  communionem  calicis  quoad  Laicos,  ut  errorem,  et  qui 
practicaverit,  nisi  resipiscat,  tanquam  ha^reticus  puniatur.  Ecce  malitia  Christi 
institutionem  jam  ut  errorem  damnat.  Rogo  propter  Deum,  ut  non  impugnes 
Magistrum  Jacobellum,  ne  tiat  scissio  inter  tideles,  de  qua  gaudct  Diabolus. 
Etiam,  carissimc,  praspara  te  ad  passionem  in  manducatione  et  communione  calicis, 
et  sta  fortiter  in  veritate  Christi,  timore  illicito  postposito,  etc. 

^5  See  two  letters  of  the  Bohemian  barons  to  the  emperor  in  Jan.  1415,  in  Hist, 
et  Monum.  I.  p.  96.  v.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  IV.  p.  .32;  a  third  in  May,  Hist, 
et  Monum.  I.  p.  97.  Three  letters  of  the  Bohemian  nation  to  the  Council,  Hist,  et 
Mon.  I.  p.  9  seq.  v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  188,  212,  288.  The  Bohemians  appeal  to 
the  emperor's  safe  conduct,  and  complain  that  Bohemia  is  represented  at  the 
Council  as  a  heretic  country,  especially  (Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  10.  v.  d.  Hardt  IV. 
p.  189)  of  the  stories  circulated  at  Constance,  quoniam  sacramentum  preliosissimi 
sanguinis  Domini  per  Bohemiam  jam  in  vasculis  non  consecratis  (v.  d.  Hardt  in 
flasconibus)  deportarent,  quodque  sutores  jam  confessiones  audirent,  et  sacrosanc- 
tum  corpus  Dominicum  aliis  ministrarent.  The  Episc.  Luthom.  assured  the 
Council,  however,  in  reply,  that  he  could  bi-ing  proof  that  all  this  was  essentially 
true  (Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  10.     v.  d.  Hardt  IV.  p.  210). 

26  In  the  first  place  a  Bohemian  priest,  Michael  de  Caussis,  presented  a  series  of 
charges  against  Huss  (see  Hist,  et  Monum.  I.  p.  7).  Then  John  Gerson  produced 
19  Articles  from  the  work  de  Ecclesia,  which  he  pronounced  ha;retici  et  ut  tales 
judicialiter  condemnandi  (1.  c.  p.  29  seq.).  Huss  appeared  before  the  Synod  on 
the  5th  June,  1415,  but  could  not  make  himself  heard  in  the  uproar  (v.  d.  Hardt 
IV.  p.  306  seq.).  On  the  7th  June  he  was  examined  by  the  Council  in  presence 
of  the  emperor,  on  several  of  the  charges  brought  against  him  by  Michael  de 
Caussis  (1.  c.  p.  308  seq.  Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  15  seq.).  In  the  first  place  it  was 
supposed  to  be  proved  that  he  had  taught,  quod  post  consecrationem  ct  pionuncia- 
tionem  verborum  in   coena   Domini  manet  panis  materiaiis,  notwithstanding  his 


Chap.    V.     Reformers.     §  149.     Huss.  353 

and  on  his  refusal  to  do  this,  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  the  6th  July, 
1415.-"  To  justify  the  emperor  for  the  infringement  of  his  safe  con- 
solemn  denial.  On  the  next  point,  fined  pertinacitcr  articulos  erroneos  Wicleff 
docuisset  in  Bohemia  et  defendisset,  he  replied,  that  he  could  not  consider  all  tiiose 
articles  in  Wicliffe's  writings  heretical  which  had  been  condemned  by  the  Roman 
synod.  Namely,  quod  Sylvester  Papa  et  Constantinus  erraveiint,  Ecclesiaj  illas 
donationes  confeiendo;  quod  Papa  vel  Sacerdos  existens  in  peccato  mortali  neque 
consecret  neque  baptizet  (which  he  had  qualified,  however,  quod  indigne  consecret 
et  baptizet)  ;  quod  decima;  sunt  puraj  eleemosyna;.  He  was  then  asked,  habueritne 
absolutionem  a  Pontitice  Romano,  and  liceretne  ad  Christum  provocare,  and 
whether  he  had  said,  se  optare,  ut  anima  sua  in  eodem  loco,  ubi  anima  V/icletf, 
esset.  The  lirst  question  he  answered  in  the  negative  ;  the  two  last  in  the  affirma- 
tive, amidst  shouts  of  laughter.  Another  point  in  the  accusation  was,  that  he  had 
counselled  the  people,  ut  iis,  qui  adversarentur  sua;  docfrina?,  gladio  resisteret 
exemplo  Mosis.  Huss  said,  se  monuisse  populum,  cum  prasdicaret  dictum  Apostoli 
de  galea  salutis  et  gladio,  ut  illo  se  accingerent  omnes,  et  defenderent  evangelicam 
veritatem  ;  seque  diserte  dixisse  propter  calumnias,  non  gladio  materiali,  sed  eo, 
qui  est  veibum  Dei.  Further,  it  was  brought  against  him,  quod  ex  doctrina  Hus 
multa  scandala  exorta  sunt.  Primum  seminavit  discordias  inter  ecclesiasticum  et 
politicum  statum,  unde  persecutio  Cleii  et  Episcoporum,  eorumque  spoliatio  con- 
secuta  est.  Deinde  quod  scholam  quoque  Pragensern  per  discordias  dissolvit. 
Huss  denied  both  these  accusations.  He  was  then  called  to  account  for  having 
said,  nisi  sua  sponte  Constantiam  venire  voluisset,  neque  Bohemia;  Rex  neque 
Imperator  se  cogere  ad  id  potuissent,  which  he  explained  as  referring  to  the  power 
of  the  nobles  who  were  attached  to  his  cause.  On  the  Sth  June  39  articles  were 
laid  before  him  from  his  own  writings,  concerning  which  he  was  called  upon  to 
decide  {v.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  314.  Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  19  seq.).  26  were  from  his 
work  de  Ecclesia,  7  from  his  liber  contra  Stephanum  Paletz,  6  from  the  lib.  contra 
Stanislaum  de  Snoima.  Most  of  them  related  to  the  doctrine,  that  only  those  who 
were  predestined  to  salvation  were  members  of  the  church,  and  therefore  that  it 
was  possible  for  a  Pope  to  be  not  of  the  church.  Others  referred  to  the  treatment 
of  heretics,  the  power  of  the  clergy,  the  power  of  excommunication,  and  the 
possibility  of  the  church  being  governed  without  a  Pope.  Very  frequently  illegiti- 
mate consequences  were  drawn  fiom  what  he  had  said.  These  he  protested 
against,  but  would  not  take  back  any  of  his  assertions.  It  was  in  vain  that  the 
Council  and  the  emperor  called  on  him  to  retract  {v.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  32.5)  :  even 
a  more  moderate  foi-m  of  recantation  proposed  by  the  Cardinal-bishop  of  Ostia  he 
declined  (1.  c.  p.  329).  His  letters  written  at  this  time  express  uniformly  the  most 
unshaken  determination.     Hist,  et  IVIon.  I.  p.  84  seq. 

-^  How  judgment  was  passed  and  executed,  see  Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  33  seq. 
V.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  389  seq.  cf  Narratio  historica  de  condemnatione  et  supplicio 
Jo.  Hus,  by  a  contemporary.  Hist,  et  Mon.  II.  p.  51.5  seq.  Amongst  the  heresies 
attributed  to  him,  it  was  not  only  repeated,  notwithstanding  his  protestations,  quod 
post  consecrationem  in  sacramento  altaris  remaneat  panis  materialis,  but  further, 
quod  ille  sanctissimae  Triadi  quartam  adjecisset  personam  (v.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p. 
392  seq.).  In  the  secret  Archives  at  Konigsberg  there  is  a  contemporary  history 
of  the  Council  of  Constance  in  Ms.,  in  which  there  is  a  very  accurate  account  of 
the  proceedings  against  John  Huss,  see  Jahrbilcher  Joh.  Lindenblatt;  von 
Voigt  and  Schubert.  S.  299. — The  supposed  prophecy  of  Huss  :  hodie  anserem 
uritis,  sed  ex  meis  cineribus  nascetur  cygnus,  quem  non  assare  poteritis,  seems  to 
have  originated  in  the  time  of  Luther.  It  occurs  0pp.  Lutheri,  T.  V.  Altenb.  p. 
599  ;  VIII.  p.  864  ;  IX.  p.  1562,  and  appears  to  have  originated  partly  in  a  passage 
of  a  letter  which  Huss  sent  from  Constance  to  Prague  (Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  121) : 
Prius  laqueos,  citationes  et  anathemata  anseri  (Huss  is  Bohemian  for  Goose)  para- 
verunt,  et  jam  nonnullis  ex  vobis  insidiantur.  Sed  quia  anser,  animal  cicur,  avis 
domestica,  suprema  volatu  suo  non  pertingens,  eorum  laqueos  [71071]  rupit,  nihi- 
lominus  aliae  aves,  quae  verbo  Dei  et  vita  volatu  suo  alta  petunt,  eorum  insidias 
conterent;  partly  in  Jerome's  words  at  his  execution,  see  Narratio  de  Mag. 
Hieron.  1.  c.  II.  p.  531  :  Vobis  certum  est  me  inique  et  maligne  condemnare, 
nulla  noxa  etiamnum  inventa.     Ego  vero  post  fata  mea  vestris  conscientiis  stimu- 

voL.  III.  45 


354  Tliird  Fcriud.     Diu.     V.     A.  D.   14U9  —  1517. 

duct,  the  Council  passed  the  shameful  decree,  that  no  faith  need  be 
held  with  a  heretic.-*^ 

Jerome  of  Prague  had  already  left  Constance  to  escape  the  threat- 
ened danger,  but  was  arrested  at  Herschau,  in  the  Upper  Palatinate, 
and  brought  back  to  Constance.  After  a  long  and  rigorous  imprison- 
ment, he  was  induced,  in  Sept.  1415,  to  retract;  but  new  accusations 
beincr  brought  against  him  by  his  enemies,  he  took  back  his  recanta- 
tion, and  was  burned  at  the  stake  on  the  30th  May,  1416.-9 

lum  infigo  et  morsuin,  ac  appello  ad  celsissiirium  simul  et  aiquissimum  judicem 
Deuin  oiiinipoteiitem,  %it  coram  eo  centum  annis  revolutis  respondeatis  mihi.  cf. 
Manso  an  vere  de  M.  Lutliero  vaticinatus  sit  Jo.  Huss,  in  his  vermischten  Ab- 
handlungcn  vuid  Auf'satzen.  Bicslaii,  1S21.  S.  157  ff. 

2^3  At  first  Sioismund  was  disposed  to  insist  on  tlie  observance  of  his  safe-conduct 
(v.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  26),  bat  allowed  himself  to  be  persuaded  that  it  was  inter- 
fering with  the  rights  of  the  Council  (1.  c.  p.  32).  Ferdinand  of  Aragon  urged  it 
too  upon  the  emperor,  that  he  had  no  right  to  save  a  heretic  from  punishment  on 
such  a  plea,  quoniam  non  est  fiangere  fidem  in  eo,  qui  Deo  lidem  frangit  (see  the 
letter,  dd.  18  Apr.  1415,  in  S  c  h  e  1  h  o  r  n  '  s  Ergotzlichkeiten  aus  der  Kirchenhi- 
storie  u.  Literatur.  Bd.  1.  S.  217  ff.).  The  Council  decreed,  dd.  Sess.  gen.  XIX. 
d.  23  Sept.  1415  (u.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  521):  Praisens  sancta  Synodus  ex  quovis 
salvo  conductu,  per  Impcratorem,  Reges  et  alios  sajculi  Principes  hcereticis,  yel  de 
hffiresi  diffamatis,  putantes  eosdem  sic'a  suis  erroribus  revocare,  quocunque  vinculo 
se  astrinxerint,  concesso,  nullum  fidei  catholics,  vel  jurisdictionis  ecclesiasticaj 
prsjudicium  generari,  vel  impedimentum  prajstari  posse  seu  debere,  declarat, 
quominus  salvo  dicto  conductu  non  obstante  liceat  judici  competenti  ecclesiastico 
de  hujusmodi  personarum  erroribus  inquirere,  et  alias  contra  eas  debite  procedere, 
easdemque  punire,  quantum  justitia  suadebit,  si  suos  pertinaciter  recusaverint 
revocare  errores,  etiamsi  de  salvo  conductu  confisi  ad  locum  venerint  judicii,  alias 
non  venturi.  A  special  decree  also  was  passed  de  salvo  conductu  Hussonis,  first 
published  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  I.e.:  Quia  nonnulli  nimis  intelligentes,  aut  sinistra; 
intentionis,  vel  forsan  solentes  plus  sapere,  quam  oportet,  nedum  Regia;  Majestati, 
sed  etiam  sacro,  ut  fertur,  Concilio  Unguis  maledictis  detrahunt,  publice  et  occulta 
dicentes  vel  innuentes,  quod  salvus  conductus,  per  invictissimum  Principeni 
Dominum  Sigismundum  Romanorum  et  Ungaris,  etc.  Regem  quondam  Johanni 
Huss  hsresiarchae  damnataj  memori*  datus,  fuit  contra  justitiam  aut  honestatem 
indebite  violatus  :  cum  tamen  dictus  Johannes  Huss  lidem  orthodoxam  pertinaciter 
impugnans,  se  ab  omni  conductu  et  privilegio  reddiderit  alienum,  nee  aliqua  sibi 
fides  aut  promissio  de  jure  naturali,  divino  vel  humano  fuerit  in  prsjudicium 
catholics  fidei  observanda  :  idcirco  dicta  sancta  Synodus  prtesentium  tenore  decla- 
rat, dictum  invictissimum  Principem  circa  pra>dictum  quondam  Johannem  Huss 
Don  obstante  memorato  salvo  conductu  ex  juris  debito  fecisse  quod  licuit,  et  quod 
decuit  Regiam  Majestatem  :  statuens  et  ordinans  omnibus  et  singulis  Christifideli- 

tus^ quod   nulliis  deinceps  sacro  Concilio  aut  Regi»  Majestati  de  gestis  circa 

prsdictum  quondam  Johannem  Huss  detrahat,  sive  quomodolibet  obloquatur.  Qui 
vero  contrarium  fecerit,  tanquam  fautor  haereticae  pravitatis  et  reus  criminis  laesae 
Majestatis  irremissibiliter  puniatur. 

29  See  Narratio  de  Mag.  Hieronymo  Pragensi  pro  Christi  nomine  Constantiae 
exusto  in  Hist,  et  Mon.  II.  p.  522  seq.  Alia  de  eodem  narratio,  1.  c.  p.  528  seq. 
His  death  is  described  by  an  eye-witness,  Poggius  Florentimis,  in  Ep.  ad  Leo- 
nardum  Aretinum,  1.  c.  p.  532  seq.,  and  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  III.  p.  64  seq. :  Jucunda 
fronte  et  alacri  vultu  ad  exitum  suum  accessit :  non  ignem  expavit,  non  tormenti 
genus,  non  mortis.  Nullus  unquam  Stoicorum  fuit  tam  constanti  animo,  tamque 
forti  mortem  perpessus,  quam  iste  appetiisse  videtur. 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  150.     Hussites  to  1436,  355 


<§,   150. 

HISTORY    OF    THE    HUSSITES    TO    THE    CONFIRMATION    OF    THE    COM- 
PACTS   IN    IGLAU   (A.  D.    1436). 

James  von  Misa,i  commonly  called  Jacobellus,  pastor  of  the  St. 
Michael  church  in  Prague,  had  been  led,  through  Peter  of  Dresden,^ 
towards  the  close  of  tlie  year  1414,  to  give  the  cup  again  to  the  laity, 
as  necessary  to  their  salvation.  This  innovation  met  with  high 
approbation,  and  after  having  been  sanctioned  by  Huss  in  a  letter  from 
Constance,"^  became  so  popular  with  his  followers,  that  from  that  time 
forward  it  became  one  of  the  most  important  peculiarities  of  the  sect."* 

^  So  called  from  Misa,  a  small  town  in  Bohemia,  and  not  as  has  been  often 
thought,  from  Meissen,  see  Pelzel  in  den  Abhandlungen  eiuer  Privatgesell- 
schaft  in  Bohmen.  Bd.  6.  (Piag,  1784.  8vo.)  S.  299.  J.  Chr.  Martini  diss,  de 
Jacobo  de  Misa.  Altdorfii.  1753.  4to. 

2  /.  Chr.  Schreiber  diss,  de  Petro  Dresdensi.  Lips.  1678.  4to. 

3  See  §  149,  note  24. 

*  Mneas  Sylvius  hist.  Bohem.  c.  35,  says  of  this  innovation  :  Nondum  error  de 
Sacramento  altaris  irrepserat  (at  the  time  when  Huss  was  in  Hussinecz).  Sed 
attulit  novam  pestem  Petrus  Dresdensis  (id  oppidum  Misns  supersitum),  qui  cum 
aliis  Teutonibus  pauIo  ante  Bohemiam  reliquerat.  Cognitur  inter  suos,  quia  Val- 
densi  lepra  infectus  esset,  patria  pulsus,  velut  h^reticorum  asylum  Pragam  repctiit, 
puerorumque  docendorum  curam  accepit.  Apud  Ecclesiain  s.  Michaelis  per  id 
temporis  populum  praedicando  instruebat  Jacobellus  Misnensis,  literarum  doctrina, 
et  morum  prasstantia  juxta  clarus.  Petrushunc  aggressus,  mirari  se  ait,  doctum 
et  sanctum  virum,  qui  divina  eloquia  plebibus  exponeret,  errorem  ilium  non  ani- 
madvertisse  communionis  Eucharistia;,  qui  jam  pridem  Ecclesiam  pessundassct. 
In  qua  sub  una  tantum  specie  dominicum  corpus  populo  ministraretur,  cum  apud 
Joannem  Evangehstam  et  Apostolum  Christo  dilectissimum  sub  duplici  specie 
panis  vinique  suioi  jubeatur,  dicente  apud  eum  Salvatore,  nisi  manducaveritis 
carnem  filii  hominis  et  hiheritis  ejus  sanguinem,  non  habebitis  vitam  in  vobis. 
Commotus  his  Jacobellus,  cum  perquisitis  vetustis  sanctorum  Doclorum  codicibus, 
Dionysii  prajsertim  et  Cypriani,  communionem  et  calicis  laudatam  invenisset,  pro- 
hibitus  apud  sacellum  Ai-changeli  Michaelis  prsdicare,  in  tenipio  majore  s.  Martini 
cathedram  sortitus,  publice  commonere  populum  coepit,  ne  deinceps  communionem 
calicis,  sine  qua  salvari  nemo  posset,  quoquo  pacto  negligerent.  Huic  omnes 
haeretici  consenserunt,  baud  modica  gestientes  leetitia,  quod  articulum  invenissent 
in  evangelica  lege  fundatum,  per  quern  Romanae  sedis  vel  ignorantia  vel  nequilia 
argui  posset.  Odioso  quamvis  ha;c  animo  Rex  intelligeret,  desidia  tamen  corrup- 
tus,  et  inertia  terpens,  impune  debacchari  sinebat  htereticos.  The  z-easoning  here 
is  evidently  taken  out  of  Jacobellus'  writings,  the  rest  ^neas  may  have  had  fi-om 
credible  sources.  The  Calixtine  Laurentius  Bi'zezyna  (erroneously  written  Byzy- 
nius)  Chancellor  of  the  Neustadt  in  Prague,  relates  in  his  diarium  belli  Hussitici 
ab  anno  1414  ad  1423,  in  J.  P.  de  Ludewig  Reliquia;  Manuscriptorum,  T.  VI.  p. 
124  (now  complete  in  Ms.  see  D  o  b  r  o  w  s  k  y  in  d.  Abhandl.  dei  bohm.  Gesellsch. 
d.  Wissenschaften  auf  d.  J.  1788.  S.  303  seq.) :  Anno  iucarnationis  dominicte  1414 
venerabilis  ac  divinissima  communio  Euchaiistia;  sub  utraque  specie,  panis  scilicet 
et  vini,  populo  communi  fideli  ministranda,  per  veneranduni  ac  egregium  virum 
Magistrum  Jacobellum  de  Miza,  saci-£E  theologia  baccalaureum  formatum,  et  alios 
sibi  tunc  in  hac  materia  assistentes  sacerdotes  est  inchoata  in  urbe  inclyta  et  mao-- 
nifica  Pragensi.  Primum  quidem  in  Ecclesiis  s.  Adalberti  in  nova  civitate,  s. 
Martini  in  Muro,  et  s.  Michaelis,  ac  capella  Bethleein  nuncupata  in  civitate  anti- 
qua  Pragensi.  Qua;  certe  communio  sanctissima  successu  temporis,  quo  pluribus 
diversis  minarum  ac  incarcerationum  terroribus  per  Romannm  ac  Boemias  Regem 


356  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

In  the  correspondence  which  the  subject  called  forth,  Jacobellus  had 
manifestly  the  advantage. •'•     The  Council  of  Constance  confirmed  the 


Venceslaum,  —  et  pi-aicipuc  Conrado  Arcliiepiscopo  Pragensi,  Praelatisque  aliis  ac 
Religiosis,  et  Magistris  universitatis  studii  Pi-agensis  ac  Doctoribus,  totis  viribus 
suggercntibus  ct  desudantibus  suffocatioiiein,  iiiipugnabatur :  tanto  amplius  inva- 
lescebat  et  augmentabatur  in  populo  fideli  ac  devoto  sexus  utriusque  ad  tantura, 
quod  infra  duos  anno.s  non  solum  in  duabus  aut  tiibus  Ecclesiis  Presbytei-i  Magistro 
Johanni  Hus  [adhccrentes^,  pro  tunc  }Vis,h'JistcB  per  partem  sibi  adversam,  quae 
J\Iachomeflca  appcllabatur,  nuncupati,  Hbcrlatcm  praedicandi,  et  sic  ut  pra^mittitur, 
populum  coinmunicandi  habebant ;  sed  fere  omnibus  parocbialibus  in  Pi'aga  Eccle- 
siis, inio  et  Monaslei'iis  ceitis,  Archiepiscopo  et  Pra»lalis  ipsos  excommunicantibus, 
et  interdictum  per  totam  Pragam  ponentibus,  occupatis  populum  magnum  ad  se 
attraxerunt.  Ita  (juod  non  solum  in  Praga,  sed  ctiain  regni  Boemi^,  et  Marchiona- 
tus  Moravite  civitatibus,  castris,  oppidis  et  villis  populus  communis  catervatiin  cum 
magna  devotione  ac  reverentia  ad  sacratissimam  utriusque  speciei  cominunionem 
frequentabat.  P.  130:  Non  solum  usum  rationis  habentes,  sed  et  parvuli  seu 
infantes  post  baptismum,  propter  baptismi  ipsius  confirmationem,  temporis  successu 
Sacramento  divinissima;  Eucharistife  sub  utraque  specie  communicabantur,  Mag. 
Jacobello  —  banc  cum  sibi  aliquibus  adbajrentibus  Magistris  et  sacerdotibus  pro- 
mulgante  et  practisare  inchoante  communionem.  Propter  quani  quidem  infantium 
communionem  scliisnia  grave  inter  Magistros  ct  sacerdotes,  veritati  Dei  et  Mag. 
Johanni  Hus  adha'rentes,  in  Pi-aga  et  in  regno  Boemia;  exortum.  Nam  quidam  ex 
eis  infantium  communionem  fore  erroneain  ct  ad  baptismi  confirmationem  non 
necessariam  asserebant :  alii  e  contrario  propter  dictum  b.  Dionysii  ac  aliorum 
primitive  Ecclesiaj  doctorum  banc  sententiam  et  communionem  ipsam  catholicam 
et  salutiferam  adstruebant.  —  Nihilominus  praefata  sacri  corporis  et  sanguinis  Do- 
mini sub  utraque  specie  —  communio  tam  ad  adultos  quam  ad  pai-vulos  et  infantes, 
adversariis  ipsius  ac  amulis  cam  ratione  et  modis  diversis  suffocare  et  annuUare 
satagentibus,  non  tamen  prasvalentibus,  de  die  in  diem  magis  ac  magis  crescebat  et 
augmentabatur  ct  invalescebat,  impugnantibus  per  temporum  successus  notabiliter 
divina  virtute  coram  ipsa  ruentibus,  et  succumbentibus  veritati,  et  damna  inexpli- 
cabilia  rerum  et  corporum  luentibus. 

*  Jacobellus  wrote  first  the  Demonstratio  per  testimonia  Scripturas,  Patrum 
atque  Doctorum,  communicationem  calicis  in  plebe  Christiana  esse  necessariam 
(in  V.  d.  Hardt  Cone.  Const.  III.  p.  805).  Answered  by  Mauritius  de  Praga 
(Professor  of  Theology  in  Prague,  at  the  time  in  Constance)  responsio  ad  demon- 
strationem,  etc.  (1.  c.  p.  S26).  Also  Anonymi  tboologi,  in  Cone.  Const.  pra3sentis, 
epist.  elenchtica  ad  Jac.  de  Misa  contra  communionem  plebis  sub  utraque  specie 
(1.  c.  p.  338).  AndrecB  Brodce  (Professor  of  Theology  in  Prague)  disp.  acad. 
contra  communicationem  plebis  sub  utraque  specie  (1.  c.  p.  392).  Jacobellus 
replied  in  the  Vindicia^  contra  Andr.  Brodam  pro  communione  plebis  sub  utraque 
specie  (1.  c.  p.  416).  He  maintains,  p.  428:  fideles  de  communitate  Christiano- 
rum,  —  dum  commodose,  tempore  et  loco  opportunis  possunt  habere,  hoc  divinissi- 
mum  sacranientum  utriusque  speciei  debent  suscipere  ad  sahitem.  —  Dum  vero  — 
non  possunt  habere  a  sacerdotibus,  —  et  aliunde  essent  boni  et  justi,  —  non  co  ipso, 
quod  non  possunt,  nee  docentur  sumere  hoc  divinissimum  sacramentum  utriusque 
speciei,  sunt  de  damnandis.  The  position  taken  by  some  of  his  opponents  may  be 
seen  from  Anonymi  theologi  tract,  contra  Jac.  de  Misa  (1.  c.  p.  6.58),  where  we 
find,  p.  693  :  Primitiva  Ecclesia  est  ritus,  consuetudo,  observatio  Ecclesiae  fidelium 
circa  tidcm  tempore  Apostolorum,  et  aliorum  LXXH.  discipuloi-um,  et  sequacium 
ipsorum  usque  ad  Sylvcstrum  Papam.  Sed  Ecclesia  moderna  dicitur  ritus,  con- 
suetudo et  observatio  Ecclesise  circa  fidcm,  incipicns  a  Silvestro  Papa  usque  ad 
hodiernum  diem:  capiendo  autem  modernum  magis  propinque,  tunc  est  quod 
duravit  per  ducentos.  Per  centum  autem  annos  dicitur  Ecclesia  moderna,  salfim 
referendo  tale  tempus  ad  observationem  fidelium  circa  fidem.  Pro  quo  sciendum, 
quod  omnia  ficbant  simpliciori  modo  et  grossiori  in  pri?nitiva  Ecclesia,  quam 
fiunt  in  moderna  Ecclesia.  Quia  baptismus  fiebat  simplici  aqua,  nunc  autem  fit 
in  benedicta.  Sic  etiam  divina  officia  et  multa  alia  ficbant  simpliciori  modo:  sed 
in  moderna  Ecclesia  omnia  digniori  modo  fiunt.  Sic  etiam  in  primitiva  communi- 
catio  apud  Corinthios  fiebat  sub  duplice  specie  :  in  moderna  omnia  sunt  reducta  ad 


Chap.   V.     Reformers.     §    150.     Hussites  to  1436,         357 

established  doctrine  on  the  loth  June,  1415,  and  condemned  the  oppo- 
site doctrine  as  heresy.'^  This  decree,  liowever,  together  with  the  execu- 
tion of  Huss  which  followed  immediately,  and  the  contempt  expressed  by 
the  Council  for  the  heretical  Bohemian,  brought  that  country  into  the 
most  violent  ferment.  Jacobellus  continued  to  defend  the  Communio 
sub  utraque  J  Huss  was  honored  as  a  martyr,*^  and  a  letter  full  of  the 
most  bitter  reproaches  addressed  to  the  Council/^  by  an  assembly  of 

meliorem  formain,  ad  unam  speciem.  Quia  multa  Apostoli  et  alii  sequaces  omise- 
runt,  qu£e  moderna  Ecclesia  iniplevit:  quia  dicitur  in  Actis  Jlpostolorum ;  cre- 
scente  Ecclesia  crescit  et  Sprritus  Sancti  operatio.  El  in  Decretalibus  c.  Cum 
MarthcB  (Deer.  Greg.  III.  41,  6),  dicitur;  Multa  servat  Ecclesia,  quce  per 
Apostolosfuerunt  omissa,  etc. 

6  See  §  144,  note  6. 

''  Jac.  de  Misa  apologia  pro  communione  plebis  sub  utraque  specie  contra 
Constant.  Cone,  dccretum  condemnatorium,  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  III.  p.  591. 

**  A  yearly  festival  in  honor  of  Huss  and  Jerome,  on  the  6th  July,  is  mentioned 
by  Mneas  Sylv.  hist.  Bohem.  c.  36.     Theobald,  Th.  1.  Cap.  27.  S.  133. 

^  The  letter  of  the  Council  to  the  clergy  of  Prague,  announcing  the  execution 
of  Huss,  and  calling  on  them  to  extirpate  heresy,  in  v.  d.  Hardt,  IV.  p.  485  seq. 
In  the  letter  of  the  54  nobles  assembled  at  Prague,  to  the  Council,  dd.  2  Sept. 
1415.  1.  c.  p.  495.  Hist,  et  Men.  I.  p.  98,  we  read,  e.  g. :  Nos  —  pro  carissimo 
proximo  nostro,  —  Johanne  Huss,  —  praedicatore  evangelico,  quem  nuper  in  Con- 
cilio  Constantiensi,  nescimus  quo  spiritu  ducti,  non  confessum,  nee  legitime,  ut 
decebat,  convictum,  —  sed  ad  sinistras,  falsas  et  importunas  duntaxat  suorum  et 
regni  nostri  —  capitalium  inimicorum  et  proditorum  accusationes,  —  tanquam  hK- 
reticum  pertinacem  condemnastis,  et  condemnatum  dira  et  turpissima  morte  affeci- 
stis,  in  nostri  regni  Bohemiae  christianissimi  et  Marchionatus  Moravia;  clarissimi, 
ac  omnium  nostrum  perpetuam  infamiam  et  notam  :  quemadmodum  serenissimo 
Principi  et  Domino,  Domino  Sigismundo  —  scripta  ad  Constantiam  transmissimus, 
qu£B  etiam  in  congregationibus  vestris  lecta  sunt  et  publicata,  —  et  ea,  ut  refertur, 
in  nostrum  dedecus  et  contemptum  ignis  voragini  tradidistis :  ita  et  nunc  pro  dicto 
M.  Jo.  Hus  literas  nostras  patentes  prajsentibus  duximus  destinandas,  publice  corde 
et  ore  profitentes  et  protestantes,  quod  ipse  M.  J.  Hus  fuit  vir  utique  bonus,  Justus 
et  catholicus,  a  multis  annis  in  regno  nostro  vita  et  moribus  ac  fama  laudabiliter 
conversatus  et  comprobatus;  legem  etiam  evangelicam  —  nos  et  subditos  nostros 
catholice  docuit,  —  omnes  errores  et  haereses  constantissime  detestando.  —  Nee 
prasmissa  omnia  in  confusionem  nostram,  et  regni  nostri  et  Marchionatus  prafato- 
rum  perpetrata  vobis  sutfecerunt ;  quin  potius  honoi'andum  M.  Hieronymum  de 
Praga  —  non  confessum,  nee  convictum,  sed  ad  solam  suorum  et  nostrorum  prodi- 
torum delationem  sinistram  —  comprehensum  incarcerastis  :  trucidastis  etiam  forte, 
sicut  et  M.  Johannem  Hus  crudelissima  morte  interemistis.     Prsterea  ad  nostram 

—  pervenit  noiitiam,  —  quomodo  quidam  detractores  —  coram  vobis  —  nos gra- 

vissime  et  nequissime  detulerint,  asserentes,  licet  false,  —  quod  in  prsefatis  regno 

Bohemia;  et  IVIarcbionatu  Moraviae  diversi  errores  pullularint,  et  corda  nostra 

infecerint.  —  Equidem  has  atroces  et  perniciosissimas  injui-ias  —  nobis  et  pra?fatis 
regno  et  Marchionatui,  licet  false  et  mendose,  impositas  quomodo  sustinere  possu- 
mus  ?  Cum  per  gratiam  Dei  —  regnum  nostrum  Bohemia;  christianissimum,  et 
clarissimus  Marchionatus  Moravias  a  tempore,  quo  fidem  catholicam — suscepe- 
runt,  —  s.  Romanae  Ecclesia;  semper  constanter  et  indesinenter  adha;serunt.  —  Ut 
autem  juxta  sententiam  Apostoli  provideamus  bona  non  solum  coram  Deo,  sed 
etiam  coram  hominibus  ;  — ideo —  certam  orthodoxamque  fidem  tenore  prffisentium 
V.  P.  et  universis  Chi-istifidelibus  innotescimus,  —  profitentes,  quod  quicunque 
hominum,  —  qui  —  dicit  vel  asserit,  quod  in  prsfatis  regno  Bohemicc  et  Marchio- 
natu  Moraviae  errores  et  hasreses  pullulassent,  et  nos  —  infecissent,  —  recte  menti- 
tur  in  caput  suum,  tanquam  nequam,  pessimus  traditor  et  proditor  prredietorum 
regni  et  Marchionatus,  et  solus  utique  hcereticus  perniciossimus  :  —  nihilominus 
tamen  praemissas  injurias  Domino — nunc  committentes,  apud  futurum  Apostoli- 
cum,  —  unicum  et  dubitatum  pastorem,  illas  amplius  et  latius  prosequemur. 


358         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Bohemian  and  Moravian  nobles,  who  had  associated  themselves 
together  for  six  years  for  the  defence  of  the  true  doctrine. ^'^  It  was 
in  vain  that  they  were  summoned  to  appear  in  Constance  :  ^^  the 
national  excitement  was  still  further  heightened  by  the  execution  of 
Jerome,  and  finally,  after  the  decision  of  the  university  in  favor  of  the 
Communio  sub  utraque,^-  this  view  was  adopted  almost  universally 
amongst  the  people.'-'  Still,  however,  the  Council  thought  best  to 
resort  to  severe  measures,  and  began  with  issuing  regulations  in  24 
articles,  for  putting  down  by  force  the  Bohemian  heretics,'^  and  the 
Pope  sent  legates  thither  for  the  purpose.'"'  The  king,  Wenzel,  was 
entirely  indifferent  to  the  dispute,"^  but  at  the  same  time  too  weak 
and  undecided  to  be  able  to  preserve  order.  The  Hussites,  assisted 
by  the  violent  catholics,  especially  the  clergy,  were  driven  to  resist- 
ance.    Having    assembled    themselves   under   the   command  of  two 


Prsemissis  enim  non  obstantibus  legem  Domini  nostri  Jesu  Christi,  ipsiusque  devo- 
tos,  humiles  et  coiistuntes  prcedicatores  usque  ad  effusionem  sanguinis,  onmi  timore 
et  statutis  humanis  in  contrarium  editis  postergatis,  defendere  volumus  et  tuen. 

1"  See  the  Syngrapha  dd.  Victorini  (5  Sept.)  1415,  in  the  Hist,  et  Mon.  I.  p.  98. 
They  bound  themselves  in  particular  ut  in  omnibus  nostris  ditionibus  quisque  pro 
se  curaret  verbum  Dei  libere  —  in  templis  et  monasteriis  doceri  et  audiri ;  itaque 
nullum  sacerdotem  areendum  —  esse,  qui  —  pctat  sibi  concedi,  ut  doceat  verbum 
Dei  juxta  s.  Scripturae  veritatem.  Quodsi  sacerdos  alicujus  erroris  insimulatus 
fuerit,  ut  is  ad  Episcopum  suaj  ditionis  citetur:  a  quo  si  dcprehensus  fuerit  alienum 
aliquid  a  verbo  Dei  in  vulgus  spargere,  manit'este  puniri  debet,  convictum  vero  nos 
prohibebimus,  ne  intra  nostros  fines  amplius  concionetur.  Sin  quispiam  ex  Episco- 
pis  odio  veras  et  evangelica;  doctrinas  sacerdotum  aliquem  nuUo  in  errore  deprehen- 
sum  privata  cupiditate  inordinate  et  clam  poena  aliqua  afficere  voluerit,  decrevimus 
apud  nos,  ut  nullum  postea  sacerdotem  ad  talem  Episcopum  citari  pateremur,  sed 
ut  hsc  res  ad  celeberrims  Academia;  Pragensis  Kectorem,  Doctores  sacrarum 
literarum  et  Magistros  referatur,  et  per  eosdem  de  toto  negotio  secundum  sacrK 
Scriptura;  veritatem  cognitio  fiat.  Deinde  hoc  quoque  communi  sententia  decrevi- 
mus, ut  omnibus  sacerdotibus,  quicunque  sub  nostro  imperio  vivunt,  mandaremus, 
nuUas  ut  a  quoquam  excommunicationes  accipercnt,  pra^terquam  ab  Episcopis 
nostrs  ditionis.  Nam  excommunicationes  legitimas  retinere  eisque  libenter  parere 
volumus.  Si  qui  vero  ex  eisdem  Episcopis  nostras  ditionis  voluerint  iniquis  excom- 
municationibus,  aut  vi  aliqua  injusta  nobis  aut  nostris  Ecclesiis  molesti  esse  propter 
verbum  Dei,  et  sanctum  ejus  testamentum,  aut  propter  aliud  quiddam,  de  quo  non 
fuerit  facta  cognitio  legitima,  illis  ipsis  decrevimus  non  modo  non  obtemperare,  sed 
etiam  resistere,  si  ita  necessitas  postulabit.  —  Hfec  omnia  ut  rata  inter  nos  ac  firma 
sini,  nos  mutuis  inter  nos  auxiliis  operam  dabimus.  Quod  si  quis  nostrum  recusa- 
verit,  is  et  nominis  sui  et  omnium  bonorum  jacturam  patietur. 

"  The  letter  dated  24  Febr.  1416,  in  Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  8.  Balhini  Miscell. 
hist,  regni  Bohem.  Lib.  VI.  p.  144,  156. 

•2  The  document,  dated  March  10,  1417,  in  Cochlcei  hist.  Hussit.  p.  159.  Hist. 
et  Mon.  n.  p.  539. 

>•'  See  Pelzel's  Lebensgesch.  des  Konigs  Wenceslaus.  Th.  2.  S.  656. 

'*  Which  see  in  Cochlceus,  p.  165. 

«  Theobald,  Th.  1.  cap.  29,  in  Anf.  S.  138. 

'8  He  wrote  to  his  brother  Sigismund,  as  we  gather  from  Siglsmund's  answer 
to  Wenzel's  ambassadors  (sec  Pelzel,  Th.  2.  Urkundcnbuch,  S.  169),  ((ualiter 
nesciat  in  regno  suo  aliquos  erroneos  homines.  Ho  granted  the  followers  of  Huss, 
25th  Febr.  1419,  three  churches  in  Prague  for  their  worship,  under  the  condition 
that  they  would  keep  the  peace.  Pelzel,  Th.  2.  S.  680.  Urkundcnbuch, 
S.  171. 


Chap.    V.    Reformers.     %  150.     Hussites  to  1436.  359 

noblemen,  Nicholas  of  Hussinecz,  and  John  Ziska,  at  Mount  Tabor,^''' 

"'  Brzezyna  gives  an  account  of  this  in  two  passages,  Ludewig  Reliq.  VI.  p. 
142,  and  more  at  large,  p.  186.     In  the  last:  Factum  est  anno  Dom.  1419,  quod 
Presbyteri  cum  eoiuiu  vicariis  propre  castrum  Bcchinense  durius  sic  (sub  utraque 
specie)   communicantibus  insultabant,  eosdem  armata  manu  de   Ecclesiis  eorum 
expellentes,  tanquam  crroneos  et  ha;reticos.     Qua  de  re  Presbyteri  cum  sibi  juncto 
populo  montem  magnum  magna  planicie  exornatum  ascendunt,  et  in  ejus  summi- 
tate   tentorium   de  lineis  pannis   ad  modum  capellae  expandunt.     In  quo  agentes 
divina,  populum  ibidem  contiuentem,  sine  ullius  communionis  impediniento,  vene- 
rabilis   Eucliaristia;    sacramento   devotissime   reficiunt.     Qua  peracta  et  depositis 
lineis  pannis  ad  propria  redeunt,  et  monti  nomen  Tabor  imponunt  (Tabor  is  Bohe- 
mian i'or  tent :  there  was,  however,  no  doubt,  a  reference  also  to  the  mount  of  the 
transfiguration),  ad  quern  venientes  Taborita;  sunt  nuncupati.     Hkc  cum  ad  aures 
adjacentium  civitatuin,  oppidorum  et  villarum  devenirent,  fratres  Presbyteri  cir- 
cunicirca  vicini,  condicta  certse  festivitatis  die,  populum  eisjunctum  cum  venera- 
bili  corporis  Christi  sacramento  ad  Tabor  sonoris  vocibus  deducunt  pro  veritatis 
ibidem,  ut   dicebant,   confirmatione,   ac  fratrum  sororumque  ibidem  existentium 
conlirmatione  ac  consolatione.     Quibus  taliter  venientibus  occurrunt  de  Tabor  cum 
venerabili  altaris  sacramento  fratres  ac  sorores  pro  alacri  venientium  susceptione. 
Venientes  ilia  itaque  in  montem  totam  diem  non  in  lasciviis,  sed  in  his  qua;  salu- 
tem  animarum  concernunt  expendebant.     Presbyteri  nempe  eorum  tei-no  functi 
sunt  ibidem  officio :  doctiores  nanique  ac  eloquentiores  a  summo  mane  populo  per 
normas  diviso,  seorsum  viris,  ac   seorsum   mulieiibus  et  pueris  verbum   Dei,  et 
prsesertim,   quaj  superbiam,   avaritiam  fastumque   Cleri   concernebant,  sine  omni 
formidine  populo  alternadm  prsdicabant,  aliis  pro  tunc  continue  ad  auricularem 
confessioneni  considentibus  :  et  tertii  peractis  divinis  populum  a  diescente  usque 
ad  meridiem  utraque  specie,  corporis  scilicit  et  sanguinis  Domini  Christi,  commu- 
nicabant.     Ita  quod  in  die   Marise  Magdalenoe  (22  July)  XLII.  millia  cum  aliquot 
et   XX.,    virorum,   muliei-ura    et  parvulorum  taliter  communicantium   fuerunt  a 
Presbyteris  computati.     Quibus  omnibus  taliter,  ut  prsemittitur,  expeditis  vadunt 
pro  corporis  refectione  ad  loca  ibidem  in  monte  multipliciter  prajparata,  et  simul  in 
caiitate  fraterna  convivantes,  non  ad  libidinem  aut  ebrietatem,  non  ad  levitatem  et 
dissolutionem,  sed  ad  majorem  et  fortiorem  Dei  servitutem.     Ibique  omnes  sese 
fratres  et  soi'ores  appellantes,  ditior  cum  paupere  victualia,  quaj  erant  prsparata, 
dividebant.     Ita  nihil,  quo  inebriari  potest,  permissum  fuerat  propinari.     Ibi  etiam 
nulla  chorea,  nullus  taxillorum  et  globorum,  aut  alterius  levitatis  Indus,  non  dico 
seniorum,  sed  et  parvulorum,  habebat  indulgentise  locum.     Ibi  denique  nullaj  con- 
tentiones,  nulla   furta,  nullas   sonantium  tistulae,  aut  cythararum   melodise,  prout 
hactenus  in  Ecclesiarum  dedicationibus  fieri  solebat,  potuit  reperiri :  sed  omnium, 
more  Apostolorum,  fuit  unum  cor  et  una  voluntas,  nihil  aliud  tractantes,  nisi  quae 
forent  de  animarum   salute   ac  de   Clei'i  ad  pristinum,  primitivse    scil.    Ecclesise, 
statum    reductione.     Peracta  itaque,    ut   dictum    est,   modica  corporis  refectione, 
surgunt  cum  populo  Presbyteri  ad  agendum  Deo  gratiarum  actiones,  cum  venera- 
bili Eucharistia  Tabor  montem  processionabiliter  circumeunt,  virginibus  sacramen- 
tum  praecedentibus,  et  viris  ac  mulieribus  in  suis  turmis  sequentibus,  vociferantes 
et  psallentes  in  canticis,  prout  videbatur  expedire.     Hac  processione   finita,  vale 
sibi  mutuo  facientes  cum  suis  Presbyteris  —  veniunt  unde  exiverunt.     Factum  est 
autem,  cum  supra  dicta  in  longiores  partes  vulgarentur,  coepit  numerus  venientium 
de  die  in  diem  notabiliter  augmentari.     Nam  non  solum  jam  de  Pyska,  etc.  —  ,  sed 
de  Praga,  etc. —  ,  necnon  de  multis  locis  Moravia?  pedestres  et  equestres  in  Tabor 
confluebant.  —  Quapropter — Rex  Wenceslauscum  quibusdam  inimicis  veritatis  coe- 
perunt  graviter  ferre,  timentes  ne  tanfa  populi  multitudo  Regem  et  Archiepiscopum, 
prout  famabatur,  pro  defensa  legis  Dei  eligerent,  et  eorum  bona  velut  adversario- 
rum  per  potentiam,  cui  resistere  non  valerent,  invaderent  ac  depopularent  (compare 
p.  143  :  Quamobrem  Rex   Boemiaj  Venceslaus  multum  est  turbatus,  se  de  regali 
solio  dejici  timens  et  expavescens,  Nicolaumque  de  Hus  in  locum  sui  substitui 
suspicando).     Quidam  ea  de  causa  ex  nobilibus  districtius  subditis  sui  sub  poena 
colli  et  bonorum  perditione  pra^cipiunt,  no  per  amplius  ad  montem  Tabor  audeant 
concurrere.     Sed  hujusmodi  mandatum  rustic!  cum  suis  mulieribus  modicum  aut 
nihil  advcrtentes,  potius  dimissis  omnibus,  quae  possederant,  ad  Tabor  montem  in 
certis  festivitatibus  venire  nullatenus  negligebant,  allecti  et  attracti,  prout  ferrum 
attrahit  magnes. 


3G0  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

they  celebrated  there  their  communion,  and  founded  a  town  bear- 
ing the  same  name.  With  the  feeling  of  their  strength  grew  also 
the  wildness  of  their  fanaticism.  Led  on  by  Ziska,  a  band  of  Tabor- 
ites  advanced  to  Prague,  and  took  signal  vengeance  on  the  Council 
of  the  Neustadt  (on  the  30th  July,  1419)  for  the  insults  which  had 
been  offered  their  communion  cup  in  the  city.^^  At  this  juncture 
Wenzel  died  (Aug.  16),  and  in  the  general  unwillingness  to  submit 
to  the  hated  Sigismund,  his  death  was  followed  by  complete  anar- 
chy, which  was  made  still  worse  by  the  difference  of  doctrine  which 
sprung  up  between  the  Hussites  in  Prague,  and  the  Taborites. 

The  Hussites  in  Prague  (Calixtines,  Utraquists)  adhered  to  the 
doctrines  of  Huss  and  Jacobellus,  which  in  1421  they  set  forth  in  4 
articles.  1^  In  the  mean  time,  however,  since  its  estrangement  from 
the  church,  Bohemia  had  become  the  resort  of  the  persecuted  Beg- 
hards,  there  pronounced  Picards,  of  whom  there  had  been  a  small 
congregation  in  Prague  ever  since  A.  D.  1418.-"     These  soon  joined 

"  Brzezyna  in  Ludewlg,  VI.  p.  143.  .SEnea;  Sylvii  liist.  Bohera.  c.  37.  init. 
Pelzel,  Th.  2.  S.  684  f. 

•^  Brzezyna,  p.  176  seq.  Magistri  civium,  consules  et  scabini  totaque  commu- 
nitas  civitatis  Pi-agensis  proclaimed  in  the  document,  which  was  written  in  Latin, 
Bohemian  and  German  :  Notum  sit  omnibus  Christitidelibus  quod  fideles  in  regno 
Bohemia;  instant,  et  Domino  juvante  instare  proponunt  sive  per  mortem,  sive  per 
vitam,  quantum  est  eis  possibile,  pi'O  articulis  infra  scriptis:  Primo,  quod  verbum 
Dei  regnum  Bohemiae  hbere  et  sine  impedimento  ordinate  a  sacerdotibus  Domini 
praedicetur.  —  II.  quod  Sacramentum  divinissiniEe  Euchaiistiae  sub  utraque  specie, 
panis  scil.  et  vini,  omnibus  Christifidelibus  nullo  peccato  mortah  indispositis  libere 
ministretur  juxta  scntentiam  et  institutionem  Salvatoiis.  III.  quod  dominium 
sKculare  super  divitiis  et  bonis  temporalibus,  quod  contra  prsceptum  Christi 
Clerus  occupat  in  prajjudicium  sui  officii  et  damnum  brachii  saecularis,  ab  ipso 
auferatur  et  tollatur,  et  ipse  Clerus  ad  regulam  ev^angclicam  et  vitam  apostolicam, 
qua  Christus  vixit  cum  suis  Apostolis,  reducatur.  —  IV.  quod  omnia  peccata  mor- 
talia,  et  speciatim  publica,  aliajque  deordinationes  legi  Dei  contrarias  in  quolibet 
statu  rite  et  rationabiliter  per  eos,  ad  quos  spectat,  prohibeantur  et  destruantur. 
QuEB  qui  agunt,  digni  sunt  morte,  non  solum  qui  ea  faciunt,  sed  qui  consentiunt 
facientibus,  ut  sunt  in  populo  fornicationes,  comessationes,  etc.  —  In  Clero  autem 
sunt  siinoniacae  ha;reses  et  exactiones  ])ccuniarum  a  baptismo,  etc.  —  moresque 
impii  et  injusti,  ut  sunt  imi)udici  concubinatus, —  irce,  rixae,  contentiones,  frivolas 
citationes,  et  hominum  simplicium  pro  lubitu  vexationes  et  spoliationes,  etc.  — 
Quod  si  aliquis  ultra  banc  piam  nostram  et  sanctam  intentionem  aliqua  nobis 
adscribat  impudica  et  enormia,  tanquam  falsus  et  iniquus  testis  a  Christifidelibus 
habeatur,  etc. 

^  See  Dobrowsky  in  d.  Abhandlungen  der  bohm.  Gesellschaft  d.  Wissen- 
schaf'ten  f.  178S.  S.  309  seq.,  and  the  fi-agment  given  there  from  a  Ms.  of  Brzezy- 
na:  Origo  autem  et  radix  hujus  maledicta"  hteresis  pervenit  ad  Boemia;  regnum  a 
quibusdam  Piccardis,  qui  anno  1418  Pragam  cum  uxoribus  (et  liberis  venerunt). 
They  must,  however,  have  come  as  early  as  1417,  for  on  the  2.5  Jan.  1417  (i.  e. 
1416),  the  university  condemned  them  (Pelzel,  Th.  2.  Urkundenbuch,  S.  163)  : 
Sane,  quod  nimis  dolenter  referimus,  ad  audientiam  nostri  crebris  relatibus  et 
clamoribus  iteratis  est  deductum,  quomodo  nonnulli  diversarum  communitatum  ex 
erronea  et  diabolica  doctrina  in  destructionem  lidei  ac  religionis  Christianae  temerc 
tenent  et  adstrucre  conantur,  non  esse  purgatorium,  et  consequenter  quod  non  sit 
orandum  vel  cleemosynandum  pro  defunctis.  Quodque  non  sint  tenendae  in  Dei 
Ecclcsia  imagines,  immo  asseverant,  quamvis  false,  quod  habei-e  Christi  et  Sancto- 
rum imagines  legi  Domini  repugnaret.  Insupcr  quod  benedictiones  salis  et  aquae 
fontis  baptisterii  —  cum  aliis  Ecclesias  bcnedictionibus  —  errorcm  saperent.  —  Et 
hinc  illas   cum   aliis  laudabilibus   Ecclesiarum  ceremoniis   funditus   evellere   et 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  150.     Hussites  to  1436.  361 

themselves  to  the  Taborites,  as  the  most  determined  opponents  of  the 
ruling  power  in  the  church, -^  and  spread  their  doctrines  amongst 
them  with  great  success.  The  Taborites  now  rejected  scrupulously 
every  doctrine  or  usage  not  founded  in  Scripture,  they  abhorred  all 
worldly  pleasures,  even  the  sciences,--  whilst  their  fanaticism,  sur- 

destruere  nituntur.  —  Supplicamus,  ut  si  ad  vos  dogmatisatores  quicunque  praedic- 
toruru  eiTorum  cum  suis  falsis  seutentiis  pervenerint,  —  tamdiu  illis  liberam  dene- 
getis  audientiam,  quamdiu  coram  nobis  suam  docerent  sententiam  lore  justam. 

-^  Thorn.  Ebendoi-ffer  de  Haselbach,  D.  theol.  at  the  university  of  Vienna 
(•f  1460),  Chron.  Austriacum  in  Ptzii  Scriptt.  rerum  austr.  II.  p.  846  :  Ibi  quoque 
sumta  occasione  Waldenses,  qui  usque  latuerunt,  suas  cervices  erexerunl,  primum 
latenter  suos  inducentes  errores,  postea  vero  armata  manu  defensare  et  alios  ad 
eosdem  nisi  sunt  compellere. 

--  The  CaHxtine  Brzezyna  continues,  after  the  passage  cited  in  p.  190,  thus : 
Cum  haec  talia,  ut  praemittitur,  agerentur,  et  plurimi  tam  nobilium  quam  vulgariura 
sexus  utriusque,  dimissis  vanitatibus,  legi  Dei  operam  darent :  Diabolus  saluti 
generis  humani  inimicus  per  aliquos  falsos  fratres  Presbyteros  mundo  legis  Dei 
tritico  varias  errorum  et  hasresium  superseminavit  zizanias.  —  Nam  cum  eo  tem- 
pore non  esset  Rex  et  Princeps  in  Israel,  ad  quem  subditi  haberent  respectum, 
faciebat  unusquisque  quod  sibi  rectum  videbatur.  Et  plurimi  Taboritarum  Pres- 
byteri,  magnam  habentes  populi  confiuentiam  et  adhaerentiam,  dimissis  ss.  docto- 
rum  Ambrosii,  Hieronymi,  Augustini,  Gregorii  et  cfeterorum  ab  Ecclesia  approba- 
torum  sententiis,  suis  de  propriis  ingeniis  elaboratis  glossis  antiquum  et  novum 
interpretati  sunt  Testamentum,  niulta  falsa  et  erronea  veris  immiscentes,  per  quae 
facilius  corda  simplicium  poterant  ad  eorum  sententias  inclinari.  Fundamentum 
autem  omnium  malorum  sequentium  fuit  erroneus  Scripturarum  intellectus.  Di- 
cebant  namque  eorum  directores  et  doctores,  quod  non  oportet  doctorum,  qui 
fuerunt  puri  homines,  uti  scholarum  sententiis,  cum  Christus  Deus  et  homo  suifi- 
cienter  in  novo  Testamento  expressit  omnia,  qua;  cuilibet  homini  viventi  sunt 
necessaria  ad  salutem,  et  quomodo  vetus  novum,  et  vice  vei-sa  novum  vetus 
exponit  Testamentum.  In  1420  they  published  their  doctrines  in  14  articles : 
I.  Nulla  scripta  aut  dicta  quorumcunque  doctorum  a  fidelibus  sunt  tenenda, — 
nisi  quK  in  canone  Biblias  explicite  continentur,  quia  omnes  libri  talium  sunt 
astutiae  Antichristi  et  adjiciendi,  destruendi  aut  comburendi.  II.  Omnis  homo  in 
eo,  quod  studet  in  artibus  liberalibus,  aut  gradus  in  eisdem  accipit,  est  vanus  et 
gentilis,  et  peccat  contra  Evangelium  D.  N.  J.  C.  III.  Nulla  decrcta  ss.  Patrum 
aut  seniorum  instituta,  nullus  aliquis  ritus,  aut  ti-aditio  humanitus  inventa  sunt 
tenenda :  sed  omnia  talia  sunt  abolenda  et  destruenda,  velut  Antichristi  traditiones, 
cum  Christus  et  ejus  Apostoli  ea  fieri  nullibi  in  novo  Testamento  expresserunt. 
IV.  Ex  praedictis  concludebant  sequentia,  quod  nullum  chrisma,  aut  sacrum  oleum, 
aut  aqua  baptismalis  sunt  consecranda  vel  sanctiticanda.  Similiter  calix  nullus, 
corporale,  ornatus  et  de  aliis  rebus  in  Ecclesia  fieri  consuetis  sunt  exorcissanda, 
benedicenda  aut  sanctiticanda.  Similiter  nullfe  horse  canonica;  sunt  dicends.  Nee 
ritus  Missae  in  ornatu  et  signis  ac  ordine  dudum  ab  Ecclesia  constituto,  nee  cantus 
ecclesiastici  sunt  tenendi,  sed  potius  tanquam  humane  traditiones  et  legis  Dei  impe- 
ditiva  ahjicienda  et  destruenda.  V.  Infantes  non  debent  cum  exorcismis  et  solitis 
in  baptismate  compatribus  in  aqua  ad  hoc  benedicta  et  consecrata  baptisari.  Sed 
possunt  in  quacunque  unda  recenti,  et  ubi  libuerit,  baptisari.  VI.  Omnes  libri 
missales  aut  cantuales,  similiter  et  viatici  et  libri  hynmorum,  et  omnis  ornatus  seu 
vestes  missales,  aut  alia  spiritualia  pro  peragendis  divinis  indumenta,  monstrantias 
et  calices,  aut  cinguli  argentei  vel  aurei,  et  omnis  vestis  polymita,  et  conspersa,  aut 
quovis  modo  depicta  :  haec  omnia  sunt  destruenda  vel  comburenda,  magisque  licet 
rusticis  in  dictis  sacris  vestibus  incedere,  et  cappas  et  manicas  ex  eis  facere,  quam 
Presbyteris  in  eis  peragere  divina.  VII.  Confessiones  auriculares  non  sunt  cu- 
randae  aut  observandK,  nee  ad  eas  peccatores  etiam  criminales  obligantur,  sed  soli 
Deo  sufficit  mente  tenus  confiteri.  VIII.  Jejunia  quadragesimalia,  quatuor  tem- 
porum,  in  vigiliis,  caeteraque  humanitus  aut  consuetudine  introducta  non  sunt  a 
fidelibus  observanda,  sed  pro  velle  sui  beneplaciti  unusquisque  his  diebus  comedat, 
quicquid  habet,  aut  quod  sibi  apparabit.     IX.  Dominico  die  excepto  nulla  alia 

VOL.  III.  46 


362  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

rounded  as  they  were  by  dangers,  very  naturally  showed  itself  in 
various  superstitious  expectations  and  notions.-*^     On  the  other  hand, 

festivitas  est  ex  aliquo  debito  celebranda  a  fidelibus.  X.  Omnis  Presbyter  cum 
platta  et  in  ornatu  vel  superpellicio  divina  peragens,  aut  Missam  ritu  consueto 
celebrans,  est  sicut  ilia  nieretrix,  dc  qua  scribitur  in  Apocalypsi,  a  tidelibus  con- 
temnenda.  Sed  Missa  est  ad  instar  Christi  et  Apostolorum  cum  barbis  et  sine 
platta  in  comnuini  veste  et  sine  altai-i,  in  quocunquc  loco  contigerit,  celebranda. 
Et  sacraincntum  Eucharistlffi  alta  voce  propter  adstantes  est  conticiendum,  et  ipsum 
non  est  elevandum,  nee  in  crastinum  est  conservandum.  XI.  Sacerdotes  evan- 
gelici  demos  eis  ratione  eleeniosyna»  pro  perpetuo  a  Laicis  concessas  aut  dep\itata9 
non  possunt  licite  inbabitare,  nee  possunt  habere  bona  temporalia,  jure  civili  ab 
eisdem  subtracto  penitus  et  ablato,  nee  a  taliter  habenlibus  accipienda  sunt  sacra- 
menta,  quamvis  jus  sic  habendi  eis  esse  illieitum  notoric  recognoscant.  XII.  Post 
mortem  corporalem  animarum  tidelium  non  est  crcdendus  locus  purgationis  aut 
tenendus,  stultumque  ct  inane  est  pro  lidelibus  dcf'unctis  exorare,  aut  alia  pietatis 
opera  exercere.  XIII.  Invocationes  aut  postulationes  nostra;,  tam  mentales,  quam 
vocalcs,  ad  sanetos,  qui  sunt  in  ca;lcsti  patria,  pro  aliquibus  sufifragiis  sapiunt 
hEeresin  aut  idololatiiam.  XIV.  Nulla  imago  nee  aliqua  similitudo  eorum,  quae 
sunt  in  cojlo  et  terra,  sub  poena  idololatria;  est  habenda,  sed  qua;libet  talis  est  tan- 
quamidolum  destruenda  et  comburenda.  Quia  scriptum  est  ExodiXX  :  noil  fades 
tibi  sculptile,  nee  omnem  similitudinem.  Brzezyna  adds  further,  that  they  founded 
the  rejection  of  all  usages  not  found  in  the  bible,  on  Apoc.  xxii.  18:  si  suis  appo- 
suerit  ad  hcec,  apponet  Deus  super  ilium  plagas  scriptas  in  libra  isto :  and  on 
the  words  of  Christ  to  the  Scribes  and  Pharisees,  Matth.  xv.  6:  irritum  fecistis 
7nandatum  Dei  propter  traditiones  vestras.  After  the  Hussites  in  Prague  had 
published  their  4  articles  (see  note  19),  the  Taboritarum  et  omnis  advenarum  com- 
munitas,  sent  to  them  12  articles  as  the  only  conditions  of  further  intercourse, 
Brzezyna,  \).  185:  II.  quod  aiticuli,  ad  quos  Capitanei,  consules  et  communitas 
consenserunt  (those  hei-eby  made  known),  quia  jam  dudum  sunt  per  pra^dicatores 
proclamati,  teneantur  et  observentur  sub  pcenis  promulgatis.  III.  quod  manifesti 
peccatores  —  non  tolerentur  absque  poena.  IV.  quod  potationes  tabernales  —  non 
fiant.  V.  quod  vestes  superbas  non  portent.  VI.  quod  in  artificiis  et  foro  provi- 
deatur,  ne  fiant  illusiones,  spolia,  usurjp,  juramcnta,  inufilitates  et  vanitates,  doli, 
etc.  VII.  quod  jura  paganica  et  teutonica,  quEe  non  concordant  lege  Dei,  tollan- 
tur,  et  jure  divino  ut  regatur,  judicetur,  et  totum  disponatur.  VIII.  quod  sacer- 
dotes ex  parte  servent  se  secundum  ordinem  divinum  et  imitationem  propheticam 
et  apostolicam.  IX.  ut  magistri  subjiciantur  regulariter  juri  divino,  sicut  et  alii 
lideles  Christiani,  et  suas  proscriptiones  ut  ad  voluntatem  Dei  regulent  et  in  prae- 
torio  reponant,  ut  examinentur  juxta  legem  Dei.  X.  ut  omnes  census  sacerdotum 
ad  bonum  commune  convertant,  et  usurarios  destruant.  XI.  ut  adversaries  veri- 
tatis  Dei  ex  se  ejiciant,  et  profugos  et  bannitos  ne  suscipiant.  XII.  ut  Monasteria 
haeretica  destruant  et  corrumpant,  Ecclesias  non  necessarias,  et  altaria,  imagines 
patenter  et  occulte  servatas,  ornatus  superbos,  et  calices  aureos  et  argenteos,  et 
omnem  antichristianam  plantationem  idololatricam,  et  simoniacam  pravitatem,  quae 
ex  Deo,  patre  ccelesti,  non  est. 

^  Brzezyna,  p.  155,  A.  D.  1420:  Item  hisce  temporibus  sacerdotes  quidam 
Taborienses  novum  Christi  adventum  prsedicabant  populo.  In  quo  adventu  omnes 
raali  et  veritatis  asmuli  perire  debeant  et  exterminari,  et  boni  duntaxat  in  quinque 
eonservari  civitatibus.  —  Harum  ha>c  sunt  nomina  Pilzna,  quas  per  ipsos  civitas 
soils  est  appellata,  Zatecz,  Luna,  Slana  ot  Laatowia.  —  Quorum  sententiis  frivolis, 
tanquam  veridicis,  multi  simplicium  zelum  habentes  secundum  Apostolum,  sed 
non  secundum  scientiam,  acquiescentes,  bona  sua  pro  levi  etiam  pretio  vendendo, 
ad  ipsos  de  diversis  regni  ISohemiai  et  Marchionatus  Moraviaj  districtibus  cum 
uxoribus  et  pueris  confluebant,  et  pecunias  ad  pedes  ipsorum  sacerdotum  projicie- 
bant.  Their  doctrines  are  given  at  large,  p.  203  seq.  Prime,  quod  in  praesentis 
saeculi  consummatione  adveniet  Christus  occulte,  sicut  fur,  novo  adventu  ad  reg- 
num  suum  reparandum,  pro  quo  oramus  :  adveniat  regnum  tuum  :  et  in  hoc 
adventu  non  erit  tenipus  gratia;,  sed  ultionis  et  retributionis  in  igne  et  gladio.  Ita 
quod  omnes  legis  Christi  adversarii  debent  perire  septem  plagis  novissimis,  ad 
quarum   executionem   sunt   fideles  provocandi. —  Item  in  lioc  tempore  ultionis 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  ]50.     Hussites  to  1436.  363 

few  of  them  could  be  gained  over  to  the  view,  that  the  bread  and 
wine  in  the  Communion  were  only  signs,  and  these  icw  were  sti<T- 
niatized  by  the  rest  witli  tlie  name  of  Picards,  and  driven  from  Tabor. 
Some  of  these  also  fell  into  the  heresy  of  the  Free  Spirit,  and  were 
called  Adamites,  but  were  soon  exterminated  by  Ziska,  A.  D.  1421.2'* 
The  name,  however,  was  given  by  their  adversaries  to  the  Taborites 
generally. 

Immediately  after  the  death  of  Wenzel,  the  Taborites  began  to 
burn  the  churches  and  convents,  and  maltreat  the  priests  and  monks.-'^ 
There  was  no  hope  of  gaining  them  over,  but  by  a  little  indulgence 
Sigismund  might  easily  have  prevailed  on  the  Calixtines  to  acknow- 
ledge him  as  their  king.  But  as  he  threatened  all  the  Hussites 
alike    by  causing  a    crusade    to  be  immediately  proclaimed  by   the 

quilibet  fidelis,  etiam  Presbyter,  quantumcunque  spiritualis,  est  maledictus,  qui 
gladium  suum  corporalem  prohibet  a  sanguine  adversariorum  legis  Christi,  sed 
debet  manus  suas  lavare  in  eorum  sanguine  et  sanctificare.  Item  isto  tempore 
ultionis,  quicunque  audiverit  pra;dicari  voceni  Christi,  qua  dixit :  tunc  qui  in 
Judaa  sunt,  fugiant  ad  monies  ;  et  qui  non  exiverit  de  civitatibus  —  ad  montes 
corporales,  ubi  niodo  Taboiienses  vel  eorum  fiatres  congregantur,  ille  peccat  mor- 
taliter  contra  pr^ceptum  Christi,  et  in  peccato  suo  peribit,  quia  nunc  nemo  salvari 
potest  a  plagis  Domini,  nisi  veniant  ad  montana.  Item  hoc  tempore  ultionis  omnes 
civitates  —  debent  desolari,  destrui  et  comburi,  quia  jam  nee  Dominus  Deus  nee 
aliquis  in  eas  ingreditur.  Item  quod  fratres  Taborienses  isto  tempore  ultionis  sunt 
angeli  missi  ad  educendum  fideles  de  omnibus  civitatibus  —  ad  montes,  sicut  Loth 
de  Sodomis. — Sunt  exercitus  a  Deo  per  totum  mundum  missus  ad  tollendum 
omnia  scandala  de  regno  Christi,  quod  est  Ecclesia  militans,  et  ad  ejiciendum  males 
de  medio  justorum,  et  ad  faciendum  vindictam,  —  et  nationes  adversariorum  legis 
Christi  et  eorum  civitates  —  evertendas.  —  Item  in  fine  istius  consummationis  sa»culi 
Christus  descendens  de  coelo  manifeste  veniet,  —  ut  regnum  in  hoc  mundo  assumat, 
et  faciet  grande  convivium  et  coenam  agni,  veluti  iiuptias  sponss;  suse  EcclesiK  hie 
in  montibus  corporalibus.  —  Item  in  adventu  Christi  isto  secundo  ante  diem  judicii 
cessabunt  Reges,  Principcs,  ac  omnes  Ecclesiarum  PrEPlati ;  —  in  hoc  regno 
reparato  nullum  erit  peccatum  ;  —  parient  mulicres  infantulos  sues  sine  dolore  et 
peccata  originali  {Isaim  Ixvi)  ;  —  parvuli  in  hoc  regno  nati  —  nunquam  morientur, 
quia  mors  ultra  non  erit  {Apoc.  xxi). — Et  dicebant  hoc  fieri  cito  infi-a  paucos 
annos,  in  quibus  aliqui  ex  nobis  remanentes  vivi  videbunt  sanctos  Dei  resurgentes, 
et  inter  eos  Mag.  Johannem  Hus,  quia  abbreviabit  Dominus  hoc  tempus  ultionis, 
accelerando  consummationem  SKculi  propter  suos  electos.  Item  isti  electi,  qui  sic 
vivi  relinquentur,  ad  statum  'innocentia;  ipsius  Adas  in  Paradise,  et  ut  Enoch  et 
Elias,  reducentur.  Et  erunt  absque  omni  fame  et  siti,  et  omni  alia  poena  tarn 
spiritual!,  quam  corporali.  Qui  etiam  sancto  connubio  et  immaculato  thoro  gene- 
rabunt  carnaliter  hie  in  terris  et  in  montibus  filios  et  nepotes  absque  omni  dolore  et 
perturbatione,  et  absque  omni  peccato  originali,  nee  tunc  opus  erit  baptismate 
fluminis,  quia  in  Spiritu  Sancto  baptizabuntur,  nee  ibi  erit  sanctiK  Eucharistia; 
sacramentum,  quia  novo  modo  angelico  pascentur,  non  in  mcmoriam  passionis 
Christi,  sed  ejus  justitiffi.  Brzezyna  then  enumerates  the  passages  on  which  these 
opinions  are  ibunded,  mostly  taken  from  the  Prophets  and  the  Apocalypse. 

^  See  Jos.  Dobrowsky,  Gesch.  der  bohm.  Pikarden  und  Adamiten,  in 
den  Abhandlungen  der  bohm.  Gesellschaft  der  Wissenschaften  auf  d.  J.  1788.  8vo. 
300  ff.  especially  Brzezyna's  account  ex  Ms.  ibid.  S.  317  seq.  .Mneas  Sylvius 
hist,  bohem.  c.  41,  supposes  that  they  had  a  founder  :  Pichardus  quidam  ex  Gallia 
Belgica,  transmisso  Kheno,  per  Germaniam  in  Bohemiam  pcneiravit,  and  takes 
Picards  as  synonymous  with  Adamites.  The  errors  of  the  Adamites  are  recounted 
by  Brzezyna  from  an  account  sent  to  Prague  by  Ziska  in  Dobrowsky,  S.  325  seq. 

*^  This  began  in  Prague  on  the  day  after  Wenzel's  death,  see  Brzezyna  in 
Ludewig,  VI.  p.  145  seq. 


364  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

Pope's  legate  against  the  heretical  Bohemians,-*^  they  all  united 
against  him,  and  not  only  defended  themselves  triumphantly  against 
three  crusading  armies,  but  even  made  incursions  into  the  neighbour- 
ing countries.-'''  In  these  wars  the  Taborites  signalized  themselves 
by  their  valour,  first  under  Ziska,-'*  and  after  his  death  (1424)  divided 
into  two  parties,  one  of  them  led  by  the  older  Procopius,  the  other, 
called  the  Orphans,  directed  by  a  council  of  war,  of  which  the 
younger  Procopius  was  the  most  important  member. 

After  the  failure  of  the  third  crusade  (1431)  the  opponents  of  the 
Hussites  perceived  that  nothing  was  to  be  gained  by  force,  and  nego.- 
tiations  were  immediately  opened  by  the  Council  of  Basil,  at  which 
the  same  legate,  Julius  Cesarini,  presided,  who  had  led  on  the  last 
crusade."^^     The  deputies  of  the  Hussites  appeared    in    Basil,   after 

^^  Martin  V.'s  crusade  bull  of  March  1,  1420,  in  CocMcbi  hist.  Hussit.  lib.  V. 
p.  18.S,  and  in  Schelhorn's  Ergotzlichkeilen  aus  der  Kirchenhistorie.  Bd.  1. 
S.  607  if.  Several  others  from  the  year  1428  and  1427,  see  in  Brown  Appendix 
ad  fasciculum  rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum,  p.  611  seq. 

2''  See  generally  Brzev.yna,  1.  c.  Eberh.  Windeck's  (a  counsellor  of 
Sigismund)  Leben  K.  Sigismunds,  Cap.  72,  in  Mencken  Scriptt.  Rer.  Germ.  I. 
p.  1127  seq.  JEnea  Sylvii  hist.  Bohem.  c.  42  seq.  Cochlcei  hist.  Hussit.  lib.  V. 
p.  178  seq.  Theobald's  Hussitenkrieg,  Th.  1.  Cap.  33  ff.  S.  148  ff.  —  Histoire 
de  la  guerre  des  Hussites  et  du  concile  de  Basle  par  Jaq.  Lenfant.  T  H.  Amst. 
1731.  4to.  Supplement  k  I'hist.  de  la  guerre  des  Hussites  de  Air.  Lenfant,  par 
Isaac  de  Beausobre.  Lausanne,  1735.  4to.  Jac.  Lenfant's  Gesch.  des 
Hussitenkrieges,  mit  wichtigen  das  Original  bei-ichtigenden  Noten  von  M.  Eh. 
Hirch.  Presburg,  1783.  4  Theile,  8vo.  Geschichto  des  Hussilenkriegs.  Zittau 
u.  Leipzig,  1795.  8vo. 

^^  Merkwilrdige  Lebensgeschichte  des  Johann.  v.  Trocznow  ober  sogenannten 
Zizka,  Heerfilhrer  der  Bohmen,  Prag,  1792.  8vo.  Zizka's  militarische  Briefe  u. 
Verordnungen,  von  K.  Ungar,  in  d.  Neueren  Abhandlungen  d.  k.  bohmischen 
Gesellsch.  d.  Wissenschaften.  Bd.  1.  (Wien  u.  Prag,  1791.  4to.)  S.  371  ff.  Diplo- 
matisch-historische  Aufsatze  tiber  Job.  Zizka  v.  Trocnow  von  Max.  MilJauer. 
Prag,  1824.  (which  forms  a  part  also  of  the  Abhandl.  d.  konigl.  bohm.  Gesellsch. 
d.  Wissensch.  Neuer  Folge  Bd.  1.  Prag,  1827.  8vo.) 

^  The  Hussites  had  before  been  summoned  to  refer  their  cause  to  this  Council, 
but  with  the  demand  that  they  should  agree  beforehand  to  submit  to  its  decrees, 
see  the  account  of  Sigismund's  negotiations  with  the  Hussites  in  Presburg,  1429, 
in  J.  G.  Schelhorn's  BeitrXgen  zur  Erlauterung  der  Geschichte,  bes.  der 
Schwab.  Gelehrten-  u.  Kirchen-Geschichte,  Stuck  3  (Memmingen,  1774.  8vo.)  S.  77. 
They  now  attempted  to  prove  the  justice  of  their  cause  in  public  letters  addressed 
to  the  princes  and  people,  see  one  of  A.  D.  1430,  in  Broionii  Appendix  ad  fascic. 
rerum  expetendarum  et  fugiendarum,  p.  632,  another  dated  July,  1431,  in  Mansi 
XXIX.  p.  641,  and  German  in  T  h  e  o  b  a  1  d  '  s  Hussitenkrieg,  Cap.  73.  S.  272  seq., 
in  which  last  they  complain  particularly  of  their  being  summoned  to  submit  to  the 
Council.  But  the  summons  of  the  Council  to  the  Bohemians,  dd.  15  Oct.  1431 
(Raynald,  h.  a.  no.  24,  complete  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  233  seq.)  promises  :  Hie 
quidquid  pertinet  ad  fidei  veritatem,  —  onini  cum  diligentia  et  libertate  tractabitur. 
Licebit  libere  omnibus  exponere,  etc.  A  second  letter  of  March,  1432  (Mansi 
XXIX.  p.  415,  and  XXX.  p.  99),  assures  the  Bohemians  of  a  safe  conduct,  adding, 
what  was  humbling  enough  for  the  Council :  promptis  et  non  fictis  dabimus  animis. 
The  Salvusconductus  accompanied  the  letter  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  417),  and  ambas- 
sadors were  sent  to  Eger,to  negotiate  with  the  Bohemians  (Theobald,  Th.  1.  cap.  79), 
who,  at  the  instance  of  these  last,  gave  another  Salvusconductus  (Mansi  XXIX. 
p.  27),  in  which  not  only  the  Bohemians  were  assured  of  safety,  but  also:  in  loco 
vel  in  locis  hospitiorum  suorum  divina  otficia  sine  impedimento  nostrorum  peragere 
permittimus.  Further  :  in  generali  Conciiio  —  articulos  quatuor  (see  note  19)  — 
oretenus  aut  in  scriptis  libere  poterunt  offerre,   aut  propalare,  Scripturis  sacris, 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  150.    Hussites  to  1436.  365 

some  delay,  in  Jan.  1433,  but  the  time  was  only  consumed  in  ineffec- 
tual disputations. ^0  After  their  return,  however,  an  embassy  was 
sent  by  the  Council,  and  a  compact  concluded  witli  the  Calixtiiies  in 
Prague,  on  the  30lh  Nov.  1433,  by  which  the  four  articles  were 
conceded  to  them,   though  with   very  important   limitations.^^     The 

beatorumque  doctorum  verbis,  sententiis  et  rationibus  eos  declarare,  adstruere, 
persuadere,  et,  si  opus  fuei'it,  etiam  ad  objecta  Coiicilii  generalis  respondere,  aut 
cum  aliquo  vel  aliquibus  de  Coucilio  super  cisdcm  disputare,  aut  caritative  — 
conferre,  opprobrio,  couvicio  aut  contuinelia  procul  motis. 

^"  See  the  speeches  of  the  Bohemian  Theologians,  of  whom  John  Rokyczana 
was  the  most  conspicuous,  in  Martene  ampliss.  coll.  VIII.  p.  262  seq.,  and  Mansi 
XXX.  p.  269  seq.  The  answers  of  the  Catholics  see  in  H.  Canisii  lectt.  ant.  ed. 
Basnage  IV.  p.  467  seq.,  and  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  699  seq. 

^'  The  Acts  relating  to  the  preceding  negotiations  see  in  Martene  ampl.  coll. 
VIII.  p.  596  seq.,  and  thence  in  Mansi  XXX.  p.  590,  684,  668.  The  compact 
itself,  which  was  made  between  the  legates  of  the  Council  and  the  plenipotentiaries 
of  the  generalis  Congregatio  Regni  Bohemia;  et  Marchionatus  Moravian,  in  Cochlmi 
hist.  Hussitarum,  lib.  VII.  p.  271,  and  in  Leibnitii  Mantissa  cod.  jur.  gent.  II.  p. 
138.  It  first  establishes  peace  and  concord,  and  annuls  all  the  ecclesiastical 
censures,  providing,  quod  nemo  deinceps  dictum  Regnum  et  Marchionatum 
propter  praeterita  infamare  prssumat.  It  then  treats  of  the  four  articles  (see  note 
19).  The  first  article  of  the  Bohemians  runs :  Quod  communio  divinissimce 
EucharisticB  utilis  et  salubris  sub  utraque  specie,  scil.  panis  et  vini,  universis 
Christifidclihus  in  Regno  BohemicB,  et  Marchionatu  Moravice,  et  locis  eis  in 
hac  parte  adhcerentium  constitutis  per  sacerdotes  libere  ministretur.  This 
article  was  approved  by  the  legates  with  the  further  provisions  :  Articulus  ille  in 
sacro  Concilio  discutietur,  quoad  materiam  de  prscepto  ad  plenum,  et  videbitur, 
quid  circa  ilium  articulum  pro  veritate  catholica  sit  tenendum,  et  agendum  pro 
utilitate  et  salute  populi  Christian!.  At  any  rate  the  priests  in  Bohemia  and 
Moravia  shall  be  allowed  to  admit  to  the  Communion  sub  utraque  specie  eas  per- 
sonas,  qua;  in  annis  discretionis  constitutse  reverenter  et  devote  postulaverint.  — 
Hoc  semper  observato,  quod  sacerdotes  sic  communicantibus  semper  dicant,  quod 
ipsi  debeant  firmiter  credere,  quod  —  sub  qualibet  specie  est  integer  et  totus 
Christus.  Ac  Legati  sacri  Concilii  —  mandabunt  universis  et  singulis,  —  ut  dictis 
Bohemis  et  Moravis,  utentibus  dicta  communione  sub  duplici  specie,  nemo  audeat 
improperare,  aut  eorum  famae  aut  honori  detrahere.  Et  hoc  idem  faciet  sacrum 
Concilium.  The  second  article  of  the  Bohemians  was :  Omnia  peccata  mortalia, 
et  prcesertim  publica,  per  eos  quorum  interest  rationabiliter  et  secundum  legem 
Dei  cohiberantur,  corrigantur  et  eliminentur.  This  expression  per  eos  quorum 
interest  the  legates  thought  too  general,  and  therefore  drew  up  the  article  thus  : 
Omnia  peccata  mortalia,  prcesertim  publica,  quantum  rationabiliter  fieri  potest, 
secundum  legem  Dei  et  sanctorum  Patrum  instituta,  sunt  cohibenda,  corripienda 
et  eliminanda.  Potestas  autem  puniendi  criminosos  non  ad  privatas  personas,  sed 
ad  eos  tantummodo  pertinet,  qui  jurisdictionem  habent  in  eos  fori,  distinctione  juris 
et  justitiffi  ordine  observatis.  In  the  third  article  of  the  Bohemians  :  Qiwd  verbum 
Dei  a  sacerdotibus  Domini  et  Levitis  idoneis  libere  ac  fideliter  prrpdicetur,  the 
libere  was  objectionable,  and  the  following  change  was  made  :  Quod  verbum  Dei 
a  sacerdotibus  Domini  et  Levitis  ad  hoc  idoneis,  et  per  superiores  (ad  quos  pertinet) 
approbatis  et  missis,  libere,  non  tamen  passim,  sed  ordinate  et  fideliter  prardicetur, 
salva  auctoritate  Pontificis,  qui  est  pra?ordinator  in  cunctis,  juxta  sanctorum  Patrum 
instituta.  The  fourth  article  :  j\on  licet  Clero  tempore  legis  graticB  super  bonis 
temporalibus  sceculariter  dominari,  was  admitted  with  the  following  limitations, 
1.  quod  Clerici  non  religiosi  licite  possunt  habere  et  possidere  qusecunque  bona 
temporalia,  and  2.  quod  Ecclesia  potest  licite  habere  et  possidere  bona  temporalia, 
—  et  in  eis  habere  privatum  et  civile  dominiiun,  with  the  condition,  quod  eccle- 
siastici  viri  bona  Ecclesia;  debent  fideliter  administrare,  ipsaque  bona  Ecclesia  ab 
aliis  non  debent  detineri  vel  occupari.  In  case  of  any  abuses  which  may  creep  in 
relating  to  the  three  last  articles,  the  Congregatio  generalis,  as  well  as  individuals, 
shall  have  the  power  of  applying  to  the  Council.     This  compact  was  confirmed  by 


366  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Taborites,  who  were  highly  dissatisfied  with  this  arrangement,  were 
wholly  defeated  by  the  Calixtines  near  Boehniischbrod,  on  the  30th 
May,  1434,^-  and  so  weakened  that  they  were  compelled  to  submit. 
The  triumphant  Calixtines  acknowledged  Sigismund  as  king,  the 
compact  having  first  been  solemnly  confirmed  at  Iglau,  A.  D.  1436.33 

the  Council  in  the  Intentio  sacri  Concilii  super  IV.  articulis,  quam  ipsi  Bohemi  anno 
Dom.  1433.  d.  7  Dec.  observare  manuuiii  stipulatione  promiserunt  in  Mansi  XXX. 
p.  692,  which  for  the  most  part  repeats  those  conditions  word  for  word,  and,  only  in 
the  article  on  the  Lord's  Supper,  contains  a  long  defence  of  the  Communion  sub 
una  specie. 

32  Contemporary  accounts  of  this  victory  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  6.38  seq. ;  p.  647 
seq.  Compare  Mneas  Sylvius  hist.  Bohem.  c.  51.  Theobald,  Th.  1.  cap.  82. 
S.  307. 

^  The  Bohemians  were  well  aware  that  the  compact  needed  still  further 
security;  they  demanded  therefore  of  the  emperor,  in  an  assembly  at  BrClnn,  1455 
(see  Responsio  Concilii  Bas.  facta  Ambasiatoribus  Imp.  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  413), 
quod  sua  Serenitas  personaliter  cum  eis  in  perceptione  communionis  sub  utraque 
specie  conveniret,  ac  Cappellanos  haberet,  qui  sic  populo  ministrarent ;  et  quod 
nullus  esset  in  consilio  ejusdem  et  negotiis  dicti  regni,  qui  sic  non  communicaret ; 
et  quod  religiosi  monachi  et  moniales  sine  consensu  Archiepiscopi  et  Domini 
communis  loci  non  admittantur;  et  quod  ipsi  habeant  sibi  eligere  Archiepiscopum ; 
demands,  with  which  the  Council  were  of  course  by  no  means  pleased.  Still 
Sigismund  promised,  in  a  patent  dd.  Alba^  Regali,  6  Jan.  1436  (in  Leihnitii 
Mantissa,  II.  p.  141) :  1.  Beneficia  non  conferantur  per  extraneos  in  Regno 
Bohemiae  ac  Marchionatu.  2.  Persons  etiam  saeculares  et  spirituales  extra  Reg- 
num  vel  Marchionatum  nee  citabuntur,  nee  judicabuntur.  3.  Communicantes 
sub  una  specie  in  saepe  tactis  Regno  et  Marchionatu,  ne  confusa  sequatur  per- 
mixtio,  contra  proprias  illorum  voluntates  et  libertates  non  sustinebunt,  sed  duntaxat 
in  locis,  in  quibus  communio  duplicis  speciei  temporibus  retroactis  non  servabatur, 
sustinebuntur.  4.  Et  ut  materia  occasioque  litium  auferatur,  loca  omnia  et  singula 
Ecclesiarum  —  signabuntur,  in  quibus  —  communio  duplicis  speciei  in  praxi  serva- 
batur, ut  in  futurum  perpetuo  in  eisdem  servarelur.  5.  Sed  et  hoc  volumus  ut 
per  Dominos  Bohemos,  —  Pragani  et  civitates  alias  una  cum  Clero,  Archiepiscopus 
Pragensis  una  cum  aliis  Episcopis  titularibus  eligantur,  qui  alias  dicuntur  Suffraga- 
nei.  Qui  quidem  electi  per  nostram  dispositionem  debitam  —  confii'mabuntur,  et  in 
Episcopos  consecrabuntur  absque  quavis  pro  confirmatione,  Pallii  exhibitione,  aut 
etiam  Notariis  persolutione.  6.  Scholares  Dia-cesis  Pragensis  uti-ique,  tarn  sub 
una  quam  sub  utraque  communicantes  specie,  habilitate  et  idoneitate  ipsorum 
praesupposita,  ad  sacros  ordines  promoveantur  et  ordinentur.  He  promises  to  hold 
to  this  in  verbo  Caesareo,  and  at  the  same  time  to  exert  himself  to  the  utmost  with 
the  Pope  and  the  Council,  ut  prafati  articuli  suum  effectum  realiter  soitiantui-. 
JEneas  Sylvius  hist.  Bohem.  c.  52,  mentions  several  other  treaties  with  the 
emperor:  Cseterum  inter  Bohemos  et  Imperatorem  alia?  pactiones  (besides  the 
Compact  at  Prague)  intervenere,  quibus  Ecclesiarum  praedia  occupatoribus  jure 
pignorum  relicta  sunt,  donee  certa  pecunia  reluerentur.  Religiosis  utriusqtie 
sexus,  quibus  adempta  Monasteria  essent,  exulibus  quoque  spes  reditus  intei'dicta ; 
Rokyzanas  Pragensis  Ecclesias  prssulatus  promissus,  de  disponendo  Ecclesiarum 
Bohemicarum  regimine  summo  Pontifici  facultas  ablata.  The  ordinance  concerning 
the  estates  of  the  church,  here  referred  to,  is  mentioned  also  by  an  anonymous 
contemporary  writer  in  CocMcbus,  lib.  VIII.  p.  300,  from  whose  account  it  seems 
too  that  the  emperor  had  issued  several  ordinances  relating  to  these  grants.  The 
Council  and  its  legates  do  not  refer  to  the  subject.  At  the  instance  of  the  Bohe- 
mians the  legates  accompanied  the  compacts  with  various  ilkistrations  to  prevent 
any  obscurity,  see  Leibnitii  Mantissa,  II.  p.  146,  148,  and  tinally,  dd.  IglavifB, 
5  July,  1436,  an  Executoria  super  Compaclatis  (Cochlaus,  p.  289.  Leihnit.  II. 
p.  150).  On  the  same  day  the  Bohemian  ambassadors  accepted  the  compact,  and 
solemnly  swore  obedience  to  tlie  Council,  which  is  triumphantly  comnnuiioated  by 
the  legate  in  Mansi  XXIX.  p.  612.  In  August  Sigismund  entered  Prague.  With 
regard  to  giving  the  cup  to  the  laity  the  Council  of  Basil  passed  a  decree,  Sess.  • 


Cliaji.  V.    Reformers.    §  151.    Hussites  from  1436  —  1517.     367 

<§.  151. 

HISTORY    OF    THE     HUSSITES     TO    THE    END    OF    THIS    PERIOD. 

As  this  compact  was  looked  upon  by  each  party  only  as  preparing 
the  way  for  the  further  progress  of  its  peculiar  doctrines  and  usages, 
it  was  not  to  be  expected  that  it  should  prove  the  basis  of  lasting 
peace.  Whilst  the  Calixtines,  on  the  one  hand,  were  vainly  attempting 
to  obtain  new  concessions  from  the  Council/  Sigismund  did  not  even 
adhere  to  what  he  had  already  granted,  but,  as  far  as  was  possible, 
restored  the  old  customs  in  the  church,  and  compelled  the  leader  of 
the  Calixtines,  John  Rokyczana,  whom  he  had  himself  confirmed  as 
Archbishop  of  Prague,^  to  seek  his  safety  in  flight.^     Thus  at  Sigis- 

XXX.  d.  X.  Cal.  Jan.  1437  (Mansi  XXIX.  p.  158)  to  the  effect,  quod  fideles 
Laici  sive  Clerici  communicantes,  et  non  conficientes,  non  adstringuntur  ex  pras- 
cepto  Domini  ad  suscipiendum  sub  utraque  specie  —  sacrum  Euchaiistiae  Sacra- 
mentum.  Sed  Ecclesia  —  ordinare  habet,  quomodo  ipsis  non  conficientibus 
ministretur,  prout  pro  reverentia  ipsius  Sacramenli  et  salute  fidelium  viderit 
expedlre.  —  Laudabills  quoque  consuetude  communicandi  laicum  cum  populum 
sub  una  specie  —  pro  lege  habenda  est,  nee  licitum  est  eam  reprobare,  aut  sine 
auctoritate  Ecclesiae  ipsam  immutare. 

'  Cochlai  hist.  Hussitarum,  lib.  VIII.  p.  310.  The  Bohemian  ambassadors 
demanded,  I.  quatenus  pro  tollendis  litibus,  jurgiis  et  disseusionibus  in  populo 
nostro  ex  diversitate  communionis  indubitanter  —  sequentibus  —  dignemini  — 
Regno  —  nostro  —  dare  —  uniformem  —  sub  utraque  specie  sacrae  Eucharistiae 
communionem.  In  justification  of  this  they  appealed  to  the  passage  at  the  close 
of  the  compact :  et  omnia  alia  fient,  qu£e  pro  observatione  dictae  pacis  et  unitatis 
necessaria  fuerint  et  opportuna.  II.  quatenus  —  providere  dignaretur  sacrum 
Concilium  Bohemis  de  bono  et  legitimo  pastore  Archiepiscopo  et  aliis  Episcopis, 
The  Synod  acknowledged  the  reasonableness  of  this  demand,  but  decidedly  rejected 
the  Archbishop  proposed,  Rokyczana  :  de  quo  non  est  rationabile,  ut  ad  illam 
dignitatem  promoveatur,  cum  ad  impediendum,  perturbandum  et  disrumpendum 
pacem  et  unitatem  post  firmata  Compactata  fuerit  multipliciter  machinatus,  etc. 
So  too,  III.  the  request  for  liberty  communicandi  parvulos  sacra  Eucharistia  was 
refused,  and  IV.  the  request  of  the  Bohemians,  permitti  suis,  ad  minus  Evangelia, 
Epistolas  et  Symbolum  in  vulgari  lingua  in  Missis  et  Ecclesiis  coram  populo  ad 
excitandam  devotionem  libertari,  legi  et  decantari,  on  the  ground  that  it  was 
against  the  compact  and  the  promise  of  the  Bohemians,  se  conformare  ritibus 
Ecclesiae.  The  V.  request,  however,  for  a  reformatio  et  suaj  Universitatis  Pra- 
gensis  et  totius  Ecclesia;  in  capite  et  in  membris  was  more  favorably  received. 

2  The  document  dd.  Iglau,  23  Jul.  1436,  in  Theobald,  Th.  1.  Cap.  85.  S.  319. 
J.  D.  Koeler  de  Joanne  Rokyczana,  famoso  Calixtinorum  in  Bohemia  Pontifice 
diss.  Altorfii,  1718.  4to. 

^  Mneee  Sylv.  hist.  Bohem.  c.  52  :  Philibertus  Episcopus  Constantiensis,  nafione 
Gallicus,  et  collegae  sui  ex  Basilea  missi  ecclesiasticos  introducere  ritus,  sacerdotes 
instituere,  ex  Missarum  solemnibus  vulgaria  verba,  cantilenasque  detrahere,  sanc- 
torum imagines  reducere,  aquam  benedictam  in  aedibus  sacris  reponere,  baptismatis 
fontes  sacrare,  altaria  ornare,  spurcitias  omnes  abolere.  Paruere  complurimi, 
quibus  mens  sanior  fuit.  Rochezanse  complices  resistere,  obloqui,  blasphemare, 
plebem  modis  omnibus  avertere.  Ipse  quoque  inventor  malorum  ex  parochia  s. 
Mariee  ante  Laetam  Curiam,  quam  propria  temeritate  invaserat,  amoveri  minima 
potuit :  neque  laniare  sermonibus  suis  inter  prasdicandum  Romanam  Ecclesiam 
praetermisit,  "legatisque  saepe  necem  per  insidias  machinatus  est.  Sigismundus 
autem  quum  Ecclesias  pollutas  intrare  noUet,  templum  s.  Jacobi,  quod  Fratrum 
Minorum  fuerat,  et  in  quo  machinae  bellicae  turn  servabantur,  restitui  sibi  poposcit : 


368  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

mund's  death  (Dec.  1437),  the  parties  were  again  in  a  state  of  vio- 
lent excitement.  The  emperor  Albrecht,  chosen  by  the  Catholics,  was 
refused  by  the  Calixtines;  but  after  his  death  (Oct.  1439)  a  compro- 
mise was  made,  by  which  the  kingdom  was  to  be  governed  during  the 
minority  of  his  son  Ladislaus,  by  two  governors,  one  Catholic  and  the 
other  Calixtine  (1441).  In  1444  George  Podiebrad  became  the 
Calixtine  governor,  and  in  1450  sole  regent,  and  the  Calixtines  had 
decidedly  the  advantage.  Nevertheless  all  their  efibrts  were  ineffectual 
to  procure  the  extension  of  the  compact,  which  was  not  even  allowed 
on  the  other  side  in  its  present  extent.'*     The  Calixtines  were  already 

annuit  civitas,  et  aliqui  monachi  introducfi  sunt,  qui  verbum  Dei  prajdicarent. — 
Redienint  et  alii,  Mcmlicantes,  tuin  Ccelestini,  Slavi,  servi  s.  Maiise,  Teutones, 
Hieiosolyiiiitani,  et  nonnuUoiuiu  Monasteiioruni  Abbates.  —  Restituti  sunt  et 
cathedralis  Ecclesiaj  Canonici,  ac  Vicaiii  et  Mansionarii,  ornamenta  altaiibus 
reddita,  divinuui  officium  instauratum.  —  Cumque  nulii  essent  Ecclesiae  reditus,  — 
jussit  Imperator,  ex  fisco  regio  per  singula  Canonicorum  capita  hebdoinatirn  aureum 
nummum  distribui,  minoribus  Clericis  dimidiuin  dari.  —  In  alia  quoque  templa 
donaria  collata.  Nova  jam  facies  ui-bis,  novus  populus,  verus  rediisse  religionis 
cultus  apparebat.  Quibus  ex  rebus  liquet,  Iniperatorem,  qua;  foedera  cum  hsreticis 
percussit,  necessitate  jnagis  admisisse,  quam  voluntate  ;  voluisse  ilium  paternam 
ha;reditatern  quoquo  modo  intrare,  sensimque  regni  possessione  accepta  more 
majorum,  subter  veram  Christi  religionem  provinciam  reducere.  —  Rochezanam 
hortari  Romanae  Ecclesiae  se  subjiceret ;  sic  posse  pontificatum  sibi  committi ; 
superbienti,  et  aliena  de  fide  sapienti  ascensum  desperandum  esse,  qui  vel  con- 
secratus  Episcopus  ejici  deberet.  Ille  mente  superba,  et  opinione  sua  inflatus, 
dietim  pejor,  dietim  venenosior  effici,  Monachorum  reditum  ajgerrime  ferre,  quo- 
rum sermones  non  minus  quam  suos  acceptum  iri  verebatur.  Ob  quam  rem 
occurrente  inter  prsdicandum  sermone  de  monachis,  venerunt,  inquit,  novi  dietim 
ad  nos  Desmones,  qiios  monachos  vacant.  His  studium  est  ejicere  nos  de  veritate : 
at  si  viri  fueritnus,  prius  sanguinem  cffuderimus.  Id  Sigismundus  ubi  accepit, 
imo  nos,  inquit,  Hochezana  sanguinem  non  inviti  ante  aras  libaMmus.  Non 
latuit  Rochezanam  Sigismundi  serrao :  qui  ex  amicis  cominonitus  clam  aufugit. 

*  New  articles  were  added  at  Prague,  June  11, 1441  {Cochlceus,  lib.  IX.  p.  335): 
I.  ut  Compactata  cum  Ecclesia  sancta  ab  omnibus  efficaciter  teneantur;  III.  ut 
nullus  audcat  pritdicare,  quod  tantum  sumitur  sub  una  specie,  quantum  sub 
utraque,  cum  hoc  sit  contia  communicantes  sub  utraque  specie;  IV.  ut  nullus 
audeat  porrigere  sub  una  specie  publice  vel  occulte.  After  this  a  great  assembly 
was  held  in  Kuttenburg,  Oct.  4,  1441.  They  here  promised  obedience  to  Rokyc- 
zaua  as  Archbishop,  and  drew  up  a  confession  of  faith  in  22  articles,  see  Theobald, 
Th.  2.  Cap.  11.  S.  86.  In  this  7  sacraments  are  allowed,  and  the  doctrine  of 
transubstantiation  admitted.  On  the  other  hand,  Ai-t.  XVI.,  the  communion  shall 
not  be  taken  in  one  Ibrm  only,  and  it  shall  not  be  considered  contrary  to  a  Christian 
faith  to  administer  it  to  children,  provided  that  it  is  at  the  desire  of  their  parents. 
Art.  XXI  :  as  priests  are  men,  they  are  not  ibrbidden  in  the  word  of  God  to  marry, 
though  it  would  be  better,  according  to  St.  Paul's  advice,  to  live  unmarried.  —  In 
A.  D.  1444,  the  Cardinal-legate,  Carjaval,  was  in  Prague,  with  whom  Rokyczana 
had  a  violent  dispute  concerning  the  Supper  (Theobald,  Th.  2.  Cap.  15.  S.  142). 
In  the  mean  time  the  Bohemians  used  every  exertion  to  procure  from  Eugenius 
IV.  and  Nicholas  V.  the  confirmation  of  Rokyczana  as  Archbishop,  and  in  1447, 
having  sent  an  embassy  for  the  purpose  to  Rome  (Theobald,  Cap.  16.  S.  150), 
Carjaval  appeared  once  more  in  Prague  (Theobald,  Cap.  17.  S.  157).  The  Bohe- 
mians, in  a  letter,  in  which  they  recounted  ail  that  had  passed  up  to  the  present 
time,  prayed  him  {Cochlceus,  lib.  X.  p.  349  seq.),  ut  qua;  pro  honore  et  utilitate 
hujus  regni  inclyti  et  nostris  juxta  Compactatorum  tenorem  facienda  sunt,  finem 
debitum  effectualiter  sortiantur ;  Magistrum  quoque  Joannem  de  Rokyczana  — 
dignetur  Paternitas  vestra  Rev.  in  Archiepiscopum  Piagensem  ad  nostrum  et 
totius  regni  singulare  solatium  consecrare.  Carjaval  evaded  the  request,  and 
demanded  restitution  of  the  church  property  (1.  c.  535).     In  A.  D.  1451,  iEneas 


Chap.  V.   Reformers.    §151.    Hussites  from  U36  —  15}7.     369 

meditating  a  union  with  the  Greek  church,^  when  the  fall  of  Con- 
stantinople put  an  end  to  their  negotiations.  After  the  short  reign  of 
the  young  king  Ladislaus,  who  proved  a  zealous  Catholic  (1453 - 
1457),'"^  George  Podiebrad  was  advanced  to  the  throne.  To  con- 
ciliate his  opponents,  George  caused  himself  to  be  crowned  by  Catho- 
lic bishops,  and  swore  obedience  to  the  church  and  the  Pope.'''  In  so 
doing,  however,  he  counted  on  the  strict  observance  of  the  com- 
pact, which  in  the  excited  state  of  the  parties  was  not  possible.     The 

Sylvius  was  in  Bohemia  as  the  emperor's  ambassador,  and  had  a  conference  with 
George  Podiebrad,  which  he  recounts  in  the  Epist.  ad  Jo.  de  Carjaval  Card. 
{JEnece  Sylv.  epi-:t.  130).  George  complained  that  the  compact  had  not  been 
regarded  on  the  side  of  the  Catholics  :  si  qui  ex  nostris  apud  vos  nioriuntur,  cum 
asinis  sepulturam  accipiunt.  ^neas  replied  :  Cur  violari  foidus  conquerimini, 
quod  priores  rupistis  .'  Neque  enim  sufficit  vobis  sub  duplice  specie  cominunicare, 
nisi  et  sub  una  sola  communicantcs  damnetis.  —  Vobis  indulta  est  sub  utraque 
specie  communicatio,  jussi  tanien  sacerdotes  vestri  sunt,  —  commonere  —  omnes, — 
sub  qualibet  totum  —  esse  Christum  :  nihil  faciunt.  Prohibiti  sunt  infantibus 
atque  dementibus  eucharistiam  porrigere  :  ponigunt  tamen.  Neminem  commu- 
nicare  sub  duplici  specie  debent  [compellere]  :  compellunt,  sepulturam  negantes, 
ni  communicent.  —  Uebent  universalis  Ecclesia^  ritum  tenere  :  postponunt,  divinis 
officiis  vulgaris  carminis  commiscentes.  —  Cum  ergo  abutamini  privilegio,  —  prae- 
varicantes  mandata  Concilii,  baud  jure  Legatum  (Cardinal  Carjaval)  accusatis, 
compactata  tirmare  nolentem  :  quia  privilegium  amisistis  male  utentes.  -(Eneas 
pointed  out  three  subjects  of  controversy  :  Milii  tiibus  ex  rebus  concordia  pendere 
videtur,  ex  Compactatis,  ex  bonis  ecclesiasticis  qua;  occupantur,  ex  Archiepiscopi 
constitutione,  quae  nee  parva  sunt,  nee  leviter  componenda.  Nam  compactata, 
postquain  violata  sunt,  rursus  innovare  magnum  est :  qui  bona  Ecclesiarum  occu- 
pant, invite  restituent :  in  Archiepiscopo  vos  ipsi  vim  facitis,  qui  Kochezanam 
petilis  neque  alium  vultis,  quem,  nisi  me  fallat  opinio,  nunquara  sedes  Apostolica 
ad  id  fastigii  promovebit.  Soon  afterwards,  A.  D.  1451,  the  celebrated  Franciscan, 
Jo.  de  Capistrano,  was  appointed  by  Nicholas  V.  to  preach  against  the  Bohemians, 
with  full  powers  {Cochlceus,  1.  X.  p.  368),  to  absolve  on  their  repentance  omnes 
personas,  qua;  sub  utraque  specie  communicarunt,  ac  alias  erroribus,  hsresi  et 
superstitione  involuti  a  ritu  et  unitate  s.  Rom.  Ecclesiae  recesserunt. 

5  See  the  letter  of  the  church  in  Constantinople  to  the  Bohemians,  A.  D.  1451, 
appended  to  J).  ChytrcBi  orafio  de  statu  Ecclesiarum  in  Grajcia,  Asia,  Bohemia,  etc. 
Francof.  1583.  8vo.,  in  Flacii  Cat.  test,  verit.  ed.  Francof.  1666.  p.  728,  and  in 
Freheri  Scriptt.  Bohem.  p.  235. 

8  Before  they  would  pay  him  homage,  the  Bohemians  extorted  from  him  the 
renewal  of  the  pi'Oinises  made  by  Sigismund  (§  150,  note  33),  see  Theobald,  Th. 
2.  Cap.  20.  Still  he  did  not  conceal  his  dislike  of  the  Utraquists  (Theobald,  S. 
193  flf.      CochlcEUs,  lib.  XI.  p.  391  seq.). 

7  Cochlceus,  lib.  XI.  p.  411.  Theobald,  Th.  3.  Cap.  5.  S.  25.  The  oath  in 
Latin  in  Steph.  Kaprinai  Hungaria  diplomatica  temp.  Matthia;  Regis  P.  II. 
(Vindobon.  1771.  4to.,  p.  163,  and  in  contemporary  German  translations  ibid.  p. 
529,  and  in  Escheuloer's  Gesch.  d.  Stadt  Breslau.  Bd.  1.  S.  59:  Ego — 
proinitto,  —  atque  juro,  —  quod  abhinc,  et  in  antea,  et  deinceps  fidelis  et  obediens 
ero  sacrosancta;  Romanae  et  catholicie   Ecclesia;,  ac  sanctissimo  Domino  nostro  — 

Calisto P.  III.,  ejusque  successoribus  canouice  intrantibus,  et  iis  obedientiam  et 

conformitatem  more  aliorum  catholicorum  —  Regum  in  unitate  orthodoxae  fidei, 
quam  ipsa  s.  Romana—  Ecclesia  — tenet,  fideliter  observabo,  ipsamque  catholicam 

fidem    proteo;ere  —  volo    toto   posse,    populumque    mihi   subjectum    secundum 

prudentiam  a  Deo  datam  ab  oninil)us  erroribus,  sectis  et  haeresibus,  et  ab  aliig 
articulis  s.  Romana;  Ecclesia;  et  fidei  catholica;  contrariis  revocare,  et  ad  vera;  — 
fidei  observationem,  ac  obedientiam,  conformitatem,  et  unionem,  ac  ritum  cultum- 
que  s.  Romana;  Ecclesia;  reducere  et  restituerc  volo.  There  is  nothing  in  the 
German  translation  answering  to  the  words  ac  ritum,  which  are  perhaps  therefore 
an  interpolation. 

VOL.  III.  47 


370  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Catholics  looked  on  the  Calixtines  as  heretics,  whom  the  king  was  by 
his  oath  bound  to  exterminate.  The  Calixtines,  on  the  other  hand, 
would  not  abandon  the  hope  of  driving  their  opponents  entirely  out  of 
Bohemia.^  Pius  II.,  at  first  held  back  by  other  considerations,^  at 
length  declared  the  compact  null  in  A.  D.  1402.1"^  George  strove  in 
vain  by  the  most  scrupulous  observance  of  its  terms  to  keep  the 
Catholics  on  his  side.^i     Finally,  Paul  II.  proceeded  to  excommuni- 

"  The  most  obstinate  resistance  to  the  new  king  was  made  hy  the  city  of 
Breslau.  The  transactions  are  recounted  at  length  in  a  history  of  Breslau,  written 
by  the  then  clerk  of  the  city,  Peter  Eschenloer,  Gesch.  der  Stadt  Breslau 
V.  1440-1479  herausgeg.  von  Kunisch.  2  Bde.  Breslau,  1827  and  28.  8vo. 

9  Pius  wanted  George's  assistance  in  the  war  against  the  Turks,  and  invited  him 
to  join  the  assemblage  at  Mantua,  Cochlceus,  lib.  XII.  p.  416. 

*"  See  Relatio  hist.  Anonymi  synchroni  complectens  res  aliquas  Hungaricas,  po- 
tissimum  vero  Bohemicas  ah  anno  1458  ad  ann.  1469,  in  Steph.  Kaprinai  Hungaria 
diploinatica  temporibus  Matthiai  Regis.  P.  II.  (Vindob.  1771.  4to.)  p.  577  seq.  In 
1462  George  sent  ambassadors  to  Rome  to  take  the  oath  of  obedience  to  the  Pope, 
and  at  the  same  time  receive  the  confirmation  of  the  compact.  Pius,  however, 
answered  (1.  c.  p.  580  seq.)  ;  Quce  vos  Compactata  vocatis,  Oratores  insignes, 
Apostolica  Sedes  neque  novit  unquam  neque  accepit.  —  Non  consuevit  haec  sancta 
Sedes  —  in  his,  qufe  articulos  lidei  concernunt,  pacta  facere  ;  sed  catholicam  tidem 
—  omnibus  libere  praedicare.  —  De  his,  quffi  vos  Compactata  vocatis,  nuUas  Basi- 
leenses  (esto,  quod  Basileaj  aliquandO;  et  tunc  prassertim,  generale  Concilium 
fuisset)  litteraj  unquam  apparuerunt,  sed  nee  hodie  apparent :  soli  Compactatorum 
amatores  copiam  quandam,  seu  ut  ipsi  dicunt  transsumtum  quoddam  cujusdam,  qui 
se  Constantiensem  Episcopum  nominat,  ostendere  possunt,  quod  quantam  in  tarn 
gravi  re  fidem  faciat,  quantum  illi  credendum  sit,  etiam  nobis  tacentibus  quilibet 
intelligit.  But  even  if  the  compact  was  admitted,  the  Bohemians  themselves  had 
not  kept  it.  Animadveitite,  communionem  sub  utraque  specie  his  Bohemis  demum 
concedi,  qui  in  aliis  omnibus  sese  Romans  Ecclesiffi  conformavcrint.  —  At  —  notum 
est,  Bohemos  hactenus  in  nullo  Sedem  Apostolicam  recognovisse,  quinimo  ab  illius 
obedientia  semper  declinasse,  illius  mandata  sprevisse,  novos  ritus,  novas  hsreses 
introduxisse.  —  Sed  et  illud  notorium  est,  neque  vos  negabitis,  imo  in  hoc  sacro 
Consistorio  publice  asseruistis,  in  Bohemia  ab  omnibus,  qui  Compactata  colunt,  hoc 
palum  prEcdicari,  communionem  sub  utraque  specie  de  necessitate  salutis  esse,  qua 
de  re  vos  ea  tanquam  talia  a  nobis  et  Apostolica  Sede  confirmari  petistis  :  cum 
tamen  in  Compactatis  dicatur,  articulum  de  necessitate  salutis  in  Concilio  discutien- 
dum  esse  :  qui  et  ibidem  discussus  est,  decretum  quoque  est,  de  necessitate  salutis 
non  esse  sub  duplici  specie  communicaii  (see  §  150,  note  33).  The  Bohemian 
priests  do  not  teach  according  to  the  compact,  sub  qualibet  specie  totum  Christum 
contineri,  but  on  the  contrary,  communionem  utriusque  speciei  de  necessitate 
salutis  esse.  Another  article  in  the  compact  was,  Concilium  concessurum  commu- 
nionem utriusque  speciei,  si  Bohemi  in  desidei-io  sic  communicandi  perseveraverint, 
et  hoc  eorum  ambasiatores  indicaverint  Concilio  :  Ruunt  itaque  ex  omni  parte 
Compactata  v^estra,  quae  neque  vos  servastis  unquam,  neque,  etiamsi  servata 
fuissent,  communicandi  sub  utraque  specie  Bohemis  licentiam  prajstant,  prsesertira 
his,  pro  quihus  nunc  illud  petitis,  qui  tunc,  tempore  Compactatorum,  aut  nati  non 
fuerunt,  aut  saltem  talcm  usum  communicandi  minime  habere  potiierunt.  cf.  Pii 
II.  conmientarii  a  Jo.  Gobelino  compositi,  lib.  VII.  p.  188.  The  German  transla- 
tion of  this  answer  of  the  I'ope  differs  very  much  in  the  form,  though  essentially 
the  same,  see  Eschenloer,  Bd.  1.  S.  181.  George  immediately  called  together  the 
States,  and  com])lained  of  the  course  pursued  by  the  Pope  (Coclilteus,  lib.  XII.  p. 
427) :  Miramur  quod  Papa  facit.  Fortassis  iterum  hoc  regnum,  quod  vix  per 
Compactata  unitum  est,  et  ad  tranquillum  statuin  pervenit,  disjungere  vult.  In 
answer  to  the  charge,  that  he  had  not  been  true  to  his  oath,  he  read  in  their 
presence  :  juravimus  h;erelicam  pravitatcm  velle  abjicere,  et  omnes  hsreses  de 
Regno  nostro  deleie.  —  Sed  quod  Papa  velit  communionem  et  nostra  Compactata 
haeresim  facere,  nunquam  fuit  de  intentione  nostra. 


Chap.    V.    Reformers.   §  151.    Hussites  from  1436  —  1517.     371 

cate  and  depose  him  in  Dec.  1465/2  summoning  all  good  Catholics 
to  a  crusade  against  him.'''  But  George's  preparations  for  war  ^' 
made  more  impression  than  the  Pope's  censures;  even  the  German 
universities  condemned  the  proposed  crusade,'-'  and  it  was  therefore 
very  feebly  prosecuted.  In  the  mean  time  king  Matthias  of  Hungary 
accepted  from  the  Pope  the  gift  of  Bohemia,  and  established  himself 
in  Silesia,  Moravia,  and  Lusatia.  In  Bohemia  proper,  George  still 
maintained  himself,  and  after  his  death  (1471)  the  Polish  prince 
Wladislaus,  was  chosen  to  succeed  him;  whom  both  Matthias  and 
the  Pope  strove  in  vain  to  drive  out,i^'  till  in  1490  he  succeeded 
Matthias  in  Hungary.  Though  Wladislaus  was  himself  Catholic,  and 
at  first  allowed  himself  to  be  influenced  by  the  Catholics,  the  Calix- 
tines  were  so  powerful,  that  the  compact  was  still  strictly  observed.'^ 
Wladislaus  died  1516. 

During  Sigismund's  reign  the  Taborites,  though  much  weakened^ 
were  left  undisturbed. ^^    After  this  Rokyczana  made  some  ineffectual 


"  Even  Cochlaus,  lib.  XII.  p.  411,  testifies  of  him  :  quod  stirpi  deerat,  industria 
supplevit,  qua  sibi  Rex  tantam  comparavit  auctoritatein  et  gratiaiu,  ut,  si  una 
defuisset  labes  Hussiticaj  secta?,  —  inter  optimos  Reges  baud  inimerito  commemoraii 
posset.  Quls  enim  fuit  eo  vel  in  consiliis  circunispcctior,  vel  in  armis  expeditior, 
vel  in  judiciis  aquior,  "vel  in  regia  potestate  niodciatior  ?  Quanivis  enim  Hussita- 
rum  sectae  adhareiet,  Calholicos  tamen  Imperio  suo  subjectos  a  sacris  et  ritibus 
Ecclesias  non  arcuit,  neque  in  seetam  suam  coegit.     Compare  p.  438  seq. 

*^  The  bull  dd.  1465.  VI.  Idus  Dec.  which  is  wanting  even  in  RayjiaUl,  is 
given  in  Eschenloer,  Bd.  1.  S.  296.  The  first  act  of  excommunication  was  in 
Dec.  1465,  not  1466,  see  Mansi  ad  Rayn.  1466,  no.  27.  See  also  Eschenloer,  Bd. 
1.  S.  321.  —  These  decrees  are  repeated  in  the  Bulls  of  23  Dec.  1466,  see  Eschen- 
loer, Bd.  1.  S.  350,  dd.  VII.  Kal.  Apr.  1467,  Raynald,  ad  h.  a.  no.  1. 

'»  Raynald,  ann.  1467,  no.  8.  1468,  no.  4.     Theobald,  Th.  3.  Cap.  16.  S.  94. 

'''  George's  letter  of  complaints  addressed  to  all  kings  and  princes  on  the  28  July, 
1466,  see  in  Eschenloei',  Bd.  1.  S.  316.  His  appeal  to  the  General  Council,  drawn  up 
by  Gregory  of  Heimburg  (see  §  132,  note  29),  dated  Apr.  14,  1467,  in  Eschenloer, 
Bd.  2.  S.  12  seq.  There  also  appeared  in  print  a  Christian  complaint  of  the 
Pope's  unchristian  conduct  in  Bohemian,  German,  and  Latin,  Theobald,  Th.  3. 
Cap.  16.  S.  93. 

«*  Eschenloer,  Bd.  2.  S.  16. 

'^  Sixtus  IV.  declared  all  oaths  taken  to  Wladislaus  to  be  null  and  void,  and 
Matthias  to  be  the  lawful  king  of  Bohemia,  Raynald,  1472.  In  1478  a  treaty  was 
concluded  (which  see  in  Eschenloer,  Bd.  2.  S.  388),  according  to  which  Bohemia 
was  secured  to  Wladislaus;  Moravia,  Silesia,  and  Lusatia  given  to  Matthias. 

17  Treaties  with  the  Utraquists  from  1480,  in  Theobald,  Th.  3.  Cap.  25.  S.  137. 
By  that  of  Kuttenberg,  1485,  the  compact  was  renewed,  Theobald,  Th.  3.  Cap.  27. 
S.  149. 

1^  Cochlceus,  lib.  VIII.  p.  280:  Quamvis  exciso  eorum  exercitu  —  in  armis  non 
ita  confiderent,  ut  prius,  TaboritfE  :  aliis  tamen  rationibus  pertinaciam  suam  tueri 
quaerebant.  Habebant  sane  oppidum  Tabor  in  excelsa  rupe  munitissimum,  habe- 
bant  multas  Communitates  sibi  adhsrentes,  habebant  saccrdotcs  argutos  et  in  sacris 
Uteris  exercitatos,  etc.  JEnece  Sylv.  hist.  Bohem.  c.  52  :  Taboritas,  qui  superiori- 
bus  cladibus  superfuerant  in  oppido  conservati,  ea  lege  in  gratiam  recepti,  ut 
quinquennio  toto  suis  moribus  viverent,  religionis  cultum  niutare  non  cogerentur, 
jura  civitatis  haberent.  Afterwards  Sigismund  said,  quinquennium  baud  expecta- 
turum  se  correpturuin  propediem  sceleratse  civitatis  insaniam  :  but  in  this  he  was 
prevented  by  death. 


372  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

attempts  to  unite  them  with  the  Calixtines.i'J     In  A.  D,  1451,  ^neas 
Sylvius    found    them   still   distinguished   by   their   old  peculiarities.^^ 


'3  A  conference  was  held  in  Kuttenberg  on  4th  July,  1443,  between  Rokyczana, 
on  the  part  of  the  Calixtines,  and  Nich.  JMskupecz,  on  the  part  of  the  Taborites, 
see  Theobald,  Th.  2.  Cap.  14.  S.  123.  The  Taborites  g;ave  a  statement  of  their 
creed  in  1.5  articles,  in  which  they  dwelt,  first  of  all,  on  the  paramount  importance 
of  the  Scriptures,  and  the  reading  of  them  in  the  mother  tongue ;  the  most 
important  doctrine  they  maintained  to  be  that  of  justification  by  faith,  which  they 
made  the  indispensable  condition  of  admittance  to  the  church ;  "they  acknowledged 
two  sacraments,  baptism  and  the  communion,  and  rejected,  pictures  and  the  doctrine 
of  purgatory.  Art.  XII  :  They  rejected  mass  and  the  adoration  of  the  elements, 
which  they  supposed  to  he  simple  bread  and  wine.  In  the  conference  the  chief 
subjects  of  dispute  were,  trans\ibstantiation  and  the  communion  of  children,  both 
of  which  the  Taborites  rejected.  A  second  conference  in  Prague,  1444  (Theobald, 
Th.  2.  Cap.  15.  S.  131),  was  as  little  successful  as  the  first.  Compare  Nic.  Bisku- 
peez  Schreiben  an  einen  Aeltesten  der  taboritischen  Genieinde  zu  Muglitz  in 
Mahren  Theobald,  1.  c.  See  Jo.  Rokyczance  tract,  de  VII.  Sacramentis 
appended  to  Cochlcsi  hist.  Hussitarum,  p.  442  seq.,and  the  Taborite, /o.  Liikawitz 
confessio  Taboritarum  contra  Rokenzanam  et  Papistas  Pragenses  in  Bulth.  Lydii 
Waldensia  Roterod.  1616.  8vo.  p.  1  seq. 

*"  JEnece  Ep.  Senensis  epist.  ad  Jo.  de  Carjaval  Card.  (.^Snea  Sylv.  epist.  130) : 
Ex  illis  aliqui  nudi  erant  solis  tecti  camisiis,  alii  pelliceas  tunicas  indueraut.  Alii 
sella  carebant,  alii  freno,  alii  calcaribus.  Alleri  crus  occreatum  fuit,  alteri  nudum  : 
huic  oculus  defuit,  illi  manus.  —  Incedendi  nullus  ordo,  loquendi  nulla  modestia, 
barbaro  et  rusticano  ritu  nos  exceperunt.  Obtulerunt  tamen  xenia,  pisces,  vinum, 
cerevisiam.  Sic  oppidum  ingressi,  locum  vidimus.  Quern  nisi  hsreticorum  arcem 
aut  asylum  vocem,  nescio  quo  appellem  nomine.  Nam  quacunque  deteguntur 
inter  Christianos  impietatis  ac  blasphemiarum  monsira,  hue  confugiunt,  tutamen- 
tumque  habent,  ubi  tot  sunt  ha^reses  quot  capita,  et  libertas  est  quas  velis  credere. 
In  the  account  of  their  doctrines  which  follows  the  statements  here  printed  in 
Italics  may  be  considered  as  incorrect  (compare  note  19) :  Romanam  Ecclesiam 
nolunt  habere  primatum,  aut  proprii  Clerum  habere  quicquam.  Imagines  Christi 
Sanctorumque  delent.  Ignem  purgatoiium  inficiantur.  Nihil  Sanctorum  pi'eces 
jam  cum  Christo  regnantium  prodesse  mortalibus  asseverant.  Festum  diem  praster 
Dominican!  et  Pascalem  non  agunt,  jejunia  spernunt,  horas  canonicas  abjiciunt. 
Eucharistiam  sub  specie  panis  et  v'lni  et  parvulis  et  dementibus  prcebeiit.  Con- 
ficientes  nihil  pi'aeter  orationem  dominicam  et  verba  consecrationis  dicunt,  neque 
vestimenta  mutant,  neque  ornatus  assumunt  aliquos  :  quidam  vero  eousque  desi- 
piunt,  ut  non  verum  Christi  corpus  in  sacramento  altaris,  sed  reproesentationera 
quandam  esse  contendant,  errantis  Berengarii,  non  conversi,  sequaces.  Ex  sacra- 
mentis Ecclesia;  baptismum,  eucharistiam,  matrimoniam,  ordinemque  recipiunt : 
de  pcenitentia  parum  sentiunt,  de  confirmatione  et  extrema  unctione  nihil.  Mona- 
chorum  religionibus  infestissimi  sunt,  inventionesque  diabolicas  asserunt  esse. 
Baptisma  simplicis  undce  volunt.  Nullam  aquam  benedicunt.  Cimiteiia  non 
habent  consecrata  :  cadavera  mortuorum  in  campis,  et  ut  digna  sunt  cum  bestiis 
sepeliuntur:  vanumque  censent  orare  pro  mortuis.  Ecclesiarum  consecrationes 
derident,  et  in  omnibus  Jocis  passim  conficiunt  sacramentum.  Nulla  major  his 
cura  est  quam  sermonis  audiendi.  Si  quis  negligens  est,  domique  torpet,  aut 
negotio  ludove  vacat,  dum  sermo  est,  virgis  CKditur,  et  intrare  ut  verbum  Dei 
audiat  compellitur.  Est  illis  domus  qua?dam  lignea  similis  horreo  ruris:  banc 
templura  appellant.  Hie  populo  praedicant,  hie  legem  per  omnes  dies  exponunt, 
hie  altare  unicum  habent,  neque  consecratum,  neque  consecrandum,  ex  quo 
sacramentum  plebibus  exhibent.  Sacerdotes  neque  coronas  ferunt,  neque  barbas 
tondent:  his  Taboritae  frumento,  cerevisia,  lardo,  leguminibus,  lignis  et  omni 
suppellectili  necessaria  publice  domum  complent,  et  addunt  in  singula  capita  sin- 
gulis mensibus  sexagenam  (60  Groschen),*  ex  qua  pisces,  carnes  recentes,  et  si 
velint  vinum  emant.  —  Fratres  se  invicem  appellabant,  et  quod  uni  defuit,  alter 

*  [A  copper  coin,  value  at  present  somewhat  less  than  two  cents.    Tr.] 


Chap.   V.    Reformers.    §151.    Hussites  from  W^Q  —  l^Al .     373 

But  after  the  reduction  of  Tabor  by  George  Podiebrad,  1453,21  they 
disappear  entirely.  In  the  mean  time,  liowever,  their  purer  and  more 
spiritual  doctrine  had  made  some  progress  amongst  the  Calixtines 
themselves,  and  hence  sprung  up  a  new  party  in  Prague,  A.  D. 
1450,'-^-  at  first  favored  by  Rokyczana,-^  adopting  the  religious  notions 
of  the  Taborites  without  their  fanaticism  and  superstition.  Their 
numbers  were  soon  much  increased,  especially  by  the  accession  of 

subministravit :  nunc  sibi  quisque  vivit,  et  alius  quidem  esurit,  alius  autem  ebrius 
est.  —  Reversi  ad  ingenium  avaritiaj  jam  omnes  student,  et  quia  rapere  ut  olim 
nequeunt,  —  luciis  inhiant  niercatura;,  soididosque  sequuntur  qua;stus.  Sunt  in 
civitates  ad  quatuor  millia  virorum,  qui  possent  educere  gladiuui  :  sed  artilices 
facti  lana  ac  tela  ex  magna  parte  victum  quaerentes  inutiles  bello  creduntur. 
jEneas  was  again  in  Tabor  in  the  same  year,  and  held  there  a  disputation  with 
several  of  the  clergy,  also  with  one  Nicholas,  whom  they  called  Episcopus, 
which  was  attended  by  many  of  the  citizens  who  were  versed  in  the  Latin  tongue. 
Nam  pertidum  genus  illud  hominum  hoc  solum  boni  habet,  quia  htteras  amat. 

2»  Theobald,  Th.  2.  Cap.  19.  S.  180. 

=>*  See  Jo.  Lasitii  (a  Polish  nobleman  who  joined  the  brethren  about  A.  D.  1580) 
de  origine  et  rebus  gestis  fratrum  Bohemorum  libb.  VIII.  Lib.  VIII.  is  printed, 
qui  est  de  moribus  et  institutis  eorum.  Adduntur  tamen  reliquorum  VII.  librorum 
argumenta  et  particularia  qua;dam  excerpta.  ed.  Jo.  Amos,  Comenius,  1649.  8vo., 
new  edition,  Anist.  1660.  8vo.  The  work  is  still  extant  in  Ms.;  one  copy  was  in 
Baumgarten's  possession,  see  his  Nachrichten  von  merkw.  Bilchern  Bd.  6.  S.  139. 
Joach.  Cameraril  historica  narratio  de  fratrum  orthoiloxorum  Ecclesiisin  Bohemia, 
Moravia,  et  Polonia  (written  about  1570),  nunc  primuin  ed.  Ludovicus  Canieiarius, 
Heidelberg.  (1605).  8vo.  Systema  historico-chronologicum  Ecclesiaruni  Slavoni- 
carum  per  provincias  varias  -  distinctarum  libb.  IV.  opera  Adriani  Regenvolscii 
(i.  e.  Andres  Wengerscii).  Traj.  ad  Rhen.  1652  and  1679.  4to.  Jo.  Amos  Comenii 
(Bishop  of  the  IJrethren  in  Poland,  »f  1671  in  Amsterdam)  hist,  fratrum  Bohemo- 
rum, eorum  ordo  et  disciplina  ecclesiastica.  Amsfelod.  1660.  8vo.  cum  praef.  Jo.  F. 
Buddei.  Halce,  1702.  4to.  D.  Joh.  Gottlob  Carpzous,  Superintendant 
in  Lubeck,  Religionsuntersuchung  der  bohm.  u.  muhrichen  Brtider,  von  Anbeginn 
ihrer  Gemeinen  bis  auf  gegenwiirtige  Zeiten.  Leipzig  1472.  8vo.  G.  ^V .  K. 
Lochner's  Entstehung  und  erste  Schicksale  der  BrQdergemeinde  in  Bohmen 
und  Wahren,  und  Leben  des  Georg  Israel,  ersten  Aeltesten  der  Brudergemeinde 
in  Grosspolen.     NUrnberg,  1832.  8vo. 

^  They  were  in  fact  set  on  by  him  at  the  time  of  his  quarrel  with  the  Pope, 
and  his  nephew  Gregory  was  one  of  their  first  leaders  {Co7nenius  ed.  Budd.  p.  14), 
see  Prima  epist.  Fratrum  ad  Jo.  Rokyzanum  in  Camerarius,  p.  61  :  Gratissimae 
nobis,  valdeque  jucundas  tuK  fuerunt  condones.  Primum  enim  sedulo  nos  horta- 
baris  ad  vitandum  et  fugiendum  horribiles  errores  Antichristi,  his  jam  postremis 
temporibus  retecti. —  Pra-terea  testabaris,  Diabolum  omnium  Sacramentorum  abu- 
sum  introduxisse,  miserum  vulgus  falsam  sahitis  spem  in  iis  reposuisse.  Monstrabas 
denique,  quomodo  pii  et  veri  Christiani  sacramenta  —  percipere  debeant.  —  Et 
breviter  tristissimum  esse  dicebas  et  miserum  religionis  statum,  praesertim  eo  anno, 
cum  Rex  adolescens  rerum  potiretur  (Ladislaus,  1453).  Nos  vero  his  auditis 
magno  afficiebamur  dolorc.  —  Insuper  cum  videremus  multa  et  varia  dogmata 
spargi,  —  perturbati  erant  animi  nostri,  —  ita  ut  nesciremus,  utrum  his  vel  illis 
assentiri  deberemus.  —  Comrnendabas  nobis  Petrum  Chelezitium,  quicum  nos  tan- 
dem collocuti  sumus,  ipsiusque  scripta  legimus,  ac  plurima  demum  turn  inter 
populum,  male  et  extra  ordinem  fieri,  facile  perspeximus ;  ita  ut  eliam  de  te  spem 
minime  bonam  conceperimus,  cum  videremus,  te  sequi  ea,  qua  tua  ipsius  cou- 
scientia  vitanda  et  fugienda  esse  judicarat.  Cumque  de  his  tecum  colloqueremur, 
tu  hffic  ad  nos,  Scio,  inquisti,  vos  vera  sentire:  sed  si  mihi  suscipienda  est  causa 
vestri,  eadem  perferam  convitia,  in  idem  incurram  dedecus,  parique  ignominia 
afficiar  necesse  est.  —  Coacti  sumus  edere  confessionem  fidei  nostra2 :  ubi  exposui- 
mus,  quid  sentiremus  de  sacramento  coenae  Domini  (nam  de  hoc  potissimum  capita 
sententiam  nostram  sciscitabaris).  —  Nihil  erat,  cujus  nos  argueres,  praeter  quod 
ritus  quosdam  seu  ceremonias  ecclesiasticas  permutaverimus. 


374  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409— 1517. 

many  of  the  Taborites,-^  and  having  made  much  progress  also  in 
Moravia,--^  they  at  length  separated  themselves  entirely  from  the 
church  (1457)  under  the  name  of  '■'Brethren  of  the  law  of  Christ, 
Brethren,  United  Bretliren."~^>  After  George  Podiebrad's  accession 
to  the  throne,  when  he,  in  conjunction  with  Rokyczana  as  Arch- 
bishop, was  using  every  eifort  to  obtain  from  the  Pope  the  recognition 
of  his  claims,  they  thought  it  necessary  to  show  their  orthodoxy,  by 
persecuting  the  Brethren.  At  first  llokyczana  prevailed  on  the  king 
to  give  them  for  their  residence  tlie  remote  district  of  Lilicz  near 
Leutomischl,  in  the  Giant  mountains  (1461)  ;  but  the  new  sect  con- 
tinuing to  spread,  instead  of  falling  into  obscurity,  a  severe  persecu- 
tion was  commenced,  which  compelled  them  to  conceal  themselves  in 
deserts  and  caves  through  the  remainder  of  the  reign.-^  In  the  midst 
of  these  persecutions,  however,  they  completed  their  forms  of  govern- 
ment, choosing  their  first  elders  at  a  solemn  assembly  in  Lhota,  A.  D. 
1467.-^     Under  Wladislaus'  administration  they  enjoyed  more  quiet, 

^  Esrom  Rildio;er,  Jo.  Camerarius'  son-in-law,  Professor  in  Wittenberg,  who 
afterwards  joined  the  brethren,  and  became  a  teachei'in  the  Gymnasium  at  Evanzig 
in  Moravia,  says  in  his  Nari-atiuncula  de  fratrum  orthodoxorum  in  Bohemia  et 
Moravia  EcclesioHs,  written  157,9  ;  see  Camerarius,  p.  159  :  Hoc  tantum  monebi- 
mus,  Taboritarum  seu  Taborensium  nequaquam  pudere  nostros  debere  (quod  aU- 
quibus  tamen  accidisse  jam  oUm,  et  nunc  etiam  accidere  videtur),  quosin  majoribus 
sui  habeant  atque  i-ecenseaat. —  Hoi-um  stirps  sunt  nostra;  Ecclesia;,  quicquid 
dicant  aut  comminiscantur  aliqui.  —  Et  qui  postea  Fratres,  et  turn  Taborita;  nomi- 
nati  sunt,  —  in  iis  sine  dubio  Taboritarum  superstitum  fuit  aliquid,  et  niultum 
quidem  :  qui  tamen  Fratres  non  doctrinal,  sed  studii  certi  professione  a  Taboritis  se 
discriminare  voluerunt.  Territi  enim  clade  et  pene  internecione  Taboritarum,  et 
nomen  hoc  aversati  sunt,  et  armis  pro  se  et  suis  propugnare  amplius  noluerunt 
(quod  tamen  etiam  tum  non  potuisse  videntur),  neque  cum  adversariis  Pontiticiis 
et  Calixtinis  disputamlo  aut  scribendo  contlictari  ipsis  hbuit,  sed  tantum  veritatem 
ad  suos  docere  et  sectari,  et  expectare  atque  ferre  extrema  etiam  omnia. 

^  The  beginning  of  this  community  in  this  country  was  in  Cremza,  or  Cromer- 
zig.  They  were  compelled  by  persecution  to  flee  into  Bohemia,  see  Lochner, 
S.  25. 

^*  Prima  Epist.  Fratrum  ad  Rokyzanam,  in  Camerarius,  p.  64 :  Ne  existimes, 
quod  propter  ceremonias  aliquas,  vel  ritus  ab  hominibus  institutos  sejunxerimus 
nos  a  vobis,  sed  propter  malam  et  corruptam  doctrinam.  Si  enim  potuissemus 
veram  illam  fidem  in  J.  Chr.  dominum  nostrum  apud  vos  conservare,  nunquam 
profecto  secessionem  banc  fecissemus.  Sed  cum  videremus,  tum  vos  ministros, 
tum  populum  his  flagitiis  et  sceleribus  contaminari,  neque  puram  a  vobis  et  inte- 
gram  usurpari  religionem ;  coacti  sumus  salutis  nostra;  causa  a  ccetu  vestro  dis- 
cedere,  ne  vel  tanta  scelera  et  facinora  vobiscum  perpetrantes,  vel  saltern  in  iis 
conniventes,  asternas  tandem  puenas  una  vobiscum  sustineremus.  —  Nos  sine  inter- 
missione  his  temporibus  turpissime  a  sacriticulis  infamamur,  qui  negant  nos  habere 
veram  fidem  de  sacramento  corporis  Christi,  et  hac  ratione  magnum  acorbumque 
imperitae  multitudinis  odium  in  nos  concitant.  Sed  scias  tu,  et  universi,  nos  ita 
credere,  quemadinodum  Chiistus  dixit,  Apostoli  scripserunt,  et  prirnitiva  Ecclesia 
docuit.  Quod  vero  contrarium  excogitatum,  aut  additum,  aut  ad  alium  usum, 
quam  Christus  voluit,  accommodatum  est,  hoc  ex  animo  aversamur. 

*'  Historia  persequutionum  Ecclesiae  bohemica;  (the  place  and  the  author  not 
given,  probably  by  Joh.  Amos  Comenius)  1648.  12mo. 

28  Camerarius,  \).Q2.  Hist,  persequutionum,  cap.  20.  §  2-6,  and  Comenius 
ed.  Budd.  p.  18.  The  Hist,  persequut.  and  Comenius  relate  further  that  Michael 
von  Szamberg  was  then  sent  to  the  Waldensian  bishop,  Stephen,  who  had  been 
driven  from  France,  and  had  established  himself  in  Austria,  to  be  consecrated  as 


Chap.  V.   Reformers.    §  152.   John  Wescl.  375 

although  the  Calixtines  made  several  attempts  to  gain  them  over.^^ 
They  were  joined  by  several  of  the  nobles,  under  whose  protection 
they  erected  houses  of  prayer.  Their  doctrines  are  stated  in  the 
Confession  of  Faith  presented  to  king  Wladislaus  in  A.  D.  1504.2*^ 

«^  152. 

INDIVIDUAL    ATTEMPTS    AT    REFORM. 

The  Councils  of  Constance  and  Basil  had  done  much  to  spread 
abroad  the  knowledge  of  the  corruptions  of  the  church,  though  the 
view  taken  of  its  state  differed  widely  with  different  individuals.  The 
most  fertile  subject  of  complaint  was  the  incapacity  and  the  moral 
corruption  of  the  clergy.  The  Popes  were  ready  enough  to  remedy 
this,  so  far  as  consisted  in  renewing  the  old  rules  of  discipline,  but 
whenever  any  reform  was  proposed  for  the  court  of  Rome  itself,  their 
resistance  was  most  obstinate  and  bitter.  Revolted  at  the  growing 
evil,  there  appeared  from  time  to  time  individuals  of  powerful  minds, 
who,  like  the  prophets  of  old,  boldly  rebuked  the  vices  of  the  time, 
and,  like  them,  only  too  often  fell  victims  to  their  zeal.     In  Flanders 

bishop.  Concerning  the  pretended  Apostolic  decree  of  those  bishops,  see  §  87. 
It  is  very  remarkable,  however,  that  Camerarius  should  have  taken  ra  notice  of 
this  circumstance,  notwithstanding  his  mention  of  Stephen,  p.  116. 

'^  Lochner,  S.  38. 

3"  In  three  letters  to  the  king,  A.  D.  1504,  1507,  and  1508,  in  the  Fasciculus 
rerum  expetend.  et  fiigiendaium  ed.  Edw.  Brown,  p.  162  seq.,  and  in  Balth. 
Lydii  Waldensia  (T.  I.  Roterod.  1616.  II.  Dordraci,  1617.  8vo.)  T.  II.  p.  1  seq. 
They  dwell  more  on  the  points  of  agreement  between  them  and  the  Catholic 
church,  than  on  those  of  difference  :  of  these  last  they  speak  most  openly  in  the 
third  lettei',  Excusatio  contra  binas  literas  D.  Augustini  datas  ad  Regem.  With 
regard  to  the  communion  they  repeatedly  explain  their  doctrine  thus  :  quando 
Presbyter  rite  ordinatus  verba  testimonii  Christi  expresserit,  continue  panis  est 
corpus  Christi  verum,  naturale,  ex  castissima  virgine  sumptum,  similiter  vinum 
sanguis  est  naturalis  corporis  ejus.  Nevertheless  they  deny  (Excusatio  in  the 
Fascic.  p.  182  seq.)  the  doctrine  of  transubstantiation,  and  the  worship  of  the 
Eucharist.  Tliey  maintain  that  the  body  of  Christ  est  in  Sacramento  per  aliam 
existentiam  quam  in  dextris  Dei.  p.  184.  cum  suo  substantiali  assumpto  corpore, 
quocum  sedet  nunc  ad  dexterain  Dei,  non  potest  multiplicari :  —  et  non  potest 
corporaliter  sumi  a  fidelibus  animabus,  sed  solum  spiritualiter.  —  Quamvis  Christus 
non  est  hie  cum  corpore  naturali :  —  est  tauien  spiritualiter,  potenter,  benedicte,  in 
veritate.  In  like  manner  they  deny,  p.  171  and  177,  the  worship  of  saints,  and 
p.  177,  the  doctrine  of  purgatory  :  the  true  purgatory  they  maintain  is  in  this  world, 
in  quo  se  purgant  ad  imniortalia  corpora.  Of  the  doing  away  of  certain  usages 
they  say,  p.  180  :  Ideo  multas  constitutiones  et  consuetudines,  ordinationes  et 
inventiones  non  continemus,  quia  in  errorem  sunt  et  eversionem  tidei  et  ^quitatis, 
—  et  quoniam  ha;  constitutiones  sunt  causa;  idololatriae,  et  spei  erronea^,  et  vanae 
superstitionis,  et  occultationem  morfalis  peccati.  Mali?  autem  sacerdotibus  sunt 
causa  ad  eorum  indignitatem  et  ad  seductionem  a  justitia,  et  ad  avaritiam  et  sacra- 
rum  rerum  qusstum  :  populo  autem  sunt  ad  latrocinia  onusque,  ut  plura  irapendant 
in  vestes,  asditicia  et  splendorem,  —  quod  in  pauperes  et  egenos  expendere  debent. 
Ideo  non  observamus  in  multis  rebus,  quia  multa  impedimenta  faciunt  verbo  justi- 
tia;, oralioni,  rebus  Sanctis  circa  legis  Dei  sensum,  propter  qua;  lex  Dei  venit  in 
contemptum  :  et  ita  humanas  constitutiones,  ordinationesque  tam  diligenter  custo- 
diunt,  sicut  mandatum  Dei  vel  et  diligentius. 


376  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

the  Carmelite,  Thomas  Conecte,  began  to  preach  with  great  success 
against  the  vices  of  the  tirne,i  but  wris  burned  at  the  stake  in  Rome, 
A.  D.  1432.2  Andreas,  a  Dominican,  Arclibishop  of  Carniola,^  and 
Cardinal,  undeceived  in  his  notions  of  the  holiness  of  the  Pope  by 
a  visit  to  Rome,  whither  he  went  as  imperial  ambassador,  ventured  in 
the  simplicity  of  his  heart  to  admonish  Sixtus  IV.  of  his  duty,  and 
became  in  consequence  an  object  of  bitter  persecution.  He  proposed 
to  call  a  new  Council  in  Basil,  to  redress  the  outrageous  wrongs  of 
the  church,  1482,  but  died  in  prison  in  that  city,  1484.-*     Still  more 


*  See  a  description  in  Enguerrand  de  MonstreUt  (Prevot  in  Cambray,  <f  1453) 
liv.  II.  chap.  53.  (nouv.  6(lit.  par  /.  A.  Bachon.  T.  V.  p.  197). 

^  Enguerrand's  account,  liv.  II.  chap.  127.  T.  VI.  p.  62,  is  unsatisfactory.  It 
appears  only  that  his  rebukes  of  the  clerfjy  were  fatal  to  himself.  According  to 
Bertrand  d\drgentr6  hisloire  de  Bretaigne  (Paris.  1618.  fol.)  p.  788,  he  said,  qu'il  se 
faisoit  des  abominations  a  Rome,  que  TEglise  avoit  bien  besoin  de  reformation,  et 
qu'il  ne  falloit  pas  craindre  les  excommunications  du  Pape  faisant  le  service  de 
Dieu.  II  accordoit  aux  religieux  de  manger  de  la  chair,  et  disoit  que  a  I'exemple 
de  la  nation  Grecque  le  mariage  ne  devoit  pas  estre  defendu  aux  Prestres,  ny  a 
ceux  des  siens,  qui  ne  pouvoient  se  conlenir.  Baptista  Mantuanus  de  vita  beata 
in  fine  claims  for  him  the  name  of  a  martyr:  dum  bene  beateque  viveret,  a 
quibusdam  invidis  apud  summum  Pontificem  capitis  accer.^itur,  et  post  carcerem, 
post  tormenta,  post  cruciatus  tandem,  quum  nihil  damnabile  reperissent  gravius 
investigantes,  quod  jure  non  potuerunt,  injuria  perficere  fortiter  accinguntur,  et 
comburendum  scelerato  rogo  commiserunt.  —  Hujus  tiammas  non  Sca;vola;  rogo, 
sed  Laurentii  posse  comparari  non  dubito:  dicant  qui  velint,  obstrepant,  clamitent 
et  insaniant :  ille  sumnio  vivit  Olympo. 

'  Archiepiscopus  Craynensis,  prob.  Archbishop  of  Laybach  in  Carniola. 
■*  The  chief  authorities  are  Petri  jyumagen  de  Treveris,  Andreas'  notary,  gesta 
archiepiscopi  Craynensis  in  /.  H.  Hottingeri  hist^  cccl.  N.  T.  Sa;c.  XV.  p.  347 
seq.,  a  collection  of  Acta  with  notes  by  Andreas,  in  which  he  attempts  to  excuse 
his  participation  in  the  matter.  Compare  Christian  Wurstisens  (Notary 
in  Basil,  f  1588)  Baseler  Chronik  Buch  VI.  Cap.  14  J  o  h  .  Mailer's  Schwei- 
zergeschichte,  Th.  5.  (Berlin,  1826)  S.  284.  —  He  summoned  a  general  Coun- 
cil by  an  advertisement  put  up  in  the  cathedral  at  Basil,  July  13,  1482  {Petrus 
JVumagen,  p.  .360)  :  mullis  moti  gravissimis  damnabilibusque  scandalis  et  sceleri- 
bus,  quK  heu  oculis  vidimus,  auribusque  nostris  audivimus  in  loco  honoris, —  curia 
videlicet  Romana,  vigere  et  contrahi,  indeque  inevitabiles  depravationes  Christitide- 
lium  utriusque  status  per  totum  longe  lateque  orbem  insurgere,  ut  heu  jam  lamen- 
tabile  sit  videre  et  audire,  naviculam  Petri,  i.  e.  totam  simul  universam  Ecclesiam, 
— jactari  nedum  —  persecutionibus  Turcorum  et  intidelium  ad  extra,  verum  etiam 
intra  se  quassari,  etscindi,  dirimique  laxatis  solutisque  clavis  unientibus  ubique  per 
divisiones,  prselia,  hsereses,  peccata,  vitia,  injustitias,  errores  et  maleticia  innume- 
rabilia,  ut  non  improvide  timendum  sit,  earn  tandem  —  a  sorbente  gurgite  damna- 
tionis  subtrahi. — Attendentes  quoque,  juxta  sacrosanctae  Synodi  Constantiensis 
magnae  prajhabita?  providentiam  —  tot  tantisque  nialis  prteter  sacrum  Concilium 
nullo  modo  posse  finem  paciticum  imponi ;  hoc  anno  —  ad  inclytam  civitatem 
Basileensem,  quam  adhuc  indubitatum  congregandi  Concilii  locum  cognovimus,  ob 
zelum  domus  Dei  nostri  cum  mordentihus  gravibus  latigationibus  et  periculis  nos 
recepimus,  ibique  in  cathedrali  Ecclesia  —  Concilium  gonerale — legitime  congre- 
gandum  in  nomine,  ex  parte,  et  ad  laudeni  tantum  —  D.  N.  Jesu  Chiisti, —  tidei 
catholica;  refbrniationeu),  morum  correctionem,  scelerum,  vitioium  extirpationem, 
et  pacem  universalem  in  populo  Christiano  procurandam  —  indiximus.  On  the 
21  July,  he  added  thereto  an  appeal  against  Pope  Sixtus  IV.  (p.  368)  :  facturus 
sermonem  ad  te,  o  Francisco  de  Savona,  Ordinis  fratrum  Minorum,  qui  cathedram 
sanctam  male  asccndisti,  maleque  nomine  Sixtus  IV.  jam  annis  XI.  occupasti, 
Apostoli  Pauli  ad  Elimam  liabitis  verbis  rccte  polero  exordiri  {Act.  xiii.  10)  :  o 
plene  omni  dolo  et  omnifaUacia,fili  Diaboli,  inimice  oinnis  justitim,  non  desinis 
subvertere  vias  Domini  rectus :  dolo  namque  et  fallacia  non  intrans  per  ostium, 


Chap.    V.     Reformer's.     §  152.     Savonarola.  377 

like  the  course  pursued  by  the  prophets  of  old  was  that  of  Jerome 
Savonarola,  a  Doiniiiican  in  Florence,  who,  in  his  stern  rebukes  and 
prophecy,  aimed  at  once  at  reform  in  church  and  state,  but  only  fell 
so   much   the   sooner  a  victim  of  the  vengeance  of  Rome  (1498).^ 

sed  per  Simoniam  quasi  fur  per  f'enestram  proh  dolor  inp;ressus  es  in  regimen 
Ecclesite  sanctae  Konianae.  Inde  facienteni  desideria  Diaboli  tiiium  te  esse  Veritas 
ipsa  declarat,  cum  (licit  :  vos  ex  paire  Diabolo  cstis,  et  desideria  patris  vestri 
vultis  facere  —  (Juoticns,  o  Sixte,  intiina?  coiupassionis  affectu  aro;ui  injustitia.i 
tuas,  et  non  mihi  auscultasli!  quoliens  scelera  I'cprehendi  tua,  et  me  dt-spexisti ! 
quotiens  pra^vaiicaliones  tuas  tibi  objeci,  et  me  subsannasti !  Nonne  licuit  mihi 
secundum  I'ormam  Evano;elii  dicere  tibi  secrete  :  cur  benedicis  et  maledicis  pro 
pecunia?  cui-  benelicia  vendis  ?  cur  gratias  spirituales  pecuniae  a;slimatione  taxas  ? 
—  Et  cum  soUicitudo  tua  omnium  Ecclesiarum  esse  debeat,  ut  quid  apud,  et  quasi 
coram  te  peccantes  non  arguis  ?  Cur  toleras  Sodomitas,  sacrileges,  simoniacos, 
homicidas,  officiis  et  professionibus  suis  non  satisfacientes,  — justitiam  vendentes, 
doctrinani  malam  docentes,  virgincs  stuprantes,  sorores  incestantes,  sub  coelibatu 
pueros  procieantes,  moniales  violantes,  —  fceneratores,  Ecclesius  quas  deservire 
nequeunt  locantes  sub  usura,  —  aliisque  vitiis  et  maleticiis  atque  dehonestationibus 
supcrfluentes  ? — In<le  fit,  quod  C'lerus  despicitur,  —  suscitataque  passim  inter 
curiosos  Laicos  errorum  materia;,  vel  haeresium  opiniones  —  ubique  gloriantur, — 
quod  in  omnibus  castris  Cleri  non  vel  vix  sit,  qui  cum  eis  ad  singulare  certamen 
disputationis  —  descendere  ausit,  vel  saltem  incidentem  dubitationem  pro  Laici 
satisfactione  decidcrc,  enucleare,  quod  taceo  hKreticum  astutum  et  relati-antem 
ratione  et  auctoritate  concludere  norit.  Sicque  cum  majori  scandalo  Cleri  fit,  quod 
Laici  fere  plus  sapiunt,  magis  honeste,  religiose,  justeque  se  gerunt  quam  Clerici, 
qui  omnia  facta  sua  quasi  pro  lege  habentes,  etiam  errore-!  suos  per  legem  Jesu 
Chiisti  conantur  defendere.  —  Tu  vero,  Sixte,  quando  his  pastorali  sollicitudine 
obvias  ?  ubi  est  labor  tuus,  ubi  vigilantia  tua,  ubi  districtio  tua  ?  —  Cumque  hujus- 
modi,  o  Sixte,  a  me  pluries  tibi  cum  dolorc  cordis  secrete  inter  me  et  te  dicta  non 
acceperas,  —  habui  ultra  adhibere  testes,  dixique  ea  in  coetu  Cardinalium  Ecclesias, 
te  ad  emendafionem  exhortans.  Tu  vero,  quasi  incuraliili  vulnere,  quod  omnem 
medicinam  absorbet,  sauciatus,  —  non  accepisti  admonitionem  meam  in  cor  tuura, 
ut  resipisccres,  sed  magis  magisque  irretitus  i-aptabas  in  animam  meam,  spiransque 
minarum  et  csdis  tota  die  concinnabas  dolos,  quibus  me  caperes,  tandemque 
injuste  captum  et  judicatum  me  libera  dimisisti.  Igitur  ne  gravius  indies  magis 
magisque  Ecclesia  per  tuas  insolentias  damniticetur, — jam  ultimum  superest,  ut 
dicam  Ecclesiae.  This  was  opposed  by  Henricus  Institoris,  an  Inquisitor  for  the 
north  of  Germany.  In  his  answer  we  find  the  remarkable  passage  (1.  c.  p.  413) : 
Clamat  mundus  pro  Concilio:  sed  quomodo  congregabitur,  ubi  dispersi  sunt  lapides 
sanctuarii  ejus,  et  obscuratum  est  aurum,  nuitatus  est  color  optimus  ?  Cujusmodi 
reformatio  ?  Die,  ubi  obedientia  Principum,  ubi  zelus  fidei  ?  Et  quia  ista  deficiunt, 
qua»so,  ex  Conciliis  cujusmodi  reformatio  proveniet  ?  —  Ecclesiam  per  Concilium 
reformare  non  poterit  omnis  hnmana  facultas ;  sed  alium  moduni  altissimus 
procurabit,  nobis  quidem  pro  nunc  incognitum,  licet  heu  pra  foribus  existat,  ut 
ad  pristiniun  statum  Ecclesia  redeat. 

*  The  chief  authority  for  the  history  of  this  man,  of  whom  tlie  most  diverse 
opinions  have  always  been  held,  are  the  accounts  of  two  contemporaries,  one 
unfavoi-able  to  him  in  Jo.  Burchardi  diarium  Curia;  Rom.  (see  §  133)  Eccard  II. 
p.  20S7  seq.,  to  which  belong  the  important  documents,  p.  2150  seq.,  more  correct 
in  the  Memoires  de  Comines  ed.  de  Lenglet  du  Fresnoy.  T.  IV.  P.  II.  p.  72,  and 
from  a  Ms.  in  Carlsruhe  in  Paul  us  aufkUlrenden  ReitrSgen  zur  Dogmen-, 
Kirchen-,  und  Religionsgeschichte.  Bremen,  1830.  S.  281  ff. ;  and  the  other  Vita 
H.  Savonarolae  by  his  fiiend  Jo.  Franc.  Picus,  of  Mirandola  ('f  1533),  in  Guil. 
Batesii  vitse  selectorum  aliquot  virorum.  Lond.  1681.  4to.  p.  108  seq.  A  rich 
collection  of  these  and  other  documents  in  Vita  R.  P.  Fr.  Hier.  Savonarola;  auct. 
J.  F.  Pico  Mirandols  Concordia;que  Principe  notis  accurata  :  adjecto  ceu  mantissa 
revelationum  ejusdem  F.  Hieronyini  compendio:  additionibus  insuper,  actis,  diplo- 
matibus,  epistolis,  scriptorumque  monimentis  aucta  et  illustrata  (by  the  Dominican 
Jac.  Quetif.)  Paris.  1674.  2  Tomi,  8vo.  Very  soon  after  entering  the  order  at 
Bologna,  1475,  he  began  to  prophesy,  see  Jo.  F.  Picus  in  Batesius,  p.  112:  Per 

VOL.  III.  48 


378  Third  Ferivd.     Die.    V.     A.  D.    14U9  —  1517. 

A  more  narrow,  monkish  view  of  the  subject  was  taken  by  the  Fran- 


id  tempos  divinaruin  revehitionum  particeps  factus  ingruentes  et  Italife  et  aliis 
re<;ionibus  calaiuitates  ad  futuiai  renovatioiiem  Kcclesia;  prsvidit.  quanqiiam  non 
adeo  tunc  ea  extra  dubitationem  illi  paterent,  ut  oinnis  ei  arnbigendi  occasio  prairi- 
peretur  :  quod  evenit,  si  piophelia;  lumen  citra  velamen  iiumana;  ratiociuationis 
effulgeat.  Etenim  advenlitio  kimine  divino  partim  collustrabatur,  —  sed  duce 
ratione  in  earn  inclinabat  partem,  in  quam  divina  quoquc  visa  inducebant.  —  Con- 
sentaneum  quippe  videbatur,  suam  ut  Kcclej.iam  Dcus  eodem  perpendiculo,  quo 
semper  usus  iuerat,  metiretur,  et  obliques  ejus  parietes  revocaret  ad  lineaiii, 
monitis  ])iimum,  deinde  flagellis  proscelerum  varietate  diversis.  Pontifices  8ummo 
astu  et  dolo,  necnon  siinoiiiaea  pcrlidia  suprcmum  aucupaii  sacerdotium  dicebantur 
palam,  sic  ut  nee  quisquam  id  fere  revocaret  in  dubium.  Mox  adeptos  solium 
scortis  et  cinsdis  cos  auroque  coacervando  vacare,  fama  publica  circuml'ereba't, 
atquc  ad  eorum  excmplum  qui  suberant  Cardinales  et  Episcopi  sese  instituere. 
Nullus  in  eis  vel  modicus  Dei  cultus,  iis  eadem  vivendi  ratio,  nullaque  religio. 
Quin  etiani  fcrebatur,  eorum  aliquos  Deum  non  colere,  et  in  fidei  nostr;e  contem- 
tum  et  contumeliam  pleraque  spargere.  Sed  et  plures  eorum,  qui  religiose  addicti 
vitae,  ab  institutis  se  laxioribus  secreverant,  et  traditas  regulas  prolitebantur,  unde 
et  sibi  cognomen  usurpaverunt,  ad  hypocrisin  dilabebantur.  Proinde  fervorem 
ilium  Christianis  debitum  non  modo  in  universum  tepuisse  judicabant  hi,  qui  Deum 
in  spiritu  et  veritate  colunt,  sed  torpuisse  penitus  et  friguisse.  Ad  hc-ec  Principes 
tyrannicam  vim  publico  exercebant,  et  qui  vexabantur,  nibilominus  rapinis,  stupris, 
sacrileglis,  coucussionibus,  adulationibus  inserviebant,  ut  ilhid  sacrum  repeti  posset, 
non  esse,  videlicet,  qulfaceret  bonum  usque  ad  unum.  Tantis  itaque  de  causis, 
propter  propheticum  etiam  spiritum,  quo  afflabatur,  nounihil  de  imminente  clade 
pronuntiare  coepit,  quanquam  sacrarum  literarum  iiivokicris  tegebat  arcana,  ut 
impuros  homines  a  perceptione  mysteriorum  arceret,  —  simul  ne  visis  adhuc  aiid)i- 
guis  deluderetur.  Hanc  ob  causam  sspissime  Deo  pieces  lundere,  et  jejuniis 
corpus  macerare,  et  flagellis  atterere,  et  alios  ad  id  oHicii  cohortari  studuit :  quo 
tandem  h»c  divina?  dementia  muiiere  extra  dubitationem  lucideque  innotescerent 
sibi,  qua"  prius  ambigue  et  subobscure  monstrabantur.  Oranti  igitur  ipsi  et  divinas 
laudes  in  Ecclesia  persolventi,  dum  —  is  praesertim  versiculus  caneretur  :  Bonus 
es  til,  et  in  bonitafe  tundoce  me  justificationes  tucts :  fugata  a  sensu  et  intellectu 
oiimes  tenebra;  sunt,  et  suborta  lux,  quffi  dubitationem  omnem  de  f'uturis  qua; 
pra;viderat  eventis  expulif.  Mihi  enim  hoc  privatim  narravit.  —  Proinde  coepit 
confidcntius  prredicere  futuras  clades,  et  eis  veluti  quibusdam  adminiculis  collaben- 
tem  et  tanquam  intermortuum  pessimis  moribus  Christianum  orbem  instaurandum. 
In  1489  he  was  removed  to  Florence,  where  he  immediately  began  a  series  of 
prophetic  and  reproving  discourses  on  the  Apocalypse  (p.  114),  pi'sdicabat,  reno- 
vandam  sive  reformandam  Ecclesiam,  sed  ca^dendam  piius  et  purgandam  flagello 
gravi,  ni  poenitentia;  partes  susciperentur.  At  tirst  his  prophecies  were  derided, 
but  soon  some  of  them  came  to  pass  :  adduxerat  aufem  jam  in  eum  nonnihil 
populi  fidem  et  pnedicta  nonnuUis  mors  Innocentii  VIII.  Pontiticis,  et  pra'visus 
ab  eo  prajdictusque  Caroli  ejus  nominis  VIII.  Gallorum  Regis  in  Italiam  adventus, 
qui  jam  accelerare  ferebatur  ad  expugnandum  Apuli*  regnum,  et  pari  voce 
asseverata  Medicea'  familitu  calamitas  et  ejus  potis.simum  capitis  Laurentii.  Is 
cum  eo  tempore  in  republica  Florentina  princeps  esset,  sic  ut  fere  omnia  ad  ejus 
nutum  agerentur,  quamquam  sub  specie  civilis  instituli,  audissetque  Hieronym'um 
apertius  in  tyrannicos  usus  invehi,  eum  ut  sibi  conciliaret  multis  tentavit :  "but  in 
vain.  Partly  perhaps,  on  account  of  the  magnificence  and  luxury  of  the  Medici. 
Of  his  preaching  sec  p.  116:  dicendi  gratia  —  copiose  abundavit :  —  quippe  cum 
ipsa  lingua;  celeritas,  rerum  allatarum  sublimitas,  magnitudoque,  et  verborum 
sententiarumque  elegantia  prodigio  par  essent.  Pronuntiabat  voce  libera  et  acuta, 
non  fervido  solum  sed  ardenti  vultu,  gestuque  venustissimo.  Ita  vero  illabebatur 
in  auditorum  aures,  irnmo  vero  in  praecordia,  ut  atlentos  eos  extra  se  pene  raperet. 
Et  cum  vox  ipsa  nee  legends  prorsus  esset,  nee  clamantis,  nisi  cum  elfulminaret  in 
crimina,  in  ca  tamen  sentiebatur  utrumque,  neutrum  dincernebatur.  See  some 
specimens  in  Prediche  del  Rev.  Padre  Era  Gieronimo  da  Ferrara  per  futto  I'anno 
in  Vinegia,  1540.  8vo.  Characteristic  extracts  sec  in  R  i  e  d  e  r  e  r '  s  Nachrichten 
Bd.  4.  S.  335  ff.  The  estimation  in  which  he  was  held  was  greatly  increased  by 
the  fulfilment  of  his  prophecies  of  the  coming  of  Charles  VIU.  to  Italy,  and  the 


Chap.  V.    Refoi'mrrs.     -5,  152.     Savonarola.  379 

ciscan,  John  Vitrarius,  in  Tournay,  who,  however,  was  induced  to 

fall  of  the  Medici,  1494  (the  historian  Comities,  who  came  to  Florence  with 
Charles,  and  visited  Savonarola,  says,  Mcnioires,  liv.  VIII.  chap.  3)  :  il  avoit 
tousjours  presche  en  grande  faveur  du  Roy,  et  sa  parole  avoit  garde  les  Florentiiis 
de  tourner  contre  nous:  car  jamais  ])reschour  n'eut  tant  de  credit  en  cite.  II  avoit 
tousjours  asseurc  la  venue  du  Koy,  —  disant  qu'il  estoit  envoye  de  Dieu,  pour 
chasticr  les  Tyrans  d'ltalie,  et  que  ricn  ne  pouvoit  resister,  ne  se  detfendre  contre 
luy.  —  Aussi  disoit  publiquement  I'avoii-  par  revelation,  et  presclioit,  que  I'estat  de 
I'Eglise  seroit  refonne  a.  I'espt'e  (i.  e.  par  I'epee)  :  his  confidence  increased  in  pro- 
portion, Picus,  p.  115:  Eo  ipso  tempore  quo  Carolus  VIII.  Hex  Francorum 
Florenlise  niorabatur,  divina  visa  coepit  confidentissinie  patcfacere.  —  Multa  de 
imminente  clade,  multa  de  reformatione  Ecclesise  pri'dicere,  multa  de  Pontificum 
et  Regum  vita  dicere,  multa  de  iis,  quae  passurus  erat  ob  pradicatam  veritateni 
praenuntiare  divino  jussu  palam  exorsus  est.  He  was  not,  however,  satisfied  with 
the  course  pursued  by  Charles  in  Italy  (he  sent  a  message  to  him  by  Comines,  see 
Memoires,  1.  c.  pour  ne  s'estre  bien  aquitte  de  la  reformation  de  I'Eglise,  comme 
il  devoit,  et  pour  avoir  soutTert,  que  ses  gens  pillassent  et  derobassent  ainsi  le 
peuple,  —  que  Dieu  avoit  donno  une  sentence  contre  luy,  et  en  bref  auroit  un 
coup  de  foiiet)  :  his  hopes  in  him  wei-e  all  disappointed  :  Charles  had  to  leave 
Italy  in  149.5,  and  the  prophecy  of  his  return  was  never  fulfilled,  see  Memoires  de 
Comines,  liv.  Vill.  chap.  26:  il  a  toujours  presche  publiquement,  que  le  Roy 
retourneroit  derechcf  en  Italie,  pour  accomplir  cette  commission,  que  Dieu  luy 
avoit  donnee,  qui  estoit  de  reformer  I'Eglise  par  I'espce,  et  chasser  les  Tyrans 
d'ltalie,  et  que  au  cas  qu'il  ne  fit,  Dieu  le  puniroit  cruellement.  The  enemies  of 
Savonarola  began  now  to  be  numerous.  His  political  influence  with  the  new 
government  gave  him  the  appearance  of  being  the  head  of  a  party.  The  friends 
of  the  Medici,  who  began  now  to  increase  in  numliers,  were  of  course  his  foes. 
Picus,  p.  118:  Inter  omnes  vero  persequutores  Hieronymi  hi  acerrimi  inventi 
sunt,  qui  moribus  pessimis,  et  potissimum  Ecclesia;  praesides,  quorum  vita  fcedissi- 
ma  universum  orbem  foetore  repleverat,  Florentinique  illi  eives,  qui  usurarias 
pravilati  obstinate  operani  navabant,  et  vitiorum  coeno  impcnsius  volutabantur. 
lllorum  libidinem  avaritiamque,  illoi-um  luxus  simoniacasque  labes  insectabatur, 
publice  privatiniqiie  monere  solitus,  a  Babylone  (Honiam  intelligens)  fugiendum 
esse,  quoiiiain  —  malignus  daemon  —  ipsam  tlagitiorum  omnium  scntinam  cloacam- 
que  elTecisset.  Monachorum,  Monacharumque,  et  pene  Religiosorum  omnium 
contumelias  ob  id  in  se  conflaverat,  quod  tepiilitatem  eorum  (ita  enim  appellabat) 
et  abusus  quam  plurimos  coarguebat,  suorumque  Pr»dicatoruui  fiati'um  calumnias 
et  insidias  expertus  est,  quoniam  congi-egationem  fratrum .  Etruscam  ah  ea,  quae 
Cisalpinam  incolit  Gallia m,  segregaverat  Pontificis  Maximi  auctoritate,  atque  illam 
divino  jussu  constituerat.  —  Optabat  autem,  ut  earn  vivendi  normam  tent-rent 
sodales,  qua  a  divo  Doininico  scrvata  est.  In  1495  he  received  a  summons  to 
appear  before  the  Pope,  but  excused  himself  on  the  plea  of  sickness,  and  the 
danger  from  his  enemies:  the  municipality  of  Florence  likewise  interceded  for 
him,  see  extracts  from  their  letter  in  Vie  de  Scipion  de  Ricci  par  de  Potter. 
Bruxelles,  1825.  T.  II.  p.  438  seq.  Finally,  in  1457,  Alexander  VI.  sent  a  Breve 
to  the  Dominican  convent  in  Florence,  see  Burchardi  diar.  in  Eccard  II.,  p. 
2151 :  Sane  Hieronymum  quendam  Savonarolam  de  Ferraria  Ordinis  Pra^dicatorum 
novitate  pravi  dogmatis  delectatum  accepimus,  et  in  earn  mentis  insaniam  Italica- 
rum  rerum  commutatione  deductum,  ut  se  niissum  a  Deo  et  cum  Deo  loqui  sine 
nlla  canonica  attestatione  fateatur  in  populo  contra  canonicas  sanctiones.  —  Christum 
praeterea  Jesum  crucifixum  et  Deuru  mentiri,  si  ipse  mentiatur,  horrendum  certe  et 
execi-abile  adjurationis  genus;  extra  salutis  statum  eum  esse,  qui  vanis  illius  asser- 
tionibus  non  credat ;  alia  deinceps  ilium  non  minus  incpta  facei-e,  dicere  et  scri- 
bere,  qua'  si  prajtereantur  impune,  nihil  est  quod  non  ansura  falsorum  Religiosorum 
temeritas  sit,  et  in  corpus  Ecclesi*,  quod  verendum  est,  vitia  sub  virtutum  specie 
subintrarent.  —  Credebamus, — jam  advenisse  diem,  quo  de  ipso  meliora  concipere 
deberemus,  ac  dolorem,  quani  nunc  usque  ex  eflfreni  arrogantia  et  scandalosa 
separafione  a  Patribus  suis  Lombai'dis  peipessi  lueramus,  qua?  subdola  calliditate, 
sicut  post  cognovimus,  pcrversorum  quorundam  Fratrum  impetrata  est,  sua  humili 
adhserentia  in  laetiliam  commutaremus :  sed  quod  dolenter  refcrimus,  spe  nostra 
frustrati  sumus.     Nam  licet  per  literas  nostras  ipsuin  in  virtute  sanctae  obedientije 


380  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


monuerimus,  ut  ad  nos  veniret,  veritateiri  ab  eo  et  ab  ore  suo  intellecturos  ;  tamen 
noil  solum  venire  et  nobis  obedire  recusavit,  veriun  etiam  in  dies  ipse  aeerbioreni 
magis  doloris  noliis  causaai  subministravit,  iinpudenter  lideliiiin  oculis  legenda 
ingerens,  quce  solo  alias  auditii  tcinere  profudeiiit  iiiibibcnda.  On  these  accounts 
the  Pope  commissioned  the  ^'ica^-genc^al  of  the  Dominican  congregation  in  J^oni- 
bardy  to  investigate  the  case,  in  the  mean  time  forbidding  Savonarola's  preaching, 
and  ordering  him  to  join  again  the  congregation  of  Lombardy.  In  his  answer  to 
the  Pope,  dd.  19  Sept.  1497  (see  Eccurd  II.  p.  2153,  more  complete  in  P  a  u  1  u  s 
Beitrftgen,  S.  289),  Savonarola  defends  himself  against  these  charges.  In  answer 
to  the  charge  me  novitate  pravi  dogmatis  delectatum,  he  appeals  to  his  often 
repeated  declaration,  me  et  onmia  mea  sanctaj  Romans  Ecclesis  submittere.  — 
Si  quis  auteni  dicat,  quod  pra;dicareni  futura,  nondum  est  falsum  dogma,  quia  hoc 
semper  fuit  in  Ecclesia  Domini  Dei.  —  Secundo  quia  in  litteiis  prsdictis  dicitur, 
me  in  earn  mentis  insaniam  italicarum  rerum  commutatione  deductum,  hoc  etiam 
manifesto  falsum  est,  et  ab  omnibus  scitur,  quia  pi-aeterierunt  quinque  anni,  quibus 
haec  pr;edixi,  vel  plures  etiam  quam  decem  anni  jam  sunt.  Afterwards  he  defends 
the  sepaiation  from  the  congregation  of  Lombardy  as  not  done  in  secret,  maintaining 
that  the  Vicar-general  of  the  congregation  is  not  a  suitable  person  to  judge  of  his 
case,  and  strives  to  prove  that  the  Pope's  order  to  join  the  congregation  must  be 
forged.  He  thus  concludes:  ego  paratus  sum  in  omnibus  emendare  me  ipsum, 
ubicunque  erro,  et  publice  coiam  populo  universe  omnia  errata  mea  revocare. 
Dignetur  Sanctitas  Vestra  mihi  signiiicare,  quid  ex  omnibus,  quae  scrips!  vel  dixi, 
sit  revocandum,  et  ego  id  libentissime  faciam,  nam  et  hac  vice  et  semper,  sicut 
sa;pius  dixi  ac  etiam  scripsi,  me  ipsum  et  omnia  nica  dicta  et  scripta  subjicio 
correctioni  sancta;  Romans;  Ecclesia;  et  Sanctitati  Vestras.  On  this  the  Pope  wrote 
him  more  graciously,  dd.  16  Oct.  1497  (Eccard  II.  p.  2152),  inviting  him  to 
appear  before  him  privately,  but  renewing  the  prohibition  to  preach.  Savonarola 
observed  this  prohibition  only  for  a  little  time,  and  his  beginning  again  to  preach  was 
the  signal  for  his  enemies  to  prepare  for  a  decisive  blow.  He  was  excommuni- 
cated :  Jo.  Poggius,  Secretarius  Cameras  Apost.  wrote  a  Refutatorium  errorum 
Fratris  Hier.  Savonarola;:  Jo.  Fr.  Picus,  an  Apologia  pro  Hieron.  Savonaiola; 
viri  propheta;  innocentia  (in  Goldasti  Monarcbia  II.  p.  1635  seq.).  Florence 
itself  being  threatened  with  excommunication,  Savonarola  ceased  preaching.  His 
brethren  of  the  order  now  preached  in  his  defence,  the  other  monks  against  him. 
At  length  a  Fianciscan  challenged  a  Dominican  to  the  trial  by  lire  ;  the  points  of 
controversy  were  {Jo.  Burchard  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2()S8)  :  Conclusiones  ralionibus 
ac  signis  supernaturalibus  probantur.  Ecclesia  Dei  indiget  renovatione.  Flagella- 
bitur,  renovabitur.  Florentia  quoque  post  flagella  renovabitur  et  prosperabitur. 
Infideles  convcrtentur  ad  Chiistum.  Ha;c  autem  omnia  erunt  temporibus  no- 
stris.  Excommunicatio  nuper  lata  contra  Rev.  Patrem  Hieron.  Savonarolain  nulla 
est :  non  servans  cam  non  peccat.  Instead  of  the  ordeal  there  was  only  a  contro- 
versy between  the  monks.  Each  party  now  laid  the  blame  upon  the  other.  The 
populace,  however,  stormed  the  convent  of  the  Dominicans,  and  Savonarola  with 
other  brethren,  were  made  prisoners,  and  put  to  the  rack.  Two  deputies  from 
Rome  put  him  again  to  the  torture,  and  finally.  May  23,  1498,  ordered  him,  with 
two  others  of  the  order,  to  be  hung  and  burned.  His  enemies  maintain  that  on  the 
rack  he  acknowledged  himself  an  impostor  (see  Burchard  in  Eccard  II.  p.  2095)  : 
This  his  friends  deny,  I^icus  in  Batesius,  p.  130  seq.),  maintaining  that  there  are 
two  reports  of  his  tiial,  one  genuine,  the  other  spurious,  see  Jac.  Quet  if  and  Jo. 
Franc.  Pici  vitam  Savon,  ad  cap.  XVII.  and  Theoph.  Spizelii  infelix  literatus, 
p.  665.  The  opinions  concerning  Savonarola  have  always  been  very  various. 
Through  the  influence  of  the  Dominicans,  the  favorable  view  afterwards  prevailed 
in  the  Catholic  church,  so  that  Dan.  Papebrochius  (Acta  SS.  Mali,  T.  V.  234) 
was  uncertain  whether  or  not  to  include  him  as  beatus.  In  the  Dominican  convent 
in  Florence,  his  cell  was  changed  into  a  chapel  (see  Vie  de  Scipion  par  de  Potter. 
II.  p.  467).  Compare  /.  F.  Buddei  retractatio  disserlationis  de  artibus  tyrannicis 
Hier.  Savonarola  in  the  Parerga  historico-theologica,  p.  321  seq.  Amongst  his 
writings  are,  besides  sermons:  Triumphus  crucis,  Florent.  1497.  4to.  a  defence  of 
Christianity,  De  simplicitate  christians  vita;  libb.  IV.  1496.  Expositio  orationis 
dominica;.  See  the  Theology  of  Jerome  Savonarola  by  D.  F.  AV.  Ph.  v.  A  m  - 
men  in  Winer's  und  Engelhardt's  Journal  der  theol.  Literatur.  Bd.  8. 
S.  257  fir. 


Chap.    V.     Reformers.     §   152.     James  of  Erfnrth.         381 

retract,  A.  D.  1498.^  All  these  alike  made  the  mistake  of  expecting 
relief  from  new  laws  and  institutions.  A  deeper  view  of  the  sul)ject 
was  taken  by  the  Carthusian,  Jaincs  of  Erfnrth,  who  directed  his 
attention  rather  to  the  prevailing  superstitious  notions  and  usages,'^ 
and  the  licentiate  of  the  Sorbonne,  John  Laillicr  (A.  D.  1484  seq.), 
who  showed  the  mischief  of  the  Roman  usurpations  ;  ^  for  it  was  in 

®  His  doctrines  as  condemned  by  the  Sorbonne  in  d'Jlrgentr6  collectio  judicio- 
rum  de  novis  erroribus  I.  II.  p.  340:  II  vaudroit  niieux  couper  la  oorge  a  son 
enfan,  que  de  mettre  en  Religion  non  rcformee. — Quiconques  otloit  la  Mcsse  d'un 
Prestre  tenant  une  iemme  en  sa  maison,  peche  niortellenient.  —  Minus  malum  est 
horaicidium,  quam  peccatum  carnis.  —  Se  ton  Cure,  ou  aucun  Prestre,  tiennent 
femmes  en  leurs  maisons,  vous  devez  aller  en  leur  maison  et  par  force  tirer  la 
femme,  ou  autrement,  conf'usiblement  hors  de  sa  maison.  —  Le  Chant  de  Musique, 
que  on  chante  k  nostre  Dame,  n'est  que  de  paillardise  et  provocation  de  paillardise. 
—  His  positions  against  absolution,  see  §  146,  note  30.  —  Hors  b.  Mariae  non 
debent  dici  Saecularibus.  —  Sancti  non  sunt  rogandi.  —  11  y  a  aucuns,  qui  dient 
aucunes  Oraison  de  la  Vierge  Marie,  ;i  fin  que  a.  I'heure  de  la  mort  ils  puissent 
veoir  la  Vierge  Marie  (compare  §  78,  note  8).  Tu  verras  le  Diable,  non  pas  la 
Vierge  Marie  — 11  vaudroit  mieux  t\  une  femme  marice  rompre  son  mariage,  que 
de  rompre  son  jeitne. 
7  See  §  144,  note  1. 

*  In  a  public  disputation,  1484,  he  maintained  {(rArgentri  I.  II.  p.  308) :  Pe- 
trus   non    habuit    a  Christo    potestatem  supra   alios  Apostolos,    neque   primatum. 
Omnes  hierarchisantes  ajqualem  potestatem  acceperunt  a  Christo  ita,  quod  Curati 
sunt  ffiquales  in  potestate,  regimine  et  jurisdictione.     Summus  Pontifex  non  potest 
remittere  viatoribus  totam  pocnam  eis  debitam  ratione  peccatorum  suorum  virtute 
indulgentiarum,  etiamsi  juste  et  rationabiliter  demur.     Abbates,   Priores,   et  alii 
Praelati  Religiosoruin  non  absolvunt  suos   Religiosos  in   virtute   clavium,   sed   ex 
sola  consuetudine.     Confessio  non  est  de  jure  divino.     Si  vultis,  quod   ego  loquar 
de  summo  Pontifice,  ego  vastabo  totum.     Simplices  sacerdotes  sunt  inutiles.    Con- 
fess! Religiosis  mendicantibus,  prsesentatis  et  acceptatis  secundum  formam  Decre- 
talis  Dudiiin.  etc.,  non  sunt  absoluti   et  tenentur  eadem  peccata  contiteri  Curalo. 
Summus  Pontifex  Johannes  XXII.  non  potuit  condenmare  de  Poliaco,  nee  facere 
Decretalem  Vas  electionis  (§  109,  note  3).     Quod  decreta  et  decretales  summo- 
rum   I'ontificum  non  sunt  nisi  trupha?.     Ecclesia  Rouiana  non  est  caput  aliarum 
Ecclesiarum.     Unus  hierarcha  erat  major  altero  in  bonis  temporalibus,  vel  forsan 
in  virtutibus,  et  non  in  potestate  hierarchisandi.     After  1486  there  is  a  new  cata- 
logue   of  the  heresies   which   Laillier  preached  to  the   people   (1.   c.  p.  308  seq. 
Compare  p.  311  seq.):   I.  Vous  devez  garder  les  Commandemens  de  Dieu  et  des 
Apostres  :  et  au  regard  du  commandement  de  tous  ses  Evesques  et  autres  Sei- 
gneurs d'Eglise,  tout  autant  que  de  paille,  ils  ont  destruit  I'Eglise  par  leurs  vaver- 
feries.  II.  Aucuns  ont  presche  de  ung  Saint,  qui  est  au  lieu  d'oLi  Lucifer  trebuchea 
(see  Johannes  Mercator,  above,  §  140,  note  11).     Tels  prescheurs  gastent  tout,  et 
depuis  qu'ils  ont  este  instituez,  jamais  I'Eglise  de   Dieu  ne  prosperera.     lis  feront 
tant,    que    quand    la    matiere   sera  bien  discutee,  on   trouvera  que   celuy,  qu'ils 
reputent  Saint,  n'est  pas  au  lieu  ou  ctoit  Lucifer,  mais  est  au  lieu,  ou  actuellement 
est  Lucifer  :  et  ainsi  que  Pluto,  dieu  infernal,  tient  Proserpine  entre  ses  bras,  ainsi 
Lucifer  tient  cette   ame.     III.  Les  Saints  riches  et  pecunieux  sont   maintenant 
canonisez,  et  les  pauvres  delaissez.     Par  quoi  je  ne  suis  pas  tenu  de  croire  tels 
estre  Saints.     La  raison :  si  le  Pape  revolt  certaine  soinme  de  ducats,  on  monte 
sur  vingt  echaffaux   a   Rome  pour  le  canoniser,  etc.  —  Depuis  le   temps  de  St. 
Silvestre  nul  des  Confesseurs    a  este  justement  canonise.     IV.  Se   ung   Prestre 
estoit  marie  clandestinernent,  et  venoit  a  moy  a  confesse,  jc  ne  luy   enjoindrois 
point  de  penitence.     V.  Les   Prestres  de  I'Eglise  Orientale  ne  pechent  point  en 
soy  mariant,  et  croy,  que  ainsy  ne  ferions  nous  en  I'Eglise  Occidentale,  se  nous 
nous   marions.     VI.    En  ung  conseil    depuis    quatre    cents  ans  fut    interdit  aux 
Prestres  soy  marier  de  ung  Pape  ou  d'un  Papillon.     Je  ne  S(jay  s'il  le  povoit  faire. 
VII.  Je  donneray  deux  blancs  k  celuy,  qui  me  produyra  aucun  passage  de  I'escrip- 
ture,  par  lequel  soyons  obligez  a  jeusner  le  Caresme.     VI 11.  A  b.  Sylvestro  citra 


332  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

fact  the  tendency  to  substitute  mere  forms  for  the  true  spirit  of 
religion,  from  which  all  the  evil  sprung.  In  Germany  the  character  of 
the  people  naturally  disposed  to  an  internal  religion,  combined  with 
the  excitement  produced  by  the  Hussites  ^  to  lead  men's  minds  to  this 
view,  and  so  to  the  true  remedy  of  the  evil  in  the  study  of  the  Scrip- 
tures.i"     This  was   especially  the  case  in  Franconia ;  ^i  though  the 


Ecclesia  Romana  non  est  amplius  Ecclesia  Christi,  sed  Cffisaris  et  pecuniarum. 
(Of  this  Laillier  says  in  liis  recantation,  p.  312:  Et  ay  dit  ces  paroles  en  recitant 
I'opinion  d'un  grand  Docteur,  comnie  Wiclef,  que  croyois,  ainsi  que  ay  alferme 
par  serment,  esti-e  Cntholique,  et  n'avoir  esKV  repiouvc  par  I'Eglise).  IX.  On  n'est 
point  plus  tenu  de  cioire  aux  Legendcs  des  Saincts,  que  aux  Cronicques  de  France. 
Furthermore  the  proposition  :  Simplex  Sacerdos  potest  ita  bene  consecrarc  Chrisma 
et  sacros  Ordines  conferre,  sicut  Papa,  vol  Episcopus  :  et  omnes  sacerdotes  sunt 
ffiqualis  potestatis,  tarn  Ordinis  quam  jurisdictionis,  tantamque  auctoritatem  habet 
Thomas  apud  Indos,  quanlam  Petrus  apud  Romanos.  The  bishop  of  Paris  forced 
him  to  retract  the  propositions  of  14S6  in  the  same  year,  and  thereon  gave  hini 
absolution  (1.  c.  p.  310  seq.).  The  theological  faculty,  who  were  not  present  at 
the  investigation  pronounced  the  recantation  unsatisfactory,  and  the  absolution 
hasty,  and  appealed  to  the  Pope  (p.  313  seq.),  who  ordered  a  new  investigation 
(p.  318  seq.). 

"  cf.  Epist.  JuJiani  Card.  §  131,  note  6.  Also  the  zealous  resistance  to  absolu- 
tion §  146,  note  30.  In  the  trial  of  John  Wesel  it  appears  that  Hussite  mission- 
aries had  penetrated  to  almost  every  part  of  Germany  (note  14).  John  Wesel  was 
accused  of  intercourse  with  a  certain  Nicholas  de  Kohemia  vel  Polonia,  to  whom 
he  was  said  also  to  have  dedicated  a  treatise  super  inodo  obligationis  legum  humana- 
rum.  He  confessed  secum  codem  Nicolao  fuisse  conversatum  de  medicinis,  ct  de 
coinmunione  sub  utraque  specie  in  Moguntia  et  Wesalia :  addidit,  quod  istum 
Nicolaum  vicisset  ex  Evangelio.  In  particular  Nicholas  Rus,  a  priest  and  licentiate 
of  theology  in  Rostok,  about  1.510,  was  led  by  his  intercourse  with  the  wandering 
Bohemian  Brothers,  (see  Flacii  Catal.  test,  verit.  ed.  Francof.  1666.  p.  840,  and 
ChytrcBi  Saxonia)  to  wiite  his  work  de  triplici  funiculo  in  the  Low  German 
dialect,  in  which,  amongst  other  attacks  on  the  Pope,  are  the  following  pro|)osilions  : 
indulgentias  esse  meram  deceptioneni  piorum,  et  quajstum  :  veras  indulgentias 
contingere  a  solo  Deo  gi-atis  propter  Christum  omnibus  vere  pcenitentibus  :  Papam 
non  earn  potestatem  habere,  quam  ei  multi  tribuant,  nee  audicndum,  nisi  i-ecta 
pr*cipiat :  Sanctorum  ossa  non  esse  adoranda,  Sanctos  non  esse  invocandos : 
Spii'ituales  debere  dare  censum,  et  subesse  Magistratibus.  Further,  reprehendit 
fraditiones  humanas,  varios  abusus  et  superstitiones.  Inprimis  vero  gi-avissime 
insectatus  est  Spiritualium  turpissimam  vitam  et  officii  neglectionein  :  dicit  eos 
Antichiisti  ministros  esse.  He  was  exiled  together  with  all  who  adhered  to  him, 
and  went  first  to  Wismar,  but  returned  afterwards  to  Rostock,  and  finally  took 
refuge  in  Livonia. 

'"  Thus  Jo.  Trithemhis  writes  to  Carolus  Bovillus,  A.  D.  1505  (see  Trithemii 
opp.  hist.  ed.  Marqu.  Freherus.  Francof.  1601.  fol.  P.  II.  p.  476)  :  Numquain  mihi 
placuit  quorundam  curiositas,  qui  humana  commiscent  divinis,  et  sacram  Scriptu- 
ram,  qute  et  pura  et  sibi  sufliciens  est  et  nobis,  gentilium  loquacitate  commaculant. 
Contra  quas  b.  Hieronymus  in  epistola  loquitur  ad  Danrasum  Papam  :  De  Scrip- 
iuris  disputantem  nun  decet  Aristotelis  argnmenta  conquirere,  etc.  —  Scriptura 
enim  Dei  manifesta  est,  testimonium  Dei  lucidum  est,  sapientiam  prestans  pai'vulis. 
Non  egent  liters  divina;  plicis,  non  involucris,  non  replicis,  quia  hac  non  sapien- 
tiam prajstant  parvulis,  sed  eoruin  animos  in  confuso  relinquunt,  et  per  omncm 
vitam  mentes  hominum  aberrare  compellunt. 

"  As  early  as  A.  D.  1415,  Frederick  I.  p]lcctor  of  Brandenburg,  appointed  a 
preacher  in  the  convent  of  St.  Gumbert  in  Onolzbach,  with  the  direction  to  preach 
the  gospel  acconling  to  the  Scriptures,  and  as  much  as  possible  to  foibcar  the  cere- 
monies of  the  church  of  Rome,  see  J  ;i  c  k  Mateiialien  zur  Geschichte  und  Sta- 
tistik  Bambergs.  Th.  2.  (Bamberg  1809)  S.  111. — On  his  way  to  Constance,  Huss 
was  exceedingly  well  received  in  Nuicndiorg,  see  his  letter  to  the  Bohemians  in 
Theobald's  Hussitenkrieg.  Nornberg,  1621.  Th.  1.  S.  40  f. — Afterwards  the 


Chap.    V.     Reformers.     §    153.     John  of  Wesd.  383 

great  number  of  translations  of  the  Scriptures  which  appeared  show 
how  general  was  the  newly  awakened  feeling  of  their  iniportance.'- 
Next  to  the  Bible  the  writings  of  Augustine  contributed  most  to 
nourish  this,  the  true  spirit  of  reform.  Three  men  in  particular  went 
before  ail  others  in  this  direction,  and  may  therefore  be  considered  as 
the  forerunners  of  the  great  Reformation  of  the  lOlh  century.  John 
of  'Wcscl}'-^  Doctor  of  Theology  in  Erfurth,  and  afterwards  as  a 
preacher  at  Worms,  attacked  with  great  power  the  prevailing  errors, 
and  appealed  to  the  Scriptures  as  tiie  source  of  all  true  doctrine,  but 
was  forced  to  retract  at  Mayence,  A.  D.  1479/^  and  ended  his  life 

Council  of  Bamberg  made  every  citizen  take  an  oath  against  the  Hussite  heresy, 
which  see  in  Jos.  Heller's  Reforraationsgeschichte  des  ehein.  Bisthums 
Bamberg.  Bamberg,  1823.  S.  11.  Several  similar  occurrences  in  the  15th  cen- 
tury, see  in  Heller.  1.  c. 

12  See  §  145,  note  13. 

1-^  His  proper  name  was  John  Richi-ath  of  Oberwesel.  Concerning  him  see 
Joh.  Wessel  ein  Voigiinger  Luthers  von  D.  C.  Ulhnann.  Hamburg,  1834.  S. 
109  seq. 

'*  The  immediate  occasion  of  the  proceedings  ag.iinst  him  was,  according  to 
IVigandi  l-Virt  (see  §  144,  note  20)  dialogiis  apologeticus,  his  intercourse  with 
the  Hussites  (see  note  9).  He  says  {Tl'ulchii  monuiii.  medii  a-vi.  Vol.  11.  fasc.  2. 
Praef.  p.  XVII) :  tractatus,  manu  Wesaliensis  conscriptus  ad  Bohemiamque  mitten- 
dus,  (juera  tuus  ille  niagister,  Joannes  quippe,  quasi  fidei  regulas  isti  Nicolao 
Bohemorum  nuntio  tradiderat,  discipulum  captivitati,  magistrum  vero  inquisition! 
tradidit.  Still  the  furious  Dominican  may  have  only  inferred  this  from  the  Acta  of 
the  trial,  without  any  particular  authority  for  the  assertion.  In  fact,  however, 
there  is  no  sutiticient  giound  here  for  such  an  inference,  far  too  little  weight 
being  here  laid  on  this  alleged  intercourse.  See  Paradoxa  D.  Jo.  de  IVesalia, 
damnata  per  Magistros  nostros  haereticae  pravitatis  Inquisitores  de  Ord.  Pra;dic. 
M.  N.  Gerhardum  Elten  de  Colonia  et  M.  N.  Jacobum  Sprenger  anno  1479,  Mo- 
guntia?,  and  Examen  magistrale  ac  theologicale  D.  Jo.  de  Wes.  (the  Acts  of  the 
proceedings  against  him)  in  Orthuini  Gratii  fascic.  rerum  expetendarum  et 
fugiendarum,  fol.  163.  (ed.  Bruwnii,  p.  325),  and  in  d'Argentri  I.  II.  p.  291  seq. 
The  most  important  for  the  study  of  his  theological  views  are  his  wi'itings:  Dis- 
putatio  adv.  indulgentias  in  fFa/c/i/i  monumenta  medii  jevi  fasc.  I.  p.  Ill  seq.,  and 
De  auctoiitate,  officio  et  potestate  pastorum  ecclesiasticorum  in  Walch,  vol.  H. 
fasc.  H.  p.  115  seq.  (This  work  no  doubt  is  his,  since  he  was  examined  on  pro- 
positions contained  in  it:  it  is  the  work  cited  in  the  Examen  die  Lunte  HI.  under 
the  title  tractatus  de  potestate  ecclesiastica,  but  not  as  IVnlch,  1.  c.  VvxL  p. 
XIX.,  supposes,  addressed  to  a  Bohemian.)  The  first  of  these  works  he  thus 
begins,  p.  114:  ante  omnia  protestoi',  nihil  velle  —  asserere,  quod  veritati  fidei, 
qua;  in  scriptuiis  sacris  continetur,  quovis  modo  sit  contrarium.  Si  vero  opinio,  vel 
assertio  mea  fuerit  contraria  alicui  etiam  sanctorum  Doctorum,  volo  salvam  esse 
ejus  honorificentiam  et  sanctitatem,  quia  ajo  cum  b.  Augustino  ad  Hieronymum: 
alios  ita  lego,  vt  quantalibet  sanctitate  doctrinave  poUeant,  non  idea  verurn 
ptitem,  quia  ipsi  ita  sensenmt,  sed  quia  etiam  per  alios  auctores,  vel  canonicas, 
vel  prohabiles  rationes,  quod  a  vero  non  aberrent,  persuader e  potuerunt.  (So 
too,  he  acknowledged  on  his  trial,  XVII.,  that  he  did  not  believe,  quod  sacra 
Scriptura  sit  eodein  spiritu  exposita  per  SS.  Patres  et  doctores,  quo  creditur 
prima  tradita  et  revelata, :  and  die  Martis  he  said  expressly,  quod  nihil  sit 
credendum,  quod  non  habeatur  in  Canone  Biblia.)  His  principles  concerning 
the  forgiveness  of  sins  and  absolution  wei-e  as  follows  :  Omni  delinquenti  contra 
legem  Dei  Deus  ipse  legislator  ex  justitia  indicit  puenam,  quam  non  remittit, 
quantumcunque  per  misericoi-diam  remittat  culpam.  (namely,  p.  135  seq.  the  true 
forgiveness  of  sins  is  only  remission  of  the  reatus  poena;  aeternas,  not,  however,  of 
the  reatus  pcens  temporalis.)  Sacerdotcs  Christi,  quibus  datae  sunt  elates  regni 
coelorum,  ministri  sunt  Dei  in  remittendis  culpis.  Poenam  quam  pro  peccato  Deus 
indixit  delinquenti,  non  potest  homo  remittere  illi.     Aliquem,  quemcunque  sacer- 


384  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


dotem,  etiam  summum  Pontificem,  indulgentias  dare,  quibus  sit  homo  ab  omni 
poena  a  Deo  inclicta  solutiis,  non  est  in  sacio  canone  sciiptum.  Ab  omni  poena, 
quam  homo  vel  jus  positivum  infligit  pro  peccato,  potest  summus  Pontitex  absol- 
vere.  Ostenditiir,  quia  ipse  est  ab  Ecclesia  constitutu-s  juris  po>itivi  insiitutor,  in 
quantum  ad  aidihcationem  Ecclesia;  i'acit,  non  ad  destruclionem.  Quod  puenae  per 
hominem  vel  jus  pontivum  indictae  pro  peccato  respondeant  Dei  indictioni  poena}, 
ita  quod  ilia  soluta  satisf.ictum  sit  Deo,  non  est  certuni,  nee  creditum,  nisi  cui  Deus 
revelavit.  Opinioni  doctorum  de  thesauro  Ecclesia;,  congrei^alo  ex  merito  C'hristi 
et  operibus  supererogalionis  Sanctoi-um,  cominisso  siimino  Pontiiici  ad  distribuen- 
dum,  quamquain  sit  valde  pia,  salubres  tatnen  sunt  dehiles  objectioncs.  —  Opera 
Sanctorum  in  via  existentium  secundum  esse  suum  transitoria  sunt,  et  dum  cessant 
Sancti  operaii,  ip-sa  nullum  esse  habent  secundum  se  :  Dei  autem  misericordia, 
addila  operantibus  iis  gi'atia  gratumfaciente,  aut  est  mei-itum,  aut  causat  ineritum. 
Sunt  ergo  opera  non  aliter,  quam  secundum  (i!;ratiam)  meritum.  (Hence  he 
acknowledged  on  bis  trial  that  he  had  said  to  certain  monks,  XXII.  :  Reli^io  non 
salvat  vo.s,sed  gratia  Dei ;  and  yet  believed,  religioncin  viam  esse  ad  salutetn). — 
Distribuere  autem  ilia  merita  nemo  potest,  nisi  Deus  principaliter.  Si  autem  homo 
ministerialiter  ha;c  potueiit  distribuere,  hoc  non  erit,  nisi  per  divinum  pactum.  — 
Tale  autem  pactum  esse  factum  cum  ministris  per  Jesum,  in  evangelicis  scripturis 
non  habetur.  Quare  non  est  habitum.  Of  the  forgiveness  of  sins,  p.  126.  Re- 
missio  peccatorum  est  gratias,  gratum  facientis  hominem  Deo,  donatio  sive  infusio. 
—  Solus  Deus  donat  gratiam  et  infundit  —  absque  praecedente  merito — his,  qui 
quantum  in  eis  est  se  parant  ad  recipiendum  earn.  P.  128  :  Poenitentia  est  dolor  de 
commissis  peccatis.  Et  base  est  dispositio  congrua  ad  remissionem  peccatorum. 
P.  131  :  Est  ex  superius  dictis  notuni,  nullos  sacerdotes  facere  remissionem  pecca- 
torum principaliter  et  effective,  nisi  per  divinam  assistentiam,  quae  est  gratia  donata. 
Quare  remissio  Sacerdotum  est  quoddam  ministerium  sacramentale,  exhibitura 
peccatori  poenitenti.  Et  non  est  aliud,  quam  datio  sacramenti  posnitentise,  cujus 
effectus  est  remissio  peccatorum.  He  maintained,  esse  divini  honoris,  ut  ipse  solus 
creet  et  donet  gratiam  ex  sua  mera  liberalitate,  and  therefore  wished  to  substitute 
for  the  definition  of  a  sacrament :  est  invisibilis  gratias  visibilis  forma,  sic  quod 
ipsius  imaginem  gerat  et  causa  exsistat  Augustine's  definition  :  est  invisibilis  gratise 
visibilis  forma.  P.  143  seq.,  in  the  passages  Matth.  xvi.  19;  xviii.  18.  qiwdcun- 
que  ligaveritis,  etc.  the  church  was  not  invested  with  the  claves  jurisdictionis, 
but  only  with  the  power  of  excluding  impenitent  sinners:  p.  146:  jurisdictio, 
quae  est  in  Ecclesia,  secundum  quam  piincipes  dominantur  siibditis,  et  leges 
indicant  eis,  est  a  gentiiitate  sumpta  et  Christi  verbo  vetita  (.Matth.  xx.  26). 
Jui'isdictio  itaque,  quaj  nunc  est  in  Ecclesia,  est  ab  hominibus  insfituta,  ut  sentit  b. 
Hieronymus  in  epistola  ad  Evandrum  et  in  expositione  epistolae  ad  Titum  (see  vol. 
I.  §  29,  note  1).  Ex  his  sequitur,  quod  pueriliter  sentiunt,qui  dicunt,  indulgentias 
dari  ex  vi  clavium  jurisdictionis.  P.  152:  tales  remissiones,  vocats  indulgentiae, 
sunt  piae  fraudes  fidelium,  ut  dixerunt  multi  presbyteri,  etsignanter  quideni  Cantor 
Parisiensis  ;  fraudes,  quia  fideles  peregrinantur  ad  sancta  loca,  afferunt  eleemosynas 
ad  pias  causas  —  opinione,  quod  liberentur  per  ea  ab  omnibus  poenis, — et  in  hac 
opinione  decipiuntur.  — Et  quia  contingit,  fideles  talia  facere  opera  in  caritate  Dei, 
erunt  ip-a  opera  meritoria  vits  aeternas  et  augmentatoria  gradus  gloriae,  ideoque 
sunt  pis  et  utiles.  Then  p.  153  seq.  of  the  infallibility  of  the  church.  Quia  in 
Ecclesia  universal!  continetur  Ecclesia  Christi  fundata  super  petram,  —  et  haec 
Ecclesia  Christi  est  sancta  et  immaculata,  —  ideoque  in  ea  non  est  error ;  —  hasc 
erit  vera  locutio :  Ecclesia  universalis  non  errat.  At  the  same  time  it  is  true: 
Ecclesia  universalis  errat.  —  Sic  et  hodie  vere  dicitur:  Ecclesia  est  peccatrix,  est 
adultera.  To  infer  the  holiness  of  the  whole  church  from  that  of  any  particular 
church  was  not  allowable,  quia  ex  particularibus  procedit. — From  all  this  it  is 
plain  that  John  did  not  attribute  to  the  hierarchy  divine  authority  :  their  duties 
and  their  rights  he  discusses  at  large  in  his  Tract,  de  potestate  ecclesiastica  in 
Walchii  moniin.  medii  aevi  II.  II.  p.  118.  It  is  important  for  the  understanding 
of  many  apparent  paradoxes  which  occur  in  his  accusation  to  bear  in  mind  the 
proposition  with  which  he  begins  this  work,  ferendara  esse  quorumcunque  magna- 
tum  tyrannidem,  et  imperils  temere  non  esse  reclamandum,  quatenus  ratio  Evan- 
gelii  per  tolerantiam  atflictionum  non  periclitetur.  Thus  we  may  explain  his 
assertion  in  the  Paradoxis :  Qui  potestati  resistit,  Dei  ordinationi  resistit ;  sic 
scilicet,  quod  velit  potestatem  non  esse.     Thus,  on  the  one  hand,  he  denies,  in 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  152.     John  Wesel.  385 


Examen  XIV.  quod  Apostoli  habiierunt  auctorilatcm  a  Christo  condendi  oanones, 
aut  instituendi  aliquas  \e^p,s  (cf.   De  potest,   ecel.  in  Walch  II.  II.  p.  133:    Qua 
nunc  audacia  —  Apostoloruin  succcssores — niandaiit  obscrvanduin,  noii  quod  Chri- 
stus  in  Uteris  sacris,  sed  quod  ipsi  ex  sese  vel  qua;stu.s  gi-atia  liuc  iiupulsi,  aut 
imperifaiuli  libidine  aflecti,  pra,'cipiunt :  Si   ne  ipsis  quideiii  Apostolis  licuit  extra 
pra^cepta  Dei  quicquam  docere,  cum  dicat  Doniinus  :  doccntes  eos  servare,  qucB- 
cunqxie  prcEcepi.  vobis!)  and  in  accordance  therewith  says,  XXIV.  nullum  esse 
peccatum   niortale,  nisi  quod   Canon  Bihiia'  dicit  esse  mortale.     So  too  XXVIII. 
Si  vicarius  signiticat  aliqueni,  qui  in  al)sentia  principalis  habct  facerc  opera  pi-inci- 
palis,  tunc  Christus  non  habct  vicai-ium  in  teiris.     And  yet  he  admits  the  proposi- 
tions XI.   Ronianam   Ecclesiam   esse   caput  omnium   aliarum   Ecclesiarum,   XII. 
quod  Romanus    Pontifex    sit  Chiisti  vicarius,    et   necessarium  esse  unum   caput 
Ecclesia;,  XVI.  dilferentiam  esse  inter  Episcopum  et  sacerdotem,  and   XV.  that 
the  laws  of  the   Hierarchs   were   binding,  namely,   quod   transgredientes  legem 
humanam  sic  assumptam,  peccent  mortaliter.     XXi.  also  he  answers  to  the  ques- 
tions concerning  the  necessity  of  the   continence  of  the  clergy,  and  the  septein 
horfE  canonical :  quod,  quia  susceperunt,  etiam  ad  niandatum  Ecclesiae  teneantur. 
Still,  of  course,   he   considered   all  these  to  be  mere  human  institutions,  and  so 
preached  (see   Pai'adoxa)  :  Christus  nunquam  instituit  aliquod  jejunium,  nee  pro- 
hibuit  quemcunque  cibum  quocunque  die,  sicut  cai-nes.     Chiistus  nullum  festum 
praecepit  celebrare.     Item  nullam  oralionem  docuit,  nisi  dominicam,  neque  man- 
davit  saceidotibus  canere  vel  legere  septem  boras  canonicas.     Si  quis  confiteatur, 
injungitur  illi  ardua  poenitentia,  ut  peregrinetur  Komam,    vel   ad    alia  remotiora 
loca,  strictuiu  jejunium,  quod  dicat  multas  orationes.     Quod  Christus  non  fecit,  sed 
solum  dixit:  vade,  noli  aiiqjlius  peccare.  Sic  gravata  est  Christianitas  per  humanas 
leges  et  constitutiones.     He  objected,  however,  to  open   disobedience,  De  potest, 
eccl.  in  Walch  II.  II.  p.  144  :  Si  offensio  pioxinu  tinieatur  per  banc  inobedientiam, 
profecto  quatenus  obtemperare  licebit  imperantibus  non  |)ericlitante  veritate,  nefas 
fuei-it  non  obedii-e  :  non  quia  hoc  prpaceptuni  ab  homine   proticiscitur,   sed   quia 
expostulat  caritas.     His  views  of  the  efficacy  of  the  usages  in  the   church  may 
readily  be  inferred:  see  Examen  die  Mariis :  Interrogatus,  quid  sentiat  de  conse- 
cratione    et  benedictione   altarium,  calicis,  ornamenfoi-um,  cereorum,   palmarum, 
herbarum,   aquae   benedictas,   et  aliarum   rerum  inanimatarum,  etc.,  credit,  quod 
nihil  virtutis  spiritualis  et  efficaci*  habeant  ad  effugandum  da?mones,  et  pro  remis- 
sione   venialium   peccatorum.      Credit   etiam,    quod    aqua    benedicta    non  habeat 
majoreni  efficaciarn,  quam  alia  aqua  non  benedicta,  etc.     His  notions  of  i\ee  grace 
were  peculiar.     Essentially  they  were  the  same  with  those  of  Augustine  :  in  the 
Paradoxis  we  have  the  following  propositions  :   Deus  ab  aeterno  condidit  librum,  in 
quern  scripsit  omnes  suos  electos  :  quicunque  autem  in  eo  non  est  scriptus,  nun- 
quam inscribetur  in  ipsuni  in  sternum,  et  qui  in  eo  scriptus  est,  nunquam  ex  eo 
delebitur.  —  Sola  Dei  gratia  salvantur  electi.    Et  quem  Deus  vult  salvai-e,  donando 
sibi  gratiam,  si  omnes  sacerdotes  vellent  ilium  damnare,  aut  excommunicare,  adhuc 
salvaretur  ille.     Et  quem   Deus  vult  damnare,  si  omnes  —  vellent  hunc  salvare, 
adhuc  iste  damnaretur.     And  in  accordance  with  this  he  said  in  the  Examen  die 
Martis,  quod  Deus  potest  conferre   gratiam  habenti  usum  rationis  absque  omni 
motu  liberi  arbitrii.     Opinatur,  quod  b.   Paulus  in  sua  conversione  nihil  fecit  suo 
libero   arbitrio  pro    sua   conversione.  —  Sola   Dei  gratia  salvantur  electi.     When 
therefore  on  Monday  he  acknowledged  it  to  be  his  opinion,  nullum  esse  peccatum 
originale    in  parvulis  jam   conceptis   in   utero  materno;  it   was   probably   on   the 
ground   that  only  those  who  were  capable  of  reason,  are  capable  of  sin.     Other 
remarkable  views  of  his  are  Examen  die  Luna;  VII.   quod   sacra  scriptura  non 
dicat,  quod  Spiritus  Sanctus  procedat  a  filio,  aut  ab  utroque.     VIII.  falsum  esse  in 
symbolo  Athanasiano  hunc  versum  :  nam  sicut  anima  rationalis  et  caro  unus  est 
homo,  ita  Deus  et  homo  unus  est   Christus.     XIX.  quod  corpus  Christi  possit 
esse  sub  specie  panis,  manente  substantia  panis.     John  Wessel's  opinion  of  John  of 
Wesel  in  his  Epist.  ad  Ludolphum  de  Veno  (0pp.  ed.  Groning.  1614.  p.  920  seq.) : 
Audisti  periculum  venerabilis  illius  viri,  Mag.  Jo.  de  Wesalia,  cujus  tametsi,  ut 
crebro  ex  me  audisti,  exorbitantes  ills  et  populo  scandalosse  absurditates  displiceant, 
eruditio  tamen  et  peracre  ingenium  ejusmodi  est,  ut  virum  ilium  nequeam  non 
amare,  aut  casibus  ejus  non  condolcre.     O  quantum   profuisset  illi,  nostro  niore,  ut 
sspe  inter  nos  Parisiis  recensui,  ante  tum  Realium  turn  Formalium  exercitatum 
studia  transegisse,  et  ita  demum  non  incautum,  non  inopinum,  sed  velut  ex  arce  et 
VOL.  III.  49 


386  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

in  prison,  A.  D.  1482.  On  the  other  hand,  John  Gorh,^^  Prior  of  a 
nunnery  in  Mechlin  {f  1475),  who  taught  essentially  the  same  thing, 
in  dwelling  constantly  on  the  importance  of  perfect  freedom  as  the 
vital  principle  of  all    true  virtue, i''  was  left  undisturbed,  whilst  the 

specula  futuros  insultus  providisse.  —  Saepe  ego  veritus  in  eo  inconsideratam  at 
teinerariain  ejus  locutionein,  qure  licet  scliola.stica;  subtilitalis,  et  forlassis  nonnun- 
quam  aliquiil  cntholicae  veritatis  habei'et,  et  taiiieu  in  vulgus  indoctum,  et  non 
capacem  plebeni  pioferri  cuin  gravi  sinipliciuni  scandalo  prorsus  odiosum.  The 
things  in  his  pi-eacliing,  at  which  offence  was  taken,  were  sucii  as  these :  e.  g.  in  the 
Paiadoxis:  Si  s.  Petrus  instituisset  jcjuniuiii,  forte  idco  fbcisset,  ut  eo  melius  pisces 
suos  vendidisset.  Sacrum  oleum  est  sicut  aliud  oleum,  (juod  comedis  domi  in  otfa. 
Ich  verachtc  den  Bapst,  die  Kirche  und  Concilia,  und  lobe  Christum.  At  his  trial 
he  was  accused,  no.  XX.,  of  having  pi-eached  in  Wisbaden,  quod  videns  venerabile 
sacramentinn  Kucharistice  videat  Diabolum,  though  he  denied  it.  The  proceedings 
against  hiiri  were  the  more  cruel,  inasmuch  as  he  was  already  an  infirm  old  man 
(Examen  die  Luna;  XX.  :  prae  senio  et  debilitate  vix  cerebrare  poterat),  and  had 
long  been  ill.  Worthy  of  remai-k  is  what  is  said  by  the  reporter  of  the  ti-ial  at  the 
close  of  this  statement:  JNIagister  Jo.  de  Wesalia  longo  tempore  gravi  morbo  labo- 
ravit,  nihilominus  iuqiiirebatur  ab  eo  satis  fervide.  Quajdam  negavit  se  dixisse, 
quasdain  et  pra;  a;tate  et  languore  potuit  conabatur  interpretari,  et  ipse  per  sese 
etiam  allegabat  suam  diuturnam  infii-mitatem.  Dempto  solo  articulo  de  pi'ocessione 
Spiritus  Sancti,  in  aliis  videtur  non  ita  gravi  censura  fuisse  castigandus,  si  induciae 
datae  fuissent,  si  consultores  ei  fuissent  adhibiti,  si  non  omnes  uno  solo  dempto 
fuissent  de  via  Rcalium.  Et  nisi  forsitan  impetus  quidain  irrepsisset  in  Religiosos 
triumphandi  de  Sa'culari,  et  prEesertim  de  eo,  qui  illorum  Thomam  peculiariter  non 
coluerat,  forsitan  poterat  cum  eo  mitius  —  benigniusque  actum — fuisse.  Deum 
testor,  qui  onuiia  novit,  hunc  processum,  qui  cum  eo  scrvatus  fuit  usque  ad  revoca- 
tionem  et  librorum  suorum  exustionem,  vehementissime  displicuisse  Mag.  Engelino 
de  Brunsvico,  maximo  Theologo,  et  Mag.  Johanni  Keisersbergio,  duobus  utique 
viris  (then  both  preaching  in  Sti-asburg)  cum  doctis,  tum  integris.  Pracipue  Mag. 
Engelino  visum  fuit  nimis  pra;cipitanter  cum  tanto  viro  actum  esse.  Immo  non 
verebatur  asserere,  nuiltos  articulos  ejus  et  majorem  partem  posse  sustineri.  Nee 
obticuit  de  simultate  Thomistarum  contra  Modernos,  et  de  gaudio  triumphandi 
Religiosorum  contra  Sa-culares.  Quis  nisi  ipse  Diabolus  seminavit  illam  zizaniam 
inter  philosophos  et  inter  theologos,  ut  fanta  sit  dissensio  —  inter  eos,  qui  Thoinam, 
qui  Scotum,  qui  Marsilium  imitantur,  adeo  ut,  si  universalia  quisquam  realia 
negaverit,  existimetur  in  Spiritum  Sanctum  pcccavisse  .'  —  Unde  ha'c  cscitas 
mentis,  nisi  a  Diabolo .'  qui,  ne  utiliora,  ne  honestiora,  no  moribus,  virtutibus  et 
saluti  animarum  conducentia  discamus,  phantasias  nostras  illudit,  et  trahit  ad  res 
minus  salutarcs,  et  ad  gclidas  harum  intentionum  speculationes,  quibus  neque  ad 
Deum  devoti  reddimui',  neque  ad  proximi  dilectioneiu  inflammamur.  fit  ideo 
minus  fedificamus  in  Ecclesia  Dei,  neque  fervor  Christianorum  videtur  augeri,  sed 
indies  diminui. 

'*  Johann.  Pupper.  Of  whom  see  Walchii  monim.  medii  tevi  fasc.  IV.  Praef.  p. 
XIII.  seq.,  and  vol.  II.  fasc.  1.  Pieef.  p.  II.  seq. 

16  Works:  De  libertate  Christiana  (ed.  Cornel.  Grapheus.  Antverp.  1521.  4to. 
The  editor  was  taken  by  the  Inquisition  and  forced  to  I'elract,  see  Gerdesii  scri- 
nium  antiquarium.  T.  VI.  p.  496  seq.).  De  quatuor  erroribus  circa  legem  evan- 
gelicam  exortis,  et  dc  votis  et  religionibus  facticiis  dialogus  (in  Walch  fasc.  IV. 
p.  73  seq.).  Epist.  apologeticaadv.  quendam  Pra-dicalorii  Oidinis  super  doctiina  doc- 
torum  scholasticorum  et  quibusdam  aliis  (ed  Corn.  Grapheus.  AiUvevp.  1521.  Re- 
printed in  Walch,  vol.  II.  fasc.  I.  p.  1  seq.).  Of  the  true  soui'ce  of  all  doctrine  Epist. 
apologet.  in  Walch  II.,  I.  p.  10:  Sola  scriptura  canonica  tidem  indubiani  et  ine- 
fragabilem  hahet  auctoritatem.  Antiquoium  Patrum  scripta  tantum  habent  aucto- 
ritatis,  quantum  canotuc;ii  veritati  sunt  conformia.  Hasc  tideli  sunt  amplectenda, 
quia  canonica  veritale  student  appi'obare  qua:  dicunt.  Modei-norum  vero  doctorum, 
maxime  Ordinum  Mendicantium,  scripta,  pro  opinionibus  innixa,  nee  fundarnen- 
tum  habent  solidum,  nee  veritate  illustrant  inteliectum,  sed  variis  argumentorum 
implicationibus  ipsam  nudam  et  simplicem  veritatem  obnubilantia,  vanitati  magis 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     ^  153.     John  GocL 


387 


^-rr  Sr'^-r^^^^ia^  t^^.J!:"Z  "^0.1,^^  1^ 

S^^e^ l^^ua^    Chnst,!^'1l    L,uacibn.    ..b    .nojici.    P-epti.et    panels 

uSur'qufpeHeci^n   cl^i^Si  vit.   ita  in  .ola  fide  constituerunt,  et  opera 
fidei     b'i  necS  aria  noa  crediden.nt,  ita   ut  credentes  in  Cbnsto  et  bonum  fide 
Kbentes   omnia  sibi  alia  licere  arbiirati  sint.     P.  91 :  Tertium  genus  er.oru.n  e. 
UottquiTumque  actum  tan.  inte.ions  voli.ioni.  quam   -t^o-  o^^^^^^^ 
!,d  rbri^tiance  vits  perfectionem   necessanum  credunt :  sed,  quod  naturales  vires 
fihP,      rbit Hi  live  naturalis  facultas  humans  natu.a.  absque  auxilio  d.v.n^  grat.ae 
hbeii  '^'^''•'''l' '/\^  "i,  "l,  „,„tisare  non  erubescunt.     Hsc  fuit  hsies.s  Pelagiana, 
ad  hoc  ''"^^"^t     7'.  dogn  atis    e  non^     _      quorundan.  tamen  cordibus  qusdam 
qua^,  quamvis  ab  '^^'^'f  ^ ^  *'  .^"^'^^^^^       p'  99  .   phnc  in  exte.ioribus  observantiis  et 

LZ^o^eia  egifevan'eic^  facienda  libertatem  spiritus  secundum  intenorem 
fectioiaopeia  »egi>  evan  ,  ^      ,   ,        obligationem  voti  necessario 

,notum  fi^>"  "P"  ,^"^^;;;/„re  be"c,nt ;  i  a  ut  libertaten.  evangelican.  in  ser- 
''?";■■'' '■'ZlintoSrm^Si<^rterrpharisa'ica  superstitione  non  multum  d.stare 
^»'"*^:"'  °^''^mc  e%  ero^^  temporis,   qui  cum  Pelagiana  ha^res,  m  mu Itis 

repenantui.     Hic  est  euor     o_^  .mentions  St.  Thomas    as   the    author  of  this 

convemre  cognosc.tu.  P.  11-  he  '"J"  I^JJ  ,,^j  ^^l^,„t,,  ^o.-entis  non  firmatur 
heresy,  P^^^^''^J'-,^-^:^S:,  pZnt  a  bono  virtu.is  deficere,  et  facinoro- 

StrL^D^ut^qrrao  ':rirr^Deo.'-S;d   pe^  Ubertatem  divin.  voluntatis^ exit 

placitum,  quffi  eii  leguia  Y  mip^itinn     Ouare   erfo  Ecc  esia  votum 

'^"l   Fcclei^  £"0      nat^^  eorum,  procul  dubio   materno  affectu 

circa  Ecclesiae  h"oy™nd^  P  ,eli<rionis  propter  infirmos  et  instabiles  Ec- 
dsponere  laborat.-P.  167.   Votun    .j.^h^  observantiam    sub   communi 

clesia  ordmavit  qui  ad  peiietiarn  le  -j, ,,.>„„„  noterant,  ut  per  extenorera 
institutione  christians  '"^'^S'"  w/  i^^^ertatU  v  v^e  assue  cerent,  qSi  absque  obli- 
obligationem  sub  jugo  evangehcs  l^'^^.ta    .  vnere  JJ''^^^';    j^.'^^^ant   ^alde  est  a 

r»irpe,J«iL,.''i;Ss  evangelic^  ob,e«adone.,  e>  non  indlge,  nova  .n- 


388  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

still  more  thorough  reformer,  John  Wessel,''''  (Lux  mundi,  Magister 
coiitradiclioiuun)  after  a  long  course  of  constant  activity  in  Cologne, 
Louvain,  Paris  and  Heidelberg,  was  allowed  to  end  his  days  quietly 
in  his  native  city  of  Groningen  {f  1489),  notwithstanding  that  Lu- 
ther acknowledged  the  doctrines  he  taught  to  be  altogether  the  same 
as  his  own.^'^ 

stitutione  vel  ordinatione.  Et  ideo  positivas  constitutiones  Ecclesia;,  ordinationi 
divinae  siiperaddita",  non  sunt,  nisi  qua?dain  exteriores  honest^  observantije,  ordi- 
natae  vel  propter  inajorem  reverentiaiii  in  siiscipiendis  vel  tractaiidis  sacramentis, 
ut  jejiino  stoiiiacho  sacranientiim  eucliaristias  peicipere,  —  et  siiiiilia,  (jua;  nihil 
faciunt  ad  saeranienti  veritalein,  sed  ad  honoreni  ct  dionitaleni.  P.  180  :  Quod 
ilia  necessitas  coactionis  sit  per  se  causa  boni  produetiva,  vel  quod  sit  per  se 
bonum  mei-itorium,  quemadniodum  ThoiTiistaj  alfirinant,  oniiuno  neganuis,  iinmo 
fajsum  esse,  et  ha>resi  Peiaiiianfe  vicinuin  esse  diciuius. —  Positiva  conslitutio 
Ecclesiffi  —  non  potest  se  extendei-e  ad  interiorem  niotum  voluntatis,  in  quo  est 
print'ipiuni  merendi,  sed  solum  ad  substantiarn  actus  exterioiis,  qui  potest  fieri 
absque  auxilio  gratiaj  secundum  facultatem  voluntatis.  Dicere  ergo,  quod  votuin 
sit  causa  produetiva  iiieriti,  —  non  est  aliud  dicei-e,  quam  quod  exteriore  acta 
voluntatis  absque  auxilio  gratis  potest  a;ternas  beatitudo  mereri.  —  Heec  fuit  insa- 
nia  Pelagii  ha-retici,  etc.  —  P.  199:  Vita  sacerdotalis,  secundum  eminentiam  status 
sacerdotalis  et  dignitatem  Ordinis  regulata,  est  vere  et  simpliciter  apostolica,  et 
summa  perfectio  religionis  cliristiana'.  P.  207 :  Ex  sacrauientorum  priuiaria  in- 
stitutione,  et  ex  divina  ordinatione  licet  omnibus  saceidotibus  omnia  sacramenta 
dispensare.  —  Quod  ei-go  nunc  temporis  Episco|)is  licet  conferre  aliqua,  qufe 
non  licent  sacerdotibus,  —  boc  est  vel  pi-opter  Ecclesia?  consuetudinem  vel  con- 
stitutionem.  JMulta  enini  Ordini  sacerdotali  per  consuetudinem  vel  constitutionem 
Ecclesiffi  sunt  ablata,  quae  divina  constitutione  ei  sunt  coUata. 

'''  Called  also  Gansfort,  probably  from  his  native  village.  Two  accounts  of  his 
life  by  Albr  Hardenberg  and  Gei-hard  Gcldenhauer,  prefixed  to  the  0pp.  Wesseli. 
Comp.  Effigies  et  Vita;  Professorum  AcademiEe  Groninga;  et  Onilandi*.  Groning. 
1654.  fol.  p.  12  seq.  Guil.  Jhiurlitig  de  Wesseli  Gansfortii  cum  vita,  turn  meri- 
tis  in  praparanda  saciorum  emendalione  in  Belgio  septentrionali.  Pais  prior  (con- 
taining the  life).  Ti-aj.  ad  Rhen.  1831.  8vo.  Job  an  n  Wesseli,  ein  Vorgiinger 
Luthers.  Zur  Characteiislik  der  cbi-istl.  Kircbe  nnd  Theologie  in  ihrem  Ueber- 
gang  aus  dem  Mittelalter  in  die  Reformationszeit.  By  D.  C.  Ullniann.  Hamburg. 
1834.  8vo. 

'**  Many  of  his  writings  ai-e  lost  (Hardenberg  in  vita  Wess.  p.  13 :  qua;  in 
scriniis  ipsius  repericbantur  ejus  manuscripta  omnia  co  mortno  opera  Mendican- 
tium  monacboruni  et  quorundam  aliorum  furore  exusta  erant).  Several  of  bis 
treatises  were  sent  to  Luther  from  Holland,  at  first  under  the  title  Farrago 
Wesseli  (piob.  Witteb.  1.521.),  4to.,  after  A.  1).  1.522  several  times  published  in 
Wittenberg.  Basil,  and  Marburg  under  the  title  Farrago  rerutn  theologicarum 
uberrima  doctiss.  Viro  Wesselo  Groningensi  auctore  (comp.  Ullinann  S.  461  ff.). 
Luther  says,  in  his  preface  prefixed  to  the  later  editions:  Prodiit  en  Wesselus 
(quem  Basilium  dicunt)  Phrisius  Groningen.  vir  admirabilis  ingenii,  rari  et  magni 
spiritus,  quem  et  ipsum  apparet  esse  vere  Theodidactum,  quales  prophetavit  foi-e 
Christianos  Jesaias,  neqne  eniu)  ex  houiinibus  accepisse  judicari  potest,  sicut  nee 
ego.  Hie  si  mihi  antea  fuisset  lectus,  potcrat  hostibus  meis  vidcri  Lutherus  omnia 
ex  Wesselo  hausisse,  adeo  spiritus  utriusque  concordat.  The  entire  ed.  of  M. 
Wesseli  Gansfortii  Opera,  quas  inveniri  potuerunt  omnia  (ed.  Petrus  Pappus  a 
Tratzberg)  Groning.  1614.  4to.  contains  besides  the  fai-rago  five  treatises  and  a 
collection  of  letters.  AVessel's  Theologie,  see  Ullmann  S.  187  ff.  His  doctrine 
of  justification  :  De  magnifudine  passionis  c.  4-5  (0pp.  p.  550) :  .Mrbitramur 
hominem  justijicari  jier  fideni  Jesu  Christi  absque  operibus  {Rom.  iii.  28),  et 
fides  sine  operibus  emortua  est  (Jac.  ii.  27) :  divei-sum  dicunt  Apostolus  Paulas 
et  Jacobus,  veruni  non  adversum.  Communis  nti'ique  scntentia  est,  justum  ex 
fide  vivere,  fide,  inquam,  per  dilectioncm  operante.  Cap.  46,  p.  553:  Qui  per 
opera  sua  justificari  putat,  non  novit,  quid  sit  Justus.  Justus  est,  qui  unicuique 
quod  suum  est  ti-ibuit.  Sed  quis  homo  unquam  absolvit,  ut  Deo  esset  qualis  esse 
debet,  omni  homini  sit  qualis  esse  debet  ?     Nescit  quod  sit  suum  debitum,  nescit 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  152.    John  Wessel  389 

From  all  this  it  is  evident,  that  however  the  views  taken  of  the 

etiam   quanta   sit  futurorum  bonorum  exspectatio,  quam    nullis  operibus  asquare 
potest:    neque  solum  hac  ignorantia  enat,   sed  et  sacrilegii    (reus   est),  gloriam 
justificationis  non  Deo,  sed  sibi   tiibuens.     Qui  vero  Evangcliuin  audiens  credit, 
desiderat,  sperat,  confidit  ut  Iwta  nuntia,  pra-terea  aiiiat  evangelisatuin  justifican- 
tem  et  beatiticantem,  quantalil)ct    pro    consequendo  faciat    et    patiatur ;    non  sua 
opera,  non  se  operantem   extoUit,  sed  cxtenlus  totus  et  propensus  in  euni  quein 
amat,  a  quo  credit,  cupit,  spei-at,   confidit,  justificatur,  nihil  sibi  ipsi  tribuit,  qui 
scit  nihil  habere  ex  se.     Cap.  47,   p.  5-54:   Prajcepit  igitur  lex  perfectionein,  sed 
nihil  adduxit   ad  perfectum.     Sed  quid  ?    Nuni  Evangelium  duxit  ad  perfectum  .' 
Ulique.      Quern   igitur?     Oninem    credenteiii,    quoiiiaui    omni    credenti    Christus 
finis  legis  est  ad  justitiam,  et  fructus,  quoniam  ipse  est,  qui  dat  potestateui  filios 
Dei    fieri    his    qui  credunt  in    nomine  ejus.      Credendo  verbo    adherent   Verbo. 
Verbum  Deus  est.     Credendo  igitur  Deo  adhaerent :  et  adhajrere   Deo  bonum  est, 
quia   qui  adhaeret   Deo,   unns  cum  eo  spiiitus  fit,  cum  justo  Justus,  cum  sancto 
sanctus. —  Qu(e  sit  vera  communio  Saiictnrum?     0pp.   p.   809:   Vera  essentiali 
imitate  communicant  Sancti  onmes,   quotquot  una    fide,   una  spe,  una    charitate 
Chrisio  cohaM'ent,  sub  (juibuscunque  Proelatis,  quantumlibet  ambitiose  contendenti- 
bus,  aut  dissentientibus,  aut  errantibus,  etiam  h^i-eticis  Frslatis  degant.  —  Et  hsc 
est  ilia  sanctorum  communio,  de  qua  in  Symbolo:  credo  Sanctorum  coinmunio- 
nem.  —  Constat,  quod  valde  possibile,  Gra?cum  vera  pietate  adfectum  omnia  credere 
in  Constantinopoli  sub  suo  Patriarclia  schismatico  qus  Latinus  Roms  credit :   quid 
illi  nocet  suorum  ha^retica  piavitas .'     Unitas  ergo  Ecclesis  sub  uno  Papa  tantum 
accidentalis  est,  adeo  ut  non  sit  necessaria,  licet  confercns  multum  in  Sanctorum 
communione.     Of  the  power  of  the  chui'ch  and  its  i-elalion   to  the  Scriptures,  De 
potestate  Ecclesiastica,  0pp.  p.  753  :   Pastor  gregem   Domini  pasceie  positus  est. 
Verum  quia  grex  pascendus  rationis  et  liberi  ai-bitrii  est,  non  prorsus  in  potestate 
pastoris  traditus  est,  ut  nihil  ab  eo  i^xigatur,  nisi  pastori  ohedire.     Debet  enim  ovis 
ipse  dinosse  quibns  pascatur,  qnibus  inficiatur,  et  quoinodocunque,  oblatam  etiam 
a  pastore  ipso,  vitare  pestii'cram  infectionem.     Et  in  hoc  si  scquatur  pastorem,  non 
excusatur.     Debet   ergo  populus  pastores   ad    pascua   sequi.     Quando   vero   non 
pascit,  pastor  non  est:  neque  tunc,  velut  inofficio^o,  grex   ei  parere  tenetui-.     P. 
769 :    Nemo   magis  Ecclesiam   destruit,   quam   corruptus   Clei'us.     Destruentibus 
Ecclesiam  omnes  Chiistiani  tenentur  resistei-e,  usque  etiam  ad  ullimos,  puta  rusticos 
juxta  illud,  2  Thess.  iii.  6.     Sancta  quippe  rusticitas  quantum  Ecclesiam  Dei  a-difi- 
cat  vitffi  merito,  tantum  nocet,  si  desti'uentibus  eam  non  resistit.     P.  759:   Propter 
Deum  Evangelio  credimus,  et  propter  Evangeliuin  Ecclesiae  et  Papae,  non  Evan- 
gelic propter  Ecclesiam.      Unde  quod  Jliigustinun  (conii-a.  Epist.   Manichaji,  c.  6 : 
ego  vero  Evangelio  non  crederem,  nisi  me  catholiccB  Ecclesice  commoveret  aiic- 
toritas)   de  Evangelio  et  Ecclesia  dicit,  originis  de   credendo  vei-bum    est,    non 
comparationis  aut  prsferentia;.     Dixit  enim  Apostolis  Dominus  Jesus :  Prcedicaie 
omni  creaturcE,  docentes  eus  servare  qucecunque prwcepi  vobis  (Mattb.  xxviii.  19, 
20).     Non  igitur  audiendi,  nisi  quantum  missi :  non  missi,  nisi  cum  Evangelio  : 
non  evangelisantes,  nisi  secundum   Evangelium.     Sed  quia  verisimilius  est,  unum 
aliquem  penes   Evangeliuin   toti   mullitudini   contradicentem   errare,  quam  totam 
doctorura  virorum  Ecclesiam,  ideo  debet,  quicunque  ille  fuerit,  semper  suspectum 
se    habere,    et   formidare    de  errore.     Verum    quia   scit,  non  impossibile,  multos 
Doctoi-es  errare,  debet  semper  adparentem  Evangelii  veritatem  piimo  amplecti. 
Debet   igitur   sedulo   diligenter   inquirere   veritatem  et  intelligentiam   Evangelii. 
Debet   tertio    rationes   contradicentium   diligenter    attendere,    et   illi    p;irti,  quam 
viciniorem  Evangelio  invenerit,  firmiter  adhasrere.     Ex  illo  verbo   Domini  Jesu  : 
super  cathedram  Mosis  sederunt  scribes  et  Phariscpi:  omnia  ergo,  qua  dixerint 
vobis  servare,  servate  et  facite  (Matth.  xxiii.  2,  3),  multi  Prselatorum  Ecclesia2 
trahunt  erroneam  et  falsam  intelligentiam.     Putant  enim  ex  hoc  verbo  datam  eis 
authenticam  potcstatem,  ut  obligare  possint  auditoj-em  ad  servandum  et  faciendum 
quae  dicunt.  —  Oportet  tarn  Pr*latorum  quam  Doctorum  pra-ccpta  sic  servare  et 
facere,  quemadmodura  Paulus  (1  Thess.  v.  21 ;  see  p.  756)  monuit,  hoc  est,  quam 
diu  in  cathedra   Mosis  sedenles  secundum   Mosen  dicunt.     Et  si  quid  extra  vel 
contra,  non  magnopere  ligat  fideles  contra  legem  perfeclas  libertatis.     Dei  enim 
servi  sumus,  non   Papse  :  cui  utique   serviremus,  si  ad  omnia  ejus  qualiacunque 
obligaremur.     Dictum  est  autem  :  Dominum  Deum  tuum  adorabis,  et  illi  soli 


390  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

abuses  in  the  church  may  have  differed,  the  feeling  of  the  necessity 

servics  {Matth.  iv.  10).  P.  748  :  Pupa  tenetnr  credere  et  obligatur  cum  omnibus 
ohlifitatLs  tidelibus.  Ill  quando  credit  sicut  obligatur,  tunc  fidcles  obligantur  credere 
quod  ipse  credit:  non  quia  ipse  credit,  sed  quia  credit  quod  credere  debet.  Et  si 
alius  melius  eo  crediderit  quod  credere  debet,  ipse  Papa  debet  cum  illo  credere 
quocuuquc,  etiam  laico  et  muliere.  —  Unde  concluditur,  quod  licet  verisimiliter 
pra;sumendum  sit,  summuui  Pontiticem  et  Pr;elatos  tanto  rectius  ad  veritatem 
Evangelii  incedere,  quanto  ceteris  aliis  altius  in  sublime  dijrnitatis  cvecti  sunt,  et 
ifa,  ceteris  paribus,  polius  illis,  quam  alicui  subditorum  credendum  :  non  tamen 
simpliciter  subditos  oblij^atos  ad  credendum  illis.  Hoc  nempe  adeo  irrationabile  est 
et  blaspbemia;  plenum,  ut  etiam  quacunque  lutresi  pestilenlius  inveniatur.  Potest 
nempe  I-'i-a.'latus  eiiare.  —  Summorum  eiiim  Pontiticuin  pleriquc  pestilenter  erra- 
verunt,  ut  novissiiuis  diebus  no-ilris  in  Constantia,  celebri  Concilio  claruit,  Bene- 
dictus,  Bonifacius,  et  Jobannes  XXIIl.  quam  giaviter  (idem  lacerarint.  Et  nostris 
postremis  diebus  Pius  II.  et  Sixtus  IV.,  quorum  alter  patentibus  bullis  regna 
terrarum  sibi  vcndicavit,  alter  turpissimas  dispcnsationes,  non  solum  de  praestito  in 
causa  civili  juramento,  sed  etiam  de  prscstando  —  emisit  in  abusu  potestatis  Apo- 
stolica^ ;  quicquid  F.  Petrus  vel  Comes  Hieronymus  in?olenter  aut  avare  gesse- 
runt,  ipse  postea  cum  resciret  ratiticavit,  eliam  bullis  plumbatis.  De  sacramento 
poenitentia%  p.  779:  Contra  communeiii  opiuiouem  de  monarchia  Romani  Pontilici, 
est,  quod  impossibile  homini  est  tines  orbis  terra?  nosse,  qui  nuilo  unquam  cosmo- 
grapho  omnes  comprehensi  sunt.  Quomodo  igitur  judicabit,  quos  nosse  non  potcrit? 
Quomodo  judicabit  fidem,  quorum  linguam  ignorat?  Unitatem  igitur  Ecclesise 
sibi  Spii'itus  Sanctus  fovendam,  vivificandam,  conservandam  retinuit  et  augendam, 
non  Romano  Pontilici,  sa»pe  non  curanti,  reliquit.  Of  tbe  supper:  De  sacram. 
Eucharistia;,  c.  24.  p.  69fi  seq.  Ubicunque  nomen  ejus  benedictum,  —  vei-e  illic 
ipse  est  non  solum  divinitate  praisens  et  benevolentia,  sed  etiam  corpoialiter  prae- 
sens.  —  Non  hie  dico,  datum  cuilibet  homini  Christiano,  ut  possit,  cum  velit,  sacra- 
nientaliter  per  Eucharisliam  habere  pr.nesentem  :  hoc  enim  solis  datum  est  sacerdo- 
tibus.  Sec  hoc  dico,  vcre  pra;sentein  commemoranti  nomen  ejus,  vere  praesentem 
Dominuni  Jesum  non  sola  deitate  sua,  sed  et  carne  sua  et  sanguine,  et  humanitate 
tota.  Quis  enim  dubital)it,  corporaliter  ssepe  praesentem  Dominum  Jesum  suis 
lidelibus  in  eorum  agonibus,  non  propter  hoc  dimisso  in  calestibus  consessu  ad 
dexteram  Patris  .'  Quis  dubitabit,  ita  posse  hoc  simul  tempore  fieri  exti-a  Eucha- 
ristiam,  sicut  in  Eucharistia  ?  Cap.  28.  p.  703  :  Sic  paiticipare  corpori  et  sanguini, 
hoc  manducare  est  magis,  quam  si  dccies  millies  Eucliaristiain  ad  altare  de  manu 
sacerdotis  aiido  corde,  iiigida  voluntate,  licet  etiam  in  statu  salutis,  capiamus.  Cap. 
8.  p.  763  :  Corpus  autem  et  sanguis  Doiuini  Jesu  quantumlibet  sancta  sint,  corpora 
tamen  sunt,  non  spiritus.  Unde  si  corpoi'aliter  tantum  sumantur,  non  solum  non 
spiritualiter  reficient  manducantem,  sed  Occident.  —  Unde  Dominus  {Jo.  vi.  63) : 
Spiritus  est,  qui  vivificat,  caro  non  prodest  quidquam,  h.  e.  parum  est  de  carne 
q«iantumlibet  sancta,  sed  operis  magnitudo,  et  ineflfabilis  dilectio,  et  charitas  otTeren- 
tis  pcrSpiritum  Sanctum,  ilia  est  quaa  viviticat.  Cap.  10.  p.  678  :  Valde  notandum 
verbum  Domini  {Jo.  vi.  53) :  nisi  manducaveritis,  non  habebitis  vitain  in  vobis. 
Habent  autem  vitam  veram,  qui  credunt  in  e\im.  Ergo  qui  credunt  in  eum,  hi 
sunt,  qui  manducant  carnem  ejus.  —  Manducabat  ergo  Paulus  pi-imus  Eremita 
etiam  temporibus  illis,  quibus  mortalem  nullum,  ne  dicam  sacerdotem  communi- 
cantem,  videbat.  Sed  manducabat,  quia  credebat ;  et  quod  credebat,  crebro 
commemorabat,  etc.  Of  penance :  De  Sacram.  poenitentis,  p.  789  :  Dicunt  com- 
muniter,  ad  integritatem  Sacramenti  poenitenlife  tria  concurrere,  contritionem, 
confessionem,  satisfactionem.  Sed  hi,  si  intelligerent  vim  verbi  in  Psalmo  (li.  18): 
Cor  contritum  et  humilialum  Deus  non  despicies,  non  tam  importune  instarent. 
Quid  enim  est  cor  contritum,  nisi  cor  ad  minima  comniinutas  et  confracts  duritiei 
obdiu'atas  mentis  humiliatum  cor  .■'  —  Si  ergo,  qui  cor  durum  conterit  et  abjicit,  cor 
pium  et  spontaneuin  Deo  non  despiciendum  otfert,  profecto  jam  humiliato  corde 
Justus,  et  jam  Deo  satisfactum  in  remissionem  peccatorum.  Non  ergo  prima  con- 
trilio,  neque  postrema  salisfactio  ad  Sacramcntum  pagnitentis'  vivificantis  et  justifi- 
cantis  ex  morte  ad  vitam  necessariaj  sunt,  licet  sine  vera  contritione,  etc.  sicut  nee 
8ine  vera  humilitate  vita  Spiritus  vel  redit,  vel  conservatur.  Participatio  sacra- 
mentorum  est  opus  gratiaj,  non  justitia?.  —  Pcenilentia,  si  sacramentum  est,  contri- 
tione non  eget,  quia  contritio  justitiae  opus  est,  et  ita  contritus  ante  sacramentum 


Chap.  V.     Reformers.     §  152.     John  Wessel  391 


Justus.  — Infusae  jam  gratis  opus  est  contiitio,  detestatio  videlicet  peccati,  opus 
nieraj  justitia? :  non  ergo  pars  sacrainenti  pocnitentia;,  quia  sacraiiicntuin  poenitenliae 
ppKcedit,  et  operatur  justilicationeni.  P.  791  :  Neque  dolor,  ne(|ue  tiistHia,  neque 
oontritio  in  oculis  Dei  accepta  sunt  inagis,  quani  amor,  ex  cjuo  jjrocedunt.  P.  777: 
Nullus  contitetur,  nisi  nienior.  Nullus  nienior,  nisi  justilicatus  ad  vitam.  —  Patet 
ers;o,  quod  antequaui  quis  confiteatur  peccatum  suum,  jam  a  reatu  sua  prjevarica- 
tionis,  quo  ajterna  si!)i  supplicia  debebantur,  per  gratiam  intci-na^  coiiipunctionis 
absolvitur.  P.  795  :  Cont'essio  sacramentalis  ex  forma  sua  non  est  judicialis,  ita  ut, 
si  non  adsit  judicium  —  confessoris,  non  sit  actus  contitcntis  el  absolventis  vere 
verum  sacramentum.  Sufficit  eniui  ad  veritatem  efficacis  sacrainenti,  ut  confitens 
vere  et  tideliter  dicat,  confessor  post  acceptam  illius  confessioneni  absque  judicial! 
discussione  absolvat.  Quia  sicut  pcenitentis  confessione  levat  pccnitentem  Deus,  et 
non  peccator;  ita  sacerdotis  absolutione  dimittit  Deus,  et  non  confessor.  Hi  niini- 
sterium  exhibent,  sed  mysterium  operatur  Deus.  —  De  confitente  et  confessione 
solum  judicat  Deus,  nihil  de  confessis  peccatis.  Quomodo  enim  judicare  creditur 
confessa,  qui  contitenti  promisit  omnia  retroacta  per  solam  confessionem  condonare  ? 
Stulte  ergo  faciunt,  qui  post  confessionem  non  solum  judicant,  sed  etiam  post 
absolutionem  terrores  liunt,  flagris  feriunt,  virgis  percutiunt.  P.  796 :  Valde 
irationabiliter  de  Sacianiento  confessionis  loquuntur,  qui  adjunctam  satisfactionem 
adserunt  essentialeni  partem  poenitentia;.  Piimo,  quia  detracfant  sacramentali 
sufficientia?,  qui  non  putant,  Principis  donalionem  sufficere  ad  remissionem.  Se- 
cundo,  falsiticant  verbum  absolutionis,  quia,  cum  dicunt  absolvo,  postea  ligant,  et 
innodatum  dimittunt.  iSed  quod  onminm  gravius  est,  universum  sacramentum 
periclitant,  quia  protrahunt  usque  in  peiactam  totaliter  poenitenliam  injunctam. 
Unde  si  fragilis  ille  iterum  tempore  medio  labatur  durante  sacramento  propter 
obicem  positum  in  parte  sacramenli,  totum  sacramentum  facit  nullum  fuisso.  Qua; 
enim  essentialiter  unum  constituunt,  unius  nullitate  omnia  tiunt  nulla.  Of  indul- 
gences:  Epist.  ad  Jac.  Hoech  de  indulgenliis,  p.  778:  A  puero  ridiculum  et 
indignum  semper  mihi  visum  credere,  aliquem  liominem  suo  decreto  posse  facere, 
quo  bonum  in  oculis  Dei  ut  quatuor,  fieret  bonum  ut  octo.  —  Num  tibi  leves  aut 
fufiles  causa;  videntur,  quibus  ab  hac  nova  indulgentiarum  adscrtione  Patres  ante 
Albertum  ac  Thomam,  ut  ipsi  scripto  testantur,  discesserunt,  asserentes,  nihil  esse 
nisi  piam  fraudem,  ac  dolum  non  malum,  quo  plebs  officioso  errore  trahatur  ad  pieta- 
tem  ?  De  Sacram.  poenitentiae,  p.  773:  Pari  passu  auctorita'.is  seu  po1e;fa'is  clavium 
ambulant  indulgentite  et  excoinmunicatio,  neque  plus  potest  Papa  in  reconciliandis 
Deo  animabus,  quam  possit  alienandis.  Sed  in  exconununicandis  nihil  potest,  nisi 
perforum  ecclesiasticum  foris  ad  oculum  separarc,  et  deslitucre  etiam  corpora  mor- 
tuorum  ecclesiastica  sepultura  :  similiter  in  indulgentiis  a  vinculo  Canonum  et 
censuris  liberare.  Deo  autem  prseter  simplicem  usum  aut  abusum  fidei,  spei  et 
charitatis  nihil  est  quod  conciliare  posset.  Non  enim  rcconciliatus  Deo  per 
gratiam  saci-amentalem  et  caritatem  plus  ei  reconciliatur  arbitrio  aut  a;stimatione 
Papae,  aut  excommunicatione  Paps  magis  alicnatur  a  Deo.  Non  enim  liceret 
excommunicare,  si  magis  alienaret  a  Deo.  Non  enim  licet  ei  facere  magis  pecca- 
tores,  etc.  Fidelis  et  prudens  in  domo  Domini  sui  servus  nihil  facit  prster  et  extra 
voluntatem  Domini  sui :  et  quidquid  facit  in  domo  Domini  sui,  Dominus  ratum  et 
firmum  habet.  —  Nee  ad  hoc  eum  Oidinis  dignitas  authenticat,  sed  charitas  per 
Spiritum  Sanctum  diffusa  in  corde.  —  Immo  nee  sexus  femineus  obstat,  quin  si 
fidelis  et  prudens  charitatem  babeat  difl'usam  in  corde  suo,  possit  et  ipse  conformiter 
sentire,  judicare,  favere,  diffinire  divino  judicio.  Of  purgatory  :  De  purgatorio,  p. 
829:  Purgatorium  ignis  est,  qui  interioiis  hominis  sordes  etiam  carne  soluti  comi- 
tantes  purgat  potius,  quam  torquet.  —  Has  maculas  intcllectualis  discipline  ignis 
secundum  Apostolum  (1  Cor.  iii.  11  seq.)  probat,  —  et  lignum,  foenum,  stipulam 
exurit,  donee  super  unicum,  verum,  solum  et  solidum  fundamentum,  Jesum 
Christum,  nihil  remanet  supera;dificatum,  nisi  argentum,  aurum,  lapides  pretiosi. 
P.  834:  Sunt  igitur  (defuncti)  in  tali  statu,  quern  si  sciremus  gauderemus.  In  statu 
igitur  non  misero,  non  sub  virga  lictoris,  aut  in  igne  pra;parato  Diabolo  et  angelis 
ejus,  sed  sub  disciplina  Patris  instituentis,  et  eorum  quotidiano  profectu  gaudentis. 
P.  846.  Thesis  33  :  Quod  Christi  Evangelium  est  solum,  verum,  prascipuum  pur- 
gatorium, licet  etiam  alia  minus  principaliter  possint  rationabiliter  tolerari.  34. 
Quod  idem  ergo  verum  purgatorium  est  paradisus,  sed  amanti  tanto  amarior,  quanfo 
magis  ipse  purgalior  divino  amore  flagrant.  35.  Hunc  flagrantis  animae  ardorem 
et  amaritudinem  ego  puto  verum,  postremum  et  perfectissimum  purgatorium. 


392  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

of  a  reform  was  very  general.!^  It  is  not  surprising  that  the  wish 
should  often  have  ripened  into  a  hope,  and  this  into  confident  expec- 
tation, and  this  again  have  expressed  itself  in  prophecy .-« 

'3  See  §  135,  notes  27  and  28.  Guiliebnus  Badaus  de  asse  et  partihus  ejus. 
(Paris.  1514.  fol.)  inveiirhs,  fol.  146  seq.,  most  bittei-l>  against  the  corruption  ot  the 
clergy  and  the  Pope.  fol.  150  b. :  Quid  vinea  Domini,  nonne  ita  degeneravit  in 
labruscas,  ut  prinio  quoque  tempore  repastinanda  videatui-,  et  ex  situ  et  carie 
negligentia;  pastino  quodam  rcstituenda  censure  .'  Cerle  nianuin  poscit  et  flagitat 
solertis  et  industiii  vinitoris,  qui  palniites  fructuarios  et  niunilices  a  panipinariis 
internoscat,  etc.  Fol.  152  :  Status  civitatis  orthodoxte  e  sede  severitatis  et  disci- 
plinae  convulsus  manum  quandam  Patoniain  poscit,  ut  apte  et  placide  in  earn 
reponatur,  et  luxata  Ecclesias  membra  in  artus  suos  redeant.  Sic  fiet,  ut  principes 
EcclesifE  non  auro  obryzo,  non  argentea  supellectili,  non  opimis  obventionibus  et 
numeiosis  titulis  ()])uni  suarum  niagnitudinem  metiantur,  qu;e  gazas  Kegum  pro- 
vocare,  non  divitias  priscoruui  antislitum  »mulari  videntur:  sed  bonis  intei-nis,  sed 
copia  doctriniE,  sed  iis  anima;  Christo  desponsae  dotibus,  qua,'  in  cordis  scriniolis 
tanquam  in  gazophylaciis  mystici  fani  conduntur. 

-"  Melancthon  in  Apologia  Conf.  Aug.  XIII.  de  votis  Monasticis  (ed.  Rechen- 
berg,  p.  276)  :  Apud  nos  in  oppido  Thuringiaj  Isenaco  Franciscanus  quidam  fuit 
ante  annos  tiiginta,  Johannes  Hilten,  qui  a  suo  sodalitio  conjectus  est  in  carcerem 
propterea,  quod  quosdam  notissinios  abusus  reprehenderat.  Vidimus  enim  ejus 
scripta,  ex  quibus  satis  intelligi  potest,  quale  fuerit  ipsius  doctrine  genus.  —  Is 
multa  pi-asdixit,  quoe  partim  evenerunt  hactenus,  partim  jam  videntur  impendere. 
(His  work  Comm.  in  Apocalypsin  et  textum  Uanielis,  quantum  concordat  cum 
Apocalyp-ii,  vel  earn  supplet,  from  which  there  are  some  extracts  in  AJelch.  Adami 
vitaj  Theologorum,  p.  2  seq.,  showing  at  once  what  direction  he  took.  He  reckoned 
the  end  of  the  world  in  A.  D.  1651).  —  Sed  postrenio,  cum  vel  propter  astatem,  vel 
propter  squalorem  carceiis  in  niorbum  iucidisset,  accersivit  ad  se  Guardianum,  ut 
suam  valctudinem  illi  indicaret,  cumque  Guardianus  accensus  odio  Pharisaico 
duriter  objurgare  hominem  propter  doctrinte  genus,  quod  videbatur  olficere  culinse, 
coepisset,  tum  iste  omissa  jam  mentioue  valetudinis  ingemiscens  iinjuit,  se  has 
injurias  tequo  animo  pi'opter  Christum  toierare,  cum  quidein  nihil  scripsisset  aut 
docuisset,  quod  labefaclare  statum  Monachorum  posset,  tantum  notos  quosdam 
abusus  reprehendisset.  Sed  alius  quidem,  inquit,  veniet  anno  Dom.  MDXVI., 
qui  destruet  vos,  nee  poteritis  ei  resistere.  Hanc  ipsam  sententiam  de  inclina- 
tione  regni  Monachoi'um,  et  hunc  annorum  numerum  postea  etiam  repererunt  ejus 
amici  per'scripfum  a!)  ipso  in  commentariis  suis  inter  annotaliones,  quas  reliquerat 
in  certos  locos  Danielis.  It  was  related  of  Andreas  Pi-oles,  Piiorof  the  convent 
Himmel-^pforte  near  VVernigerode,  and  Provincial  of  the  Augustines  ('f  1503),  by 
an  old  monk  in  the  convent,  in  a  conversation  with  Flacius  (see  Catal.  test,  verit. 
ed.  Francof.  1666.  p.  849):  Ab  ipso  sa-pe  audivi  inter  praelegendum  hfee  verba: 
Jluditis,  //aires,  testimonium  scripturas  sancice,  quod  gratia  suimis  quicquid 
sumus,  et  gratia  habemus  quicquid  hahemus.  Unde  igitur  tanttB  tenebrcB,  et 
horrendcB  superstitiones?  O  fratres,  res  Christiana  opus  habet  forti  et  magna 
reformatione,  quam  quidem  jam  prope  instare  video.  Qua;rentibus  fratribus, 
quare  ipse  non  inciperet  reformalioneu),  ac  erroribus  sese  opponeret,  respondebat : 
Videtis,  fratres,  me  esse  oRtate  grandcevum,  corpore  et  viribus  debilem,  et 
agnosco,  me  non  esse  prceditum  tanta  doctrin.a,industria  et  eloquentia,  quantam 
hcec  res  postulat.  Sed  excitabit  Dominus  heroem  cetate,  viribus,  indusiria,  doc- 
trina,  ingenio  et  eloquentia  prcBslantem.,  qui  reformationem  incipiet,  erroribus- 
que  sese  opponet :  ei  Deus  aiiimum  dabit,  ut  Mngnatibus  contradicere  ausit ; 
et  ipsius  ininisterium  salutare  Dei  beneficio  comperietis.  Solitus  est  etiam  saepe 
dicere  inter  pra;legendum :  Regnum  PapcB  magnam  minatur  ruinam,  quia 
nimis  alte  et  nimis  cito  crevit.  Luther  also  relates  of  Proles  in  the  work  "  Von 
den  neuen  Eckischen  Bullen  und  Lilgen,"  Tom.  I.  Jenens.  f.  359,  that  seeing  a 
portr'ait  of  D.  John  Zachai-ia,  in  which  he  was  decorated  with  a  rose  in  token  of 
his  services  in  bringing  about  the  condemnation  of  Huss,  he  said,  "  Ah  !  I  should 
not  wish  to  carry  a  rose  that  had  such  thorns."  Compare  the  Leben  des  Andreas 
Proles,  eines  Zeugen  der  Wahrheit  vor  Luthero,  besclirieben  von  M.  Gottfr. 
S  c  h  a  t  z  e  .  Leipzig,  1744.  8vo. 


Chap.  V.    Reformers.   §  153.    Humanists.  393 


<§>  153. 

EFFECTS    OF    THE    REVIVAL    OF    LETTERS. 

The  reviving  study  of  ancient  literature  now  furnished  means 
for  the  due  investigation  of  the  state  of  the  church,  which  the  Scho- 
lastics had  been  wholly  without. ^  As  early  as  the  14th  century  the 
attention  of  literary  men  had  been  directed  to  the  works  of  the  old 
Roman  poets  by  Dante  and  Petrarch,  and  Boccacio  had  recommended 
the  study  of  the  Greeks ;  but  these  studies  were  first  established  on 
a  permanent  basis  by  the  labors  of  John  of  Ravenna,  teacher  of 
Latin  in  Padua  and  Florence  (t  before  1420),  and  Emanuel  Chryso- 
loras,  teacher  of  Greek  at  Florence  and  Pavia  (f  1415).  The  fall  of 
Constantinople  and  the  extinction  of  the  Greek  empire  compelled 
many  of  the  learned  men  of  that  nation  to  seek  a  refuge  in  Italy 
(from  1420-1430:  George  of  Trapezuntum  f  14S4,  John  Argyro- 
pulus  t  1486,  Theodorus  of  Gaza  t  1478:  during  the  Council  of 
Florence  1438:  Bessarion  -f  1472,  George  Gemistius  Pletho,  who  in 
1441  returned  to  Greece:  after  the  fall  of  Constantinople  1453: 
Emanuel  Moschopulus,  Constantine  Laskaris,  Demetrius  Chalkondy- 
las).  Their  partiality  to  the  literature  of  their  native  land  aroused 
the  emulation  of  the  Italians,  and  there  appeared  about  this  time  a 
number  of  learned  men  in  Italy,  distinguished  by  their  knowledge 
both  of  Latin  and  Greek  literature:  Gaspar  t  1431,  John  Aurispa 
t  1459,  Guarinus  t  1400,  Leonardus  Brunus  Aretinus  *t  1444,  Pog- 
gius  t  1459,  Francis  Philadelphus  f  1481,  Laurentius  Valla  t  1456, 
Nicholas  Perottus  "f  1480,  Christopher  Landinus  t  1504,  Philip 
Beroaldus  the  older  t  1504,  Hermolaus  Barbarus  t  1493,  Angelus 
Politianus  t  1494.  Many  of  the  Italian  princes  made  it  their  pride 
to  patronize  the  liberal  arts,  especially  the  Medici  at  Florence, 
(Cosmo  from  1429-1464,  and  Lorenzo  from  1469-1492),  Al- 
phonso  V.  king  of  Arragon  and  Naples  from  1442-  1458,  and  Pope 
Nicholas  V.  from  1447-14.55,  and  thus  in  the  course  of  the  15th 
century  these  studies  were  held  in  high  repute,  and  had  been  carried 
very  far. 

The  great  benefit  supposed  to  be  derived  from  the  study  of  the 
ancients  was  the  cultivation  of  the  taste,  and  in  pursuing  this  it  was 
not  heeded  how  great  must  be  the  influence  of  this  often  extravagant 
love  of  the  ancients  in  weakening  men's  attachment  to  the  church ; 
nor,  on  the  other  hand,  what  means  as  well  as  excitement  were  thus 
furnished   to  perilous  investigations  of  the  prevailing  doctrines  and 

^  E.  Meiners  Lebensbeschreibungen  berQhmter  Manner  aiis  den  Zeiten 
der  Wiederherstellung  der  Wissenschaften.  3  Bilnde.  Ziliich  1795-97.  8vo. 
A.  H.  L.  Heeren  Gesch.  der  classischcn  Literatur  im  Mittelalter.  2  Theile 
(new  ed.  in  his  liistorical  works,  Th.  4  u.  5.  Gottinjien,  1822).  Th.  1.  S.  316  ff. 
D.  H.  A.  Erhard  Gesch.  des  Wiedei-autbliihens  wisscnscliaftl.  Bildung,  vor- 
nehmlich  in  Teulschland  bis  zuni  Anfange  der  Reform.  3  Bde.  Magdeburg, 
1827-32.  8vo. 

VOL.  III.  50 


394  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409—1517. 

views.  The  Italian  Humanists*  avoided  carefully  the  appearance  of 
any  bearing  of  the  studies  in  which  they  were  encraged  on  Theology, 
except  in  the  case  of  Laureritius  Vallu,'^  who  (f  1450)  showed  by  seveTul 
examples  the  dangerous  influence  which  these  antiquarian  investigations 
might  have  on  the  received  opinions.  The  New-Platonists,  formed 
in  the  school  which  Cosmo  de  Medici  had  founded  in  Florence 
A.  D.  1440,  under  the  guidance  of  Gemistius  Pletho,^  adopted  a  kind 
of  Syncretism,  in  which  was  mingled  the  most  various  superstitions, 
though  for  the  most  part  adhering  to  the  system  of  the  church  ;  ^  on 
which,  however,  by  its  independence,  and  its  internal  life,  it  could 
not  fail   to  exert   some  influence.^     Opposed  to  them,  on  the  other 

[Those  who  founded  all  progress  on  the  study  of  the  ancient  languages  were 
called  Humanists.     See  Conversations  Lexicon.     Tr.] 

2  Of  whom  see  Tiraboschi  storia  della  letteratura  italiani  VI.  II.  p.  301  seq. 
Heeren  Th.  2.  S.  243  ff.  He  relates  himself  how  he  was  denounced  by  the 
clergy  on  account  of  certain  philosophical  writings,  in  which  he  had  defended  the 
doctrines  of  Epicurus,  and  said  some  things  that  were  deemed  objectionable  con- 
cerning the  freedom  of  the  will.  He  then  shows  that  the  supposed  correspond- 
ence between  Christ  and  Abgarus  was  not  genuine  ;  and  that  the  usual  account  of 
the  origin  of  the  Apostles'  Creed  was  not  true.  His  most  important  work  is  De 
ementita  Constantini  donatione  declaniatio  ad  Papam.  —  Opera.  Basil.  1543.  fol. 

3  K.  Sieveking  Gesch.  d.  platon.  Academie  zu  Florenz.  Gottingen,  1812. 
Hee  ren  Th.  2.  S.  41. 

^  T  e  n  n  e  m  a  n  n  '  s  Gesch.  der  Philosophic,  Bd.  9.  S.  138  ff.  The  most  dis- 
tinguished was  Marsilius  Ficinus,  teacher  of  the  academy  in  Florence  (f  1499,  see 
J.  G.  Schelhorn  de  vita,  moribus  et  scriptis  Mars.  Fie.  in  his  Amoenitatt.  liter.  I. 
p.  37),  and  John  Picus,  count  of  Mirandula  {■f  1494,  see  his  life  by  his  nephew 
Jo.  Franc.  Picus,  prefixed  to  their  0pp.  Basil,  1573  and  1601.  2  Bde.  fol.  M  e  i  - 
ners  Lebensbeschreibungen.  Bd.  2.  S.  3  ff.).  Jo.  Picus  at  first  included  the 
Jewish  Cabbala  in  this  Syncretism  ;  he  says  of  those  writings  Apologia  0pp.  I.  p. 
82:  Hos  ego  libros  non  mediocri  impensa  mihi  cum  comparassem  summa  diligen- 
tia,  indefessis  laboribus  cum  perlegisscm,  vidi  in  illis  (testis  est  Deus)  religionem 
non  tam  Mosaicarn,  quam  Christianam  ;  ibi  Trinitatis  mysterium,  ibi  verbi  incarna- 
tio,  ibi  MessiK  divinitas,  ibi  de  peccato  originali,  de  illius  per  Christum  expiatione, 
de  coelesti  Hierusalem,  de  casu  Da^monum,  de  ordinibus  Angelorum,  de  purgato- 
riis,  de  inferorum  poenis  eadem  legi,  qua  apud  Paulum  et  Dionysium,  apud 
Hieronymum  et  Augustinum  quotidie  legimus.  In  his  vero,  quae  spectant  ad 
philosophiam,  Pythagoram  prorsus  audias  et  Platonem,  quorum  deci-eta  ita  sunt 
tidei  Christianae  affinia,  ut  Augustinus  noster  immensas  Deo  gratias  agat,  quod  ad 
ejus  manus  pervenerint  libri  Platonicorum. 

*  This  was  seen  especially  in  the  900  Theses,  which  Joh7i  Picus,  then  only 
24  years  old,  sent  every  where  in  A.  D.  1486,  that  they  might  be  publicly  dis- 
cussed at  Rome.  The  impression  produced  in  Rome  by  this  measure  he  himself 
describes  in  his  Apologia  0pp.  I.  p.  76  :  Aliqui  philosophiam  et  literas  omnino 
carpere,  illud  etiam  (ut  viderentur  scioli)  quandoque  addentes,  ejectum  Adam  de 
Paradiso,  quod  per  scientiam  boni  et  mali  tcqualem  se  Diis  facere  voluit:  extermi- 
nandos  pari  exemplo  de  Christi  curia,  qui  volunt  sapere  plus  quam  oportet.  —  Ex 
his  autem,  qui  sapientiam,  i.  e.  theologia;  studium,  protitebantur,  quidam  fuere,  qui 
conviciis  forte  levioribus  non  contenti,  non  jam  audacem  me,  non  temerarium,  non 
gloriosum,  sed  magum,  sed  iir.pium,  sed  novum  in  Christi  Ecclesia  ha?resiai'cham 
prasdicarent.  The  following  13  Theses  were  rejected,  0pp.  I.  p.  42:  I.  Christus 
non  veraciter,  et  quantum  ad  realem  prssentiain  descendit  ad  inferos,  ut  ponit 
Thomas  et  communis  via,  sed  solum  quoad  effectum.  II.  Peccato  mortali  finiti 
temporis  non  debetur  poena  infinita  secundum  teiiipus,  sed  finita  fantum.  III. 
Nee  crux  Christi,  nee  ulla  imago  adoranda  est  adoralione  latri;i?,  etiam  eo  modo, 
quo  ponit  Thomas.  IV.  Non  assentior  communi  sententi;E  theologorum  dicentium, 
posse  Deum  quamlibet  naturam  suppositare,  sed  de  rationali  tantum  hoc  concede. 


Chap.  V.    Reformers.    §   153.     Humanists.  395 

hand,  were  those  wlio  adopted  the  system  of  Aristotle/'  and  who  were 
thereby  led  to  a  dangerous  spirit  of  skepticism^  This  spirit,  fed 
by  a  partial  and  imperfect  criticism,  and  a  contempt  for  every  thing 
but  philology,  soon  spread  to  many  of  the  Italian  Humanists,  lead- 
ing them  in  some  instances  to  question  the  most  universally  acknow- 
ledged truths,'^  though  they  at  the  time  kept  up  scrupulously  their 

V.  Nulla  est  scientia,  quse  nos  magls  cerllficet  de  divinitate  Chiisti,  quam  Magia 
et  Cabala.  VI.  Si  teneatur  communis  via  de  possibilitate  suppositatioriis  in  re- 
spectu  ad  quamcunque  cj-eaturam,  dico,  quod  sine  conversione  panis  in  corpus 
Christi,  vel  paueictatis  ainiiliilalione  potest  fieri,  ut  in  altaii  sit  corpus  Christ! 
secundum  veritatem  sacramenii  Eucharistiae  :  quod  sit  dictum  loquendo  de  possi- 
bili,  non  de  sic  esse.  VII.  Rationabiiius  est  credere  Originem  esse  salvum,  quam 
credere  ipsum  esse  damnatum.  VIII.  Dico  probabiliter,  et  nisi  esset  communis 
modus  dicendi  theologorum  in  oppositum,  firmiter  asserem  :  assero  tamen  hoc 
dictum  in  se  esse  probabile,  et  est  quod,  sicut  nullus  opinatur  aliquid  ita  esse 
praecise,  quia  vult  sic  opinari,  ita  nullus  credit  aliquid  esse  verum  praecise,  quia 
vult  credere  id  esse  verum.  IX.  Qui  dixerit,  accidens  existere  non  posse,  nisi 
inexistat,  Eucharistia;  poterit  sacramentum  tenere,  etiam  tenendo,  panis  substan- 
tiam  non  remanere,  ut  tenet  communis  via.  X.  Ilia  verba,  "  Hoc  est  corpus,"  etc., 
qu«  in  consecratione  dicuntur,  materialiter  tenentur,  non  significative.  XI.  Mira- 
cula  Christi  non  ratione  rei  facta;,  sed  ratione  modi  faciendi,  sueb  divinitatis  argu- 
mentum  certissimum  sunt.  XII.  Magis  improprie  dicitur  de  Deo,  quod  sit  intel- 
lectus  vel  intelligens,  quam  de  anima  ralionali,  quod  sit  Angelas.  XIII.  Nihil 
intelligit  actu  et  distiucte  anima,  nisi  se  ipsam. 

^  See  the  controversy  on  the  comparative  excellence  of  Plato  and  Anstotle  in 
Tennemann,  Bd.  9.  S.  54  flf. ;  S.  63  AT. 

'  Which  may  be  seen  in  the  example  of  Petrus  Pomponatius,  teacher  of 
philosophy  in  Padua  and  Bologna,  >f  1526.  In  his  works  De  immortaUlate  animae, 
De  fato,  libero  arbitrio,  prajdestinatione  et  providentia,  he  calls  the  immortality  of 
the  soul,  the  eternity  of  the  world,  and  of  Piovidence,  philosophical  problems; 
always  taking  care  to  add,  however,  that  he  submits  to  the  creed  of  the  church. 
See  Tennemann,  Bd.  9.  S.  64  If. 

**  MarsiUus  Facinus  in  pra;f.  ad  Plotinura :  Nos  ergo  in  theologis  superioribus 
apud  Platonein  et  Plotinum  traducendis  et  explanandis  elaboravimus,  ut  hac  theo- 
legia  in  lucem  prodeunte  et  poetas  desinant  gesta  mysteriaque  pietatis  impie  fabulis 
suis  annumerare,  et  Peripatetic!  quam  plurimi,  id  est  philosophi  pene  omnes, 
ammoneantur,  non  esse  de  religione  saltem  communi  tanquam  de  anilibus  fabulis 
sentiendum.  Totus  enim  ferme  terrarum  orbis  a  Peripateticis  occupatus  in  duas 
plurimum  sectas  divisus  est,  Alexandrinam  et  Averroicam.  111!  quidem,  intellec- 
tum  nostrum  esse  mortalem  existimant,  hi  vero  unicum  esse  contendunt.  Utrique 
religionem  omnem  funditus  aeque  tollunt,  prajsertim  quia  divinam  circa  homines 
providentiam  negare  videntur,  et  ulrobique  a  suo  etiam  Aristotele  defecisse,  cujus 
mentem  hodie  pauci  —  ea  pietate,  qua  Theophrastus  olim  et  Themistius  — 
interpretantur.  Si  quis  autem  putet,  tam  divulgatam  impietatem,  tamque  acribus 
munitam  ingeniis,  sola  quadam  simplici  praedicatione  fide!  apud  homines  posse 
deleri,  is  a  vero  longius  aberrare  palam  re  ipsa  procul  dubio  convincetur.  Majore 
admodum  hie  opus  est  potestate,  id  autem  est  vel  divinis  miraculis  ubique  patenti- 
bus,  vel  saltem  philosophica  quadam  religione,  philosophis  eam  libentius  audituris 
quandoque  persuasura.  These  two  errors  were  so  general  that  the  Council  of  the 
Lateran,  A.  D.  1513,  considered  it  expedient  expressly  to  declare  against  them, 
see  Sess.  VIII.  (Cone.  ed.  Lubbei  et  Cossartii  XIV.  p.  1S7)  :  Cum  diebus  nostris, 
quod  dolentcr  referimus,  zizania;  seininator,  antiquus  human!  generis  hostis,  non- 
nullos  perniciosissimos  errores  a  fidelibus  semper  explosos  in  agro  Domini  super- 
seminare  et  augere  sit  ausus,  de  natura  pra-sertim  anima;  rationalis,  quod  videlicet 
mortalis  sit,  aut  unica  in  cunctis  hominibus  ;  et  nonnulli  temere  philosophantes, 
secundum  saltem  philosophiani  verum  id  esse,  asseverent :  contra  hujusmodi 
pestem  opportuna  remedia  adhibere  cupientes,  hoc  sacro  approbante  Concilio  dam- 
namus  et  reprobamus  omnes  asserentes  animam  intellectivam  raortalem  esse,  aut 


396  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

external  adherence  to  the  church.  They  ventured  no  farther  than  to 
attack  the  scholastic  piiilosophy,  wliich  was  in  fact  the  chief  prop  of 
the  church,  ridiculing  its  barbarous  epithets,'-^  and  its  mistaken  rever- 

unicam  in  cunctis  hominibas,  et  h^c  in  dubium  vertentes.  —  Cumque  veruiii  vero 
minime  contradlcat,  oinneni  assertionem  veritati  illuminatffi  fidci  contrariani  ornnino 
falsam  essedetiniinus,  et  ut  aliter  dogmalizare  non  liceat,  districtius  inhibemus;  om- 
nesque  hujusniodi  eiroiis  assertionibus  inhsrentes  —  iit  dctestabiles  et  abominabiles 
ha;reticos  et  ititideles  vitandos  et  puniendos  fore  deceriiimus.  Insuper  omnibus  et 
singulis  philosopbis  in  univeisitatibus  studiorum  generaliuni  — distiicte  praecipiendo 
mandamus,  ut  cum  philosopiiorum  principia  aut  conelusiones,  in  quibus  a  recta  fide 
deviare  noscuntur,  auditoribus  suis  legetint  seu  explanaverint,  quale  hoc  est  de 
aniniffi  mortalitate  aut  unitate,  et  mundi  a-ternitale,  ac  alia  liujusmodi,  teneantur 
eisdem  veritatem  religionis  Christiana-  omni  conatu  inanifestam  facere,  et  persua- 
dendo  pro  posse  docere,  ac  omni  studio  hujusniodi  philosophorum  argumenta,  cum 
omnia  solubilia  existant,  pro  viribus  excludere  atquc  resolvcre.  See  too  wliat  was 
said  in  Italy  of  the  Popes,  in  Jo.  Fr.  Pici  de  lide  et  oi-dine  credendi  theorema  IV. 
0pp.  II.  p.  177  :  alium  meminimus  Pontilicem  creditum  et  ordinatum,  quem  tamen 
ppiestantes  viri  putarent,  nee  Pontilicem  eum  esse,  nee  esse  posse,  utpote  qui 
nullum  Deum  credens  omnem  inlidelitatis  culmen  excederet ;  pessimaque  ejus 
opera  in  coemendo  Pontificatu,  in  omnigenis  sceleribus  exercendis  id  ipsura  tesla- 
bantur,  sed  et  pessima  quoque  dicta  contirmabant.  Namque  fassuin  eum  nffirma- 
batur  domeslicis  quibusdam,  nullum  se  Deum  aliquando,  etiam  duni  pontiliciam 
sedem  teneret,  credidisse  :  et  alium  audivi  Pontilicem  summum,  qui  vivens  fami- 
liari  cuidam  aperuerat,  apud  se  animarum  immortalitatem.  minime  creditam,  mor- 
luus  vero  eidem  per  vigiliam  apparuit  divino  judicio  manifestans,  se,  quam  mortalem 
crediderat  animam,  iminortalem  tum  maxirno  cum  damno  et  perpeluis  cum  ignibus 
experiri.  So  too  in  his  vita  Savonarolee  in  Batesius,  p.  112.  see  §  152,  note  5. 
What  Leo  X.  is  reported  to  have  said  to  his  private  secretary,  Peter  Benjbo,  would 
not  therefore  be  without  precedent  (MorncEi  liist.  Papains.  Salmur.  1611.  p. 
820)  :  Quantum  nobis  nostrisque  ea  de  Christo  fabula  profuerit,  satis  est  onmibus 
sjeculis  notum.  Erasmi  responsio  nervosa  ad  Albertuni  Pium,  Piincipem  Carpen- 
sem,  in  v.  d.  Hardt  hist.  lit.  Reform.  I.  p.  173  :  Qui  divina  derideant,  flicilius 
invenies  in  Italia  apud  tui  ordinis  homines,  atque  adeo  in  ilia  laudatissima  Roma, 
quam  apud  nos.  Idem.  lib.  XXVI.  ep.  34.  ad  Augustinum  Eugubinum  (0pp. 
ed.  Cleric.  III.  II.  p.  1382) :  At  ego  Romie  his  auribus  audivi  quosdam  abominan- 
dis  blasphemiis  debacchantes  in  Christum,  et  in  illius  Apoitolos,  idquc  multis 
raecum  audientibus,  et  quidem  impune.  Ibidem  multos  !iovi,  qui  commemorabant, 
.se  dicta  horrenda  audisse  a  quibusdam  sacerdotibus  auls  Pontihcia?  ministris,  idque 
in  ipsa  Missa,  tarn  clare,  ut  ea  vox  ad  mulforum  aures  pervenerit.  Id.  ad  Guolf- 
gangnm  Fabricium  Capitonem  (1.  c.  III.  I.  p.  1S9) :  Omnia  niihi  pollicentur,  rem 
(bonarum  literarum)  fidicissime  successuram  :  unus  adhuc  scrupulus  habet  animuni 
meum,  ne  sub  obtentu  priscae  lileratura;  renascentis  caput  eiigere  conetur  Paganis- 
mus,  ut  sunt  et  inter  Chrislianos,  qui  titulo  pene  duntaxat  Christum  agnoscunt, 
caeterum  intus  gentilitatem  spirant:  aut  ne  renascentibus  Hebraeorum  Uteris  Ju- 
daismus  meditetur  per  occasionem  reviviscere,  qua  peste  nihil  adversius,  nihilque 
infensius  inveniri  potest  doctrinse  Christi.  Sic  enim  fert  natura  rerum  humanarum, 
ut  nullius  unquam  boni  tanta  fuerit  felicitas,  quin  hujus  prajtextu  mali  quippiam 
simul  conaretur  irrepere.  Compare  Henke  in  Villers  Versuch  ilber  den 
Geist  und  den  Einfluss  der  Reformat.  Lutliers  fibers,  v.  Cramer.  2tc  Autl.  Hamb. 
1828.  Abthl.  2.  S.  60  ff. 

^  Harmolaus  Barbarns  Ep.  ad  Jo.  Picum  Mirandulae  (in  Angeli  Politiani  Epistt. 
lib.  IX.  Ep.  3)  expresses  the  common  notion  of  the  Humanists  on  the  subject: 
Neque  enim  inter  auctores  latinas  lingua?  numero  Gei-manos  istos  et  Teutonas  (i.  e. 
barbarians),  qui  ne  viventes  quidem  vivebant,  nediim  ut  exstincli  vivant,  aut  si 
vivunt,  vivunt  in  poenam  et  contumeliam.  Appellantur  enim  vulgo  sordidi,  rudes, 
inculti,  barbaii.  Quis  malit  sic  esse,  quam  piorsus  non  esse  ?  Atenim  utile  aliquid 
dixerunt,  valuere  ingenio,  doctrina,  bonarum  rerum  copia :  non  nego  penitus,  quod 
et  possum  negare  :  sed  sermo  nitidus  et  elegans,  saltern  purus  et  castus,  qualis  vel 
in  auctoribus  christianis  graecis  latinisque  perspicitur,  laudem  et  memoriam  sem- 
piternam  scriptoribus  oonciliat,  nisi  quis  pictorem,  et  excusorem,  et  statuarium,  et 


Chap.   V.    Reformers.    ^  153.    Humanists.  397 

ence  of  Aristotle.  Paulus  Cortesius,  a  secretary  of  the  Pope,  was 
the  first  who  attempted  to  present  the  Catholic  system  of  faith  in  a 
classic  dress, i*^  but  succeeded  only  in  showing  that  the  servile  imita- 
tion of  the  ancients  might  lead  as  easily  to  offences  against  good  taste, 
as  to  skepticism  in  doctrine. ^"^ 

In  Germany  the  study  of  the  ancients  led  to  widely  different  results 
as  regarded  its  effect  on  Theology.  These  studies  were  first  intro- 
duced in  the  schools  of  the  Brethren  of  the  Common  Life.^-  In  these 
schools  every  thing  was  valued  according  to  its  influence  on  religion, 
in  which  light  therefore  this  new  source  r)f  knowledge  was  chiefly 
regarded  ;  and  this  view,  so  well  suited  to  the  earnest  religious  cha- 
racter of  the  nation,  continued   to  be  held  by  most  of  the  German 

cseteros  opifices  laudari  posse  .judicet  lioc  solo,  quod  niagni  constet  et  preciosa  sit 
materia,  circa  quam  versentur.  Picus  attempts  in  his  answer  to  defend  the  Scho- 
lastics (1.  c.  Ep.  4)  :  Perdiderim,  ego  inquam,  apud  Thomam,  Joannem  Scotum, 
apud  Albertum,  apud  Aveiroem  meliores  anno.-!,  tantas  vigilias,  quibus  potuerim  in 
bonis  literis  Ibrtasse  nonnihil  esse  ?  He  seeks  to  show  non  defuisse  illis  sapientiam,  si 
defuit  eloquentia,  quam  cum  sapientia  non  conjunxisse,  tantuni  ibitasse  abest  culpa, 
ut  conjunxisse  sit  nefas.  Hermolaus  replies  (1.  c.  Ep.  5) :  Illud  sane  plurimum 
nie  delectat,  quod  sub  specie  defensionis  exitialiter  jugulas  quos  defendis:  prinium 
quod  hostes  eloquentia;  tueri  se  nisi  per  eloqucntes  viros  non  possunt;  quasi  man- 
cipia,  quasi  bruta,  deinde  quod,  si  te  patrono,  te  vindice,  te  advocato  non  elabun- 
tur,  neque  colluctari,  neque  tergiveisari  prasterea  poterunt.  Proinde  ab  amicis, 
quos  habeo  Patavii,  certior  factus  sum,  apologiam  tuam,  quae  Scytharum  et  Teu- 
tonum  est  inscribi  coepta,  —  molestissimam  accidisse  majori  eorum  parti  quos 
defendis,  aliis  aliter  factum  tuum  interpretanlibus.  —  Ad  qus  si  qui  sunt  ex  illis 
paulo  minus  asini,  volehani  dicere  a^«i;a-o/,  auriculas  tantum  movent :  casteri  diffu- 
giunt,  i-espuunt,  detestantur.  Quorum  e  numero  unus  aliquis  a  Gymnasio  Patavino 
(nihil  contingo.  Pice,  ridicuiam  omnino,  sed  veram  historian!  denarro)  audaculus  et 
insolens,  cujusmodi  fere  sunt,  qui  literas  humaniores  et  odio  et  ludibrio  habent, 
Picus,  inquit  iste  quisquis  est,  grammaticus  opinor,  par\(J  ])edi  calceos  magnos 
circumdedit.  —  Ecquis  est,  inquit,  tain  stolidus,  —  qui  patronum  hunc  egregium 
cum  altero,  quisquis  est,  nefario  grammatista  colludere  non  intelligat .'  etc. 

'"  Paulus  Cortesius  in  Sententias.  Qui  in  hoc  opera  eloquentiara  cum  theo- 
logia  conjunxit.     Roms,  1512.  fol. 

"  Erasmus  Ep.  ad  Jo.  Vergaram,  1527  (0pp.  III.  I.  p.  1015),  says  on  this  sub- 
ject: Prffiterea  fervet  illic  (Homa?)  Paganismus  quorundam,  quibus  nihil  placet 
nisi  Ciceronianuin  :  ac  non  Ciceronianum  appellari  multo  probrosius  esse  ducunt 
quam  appellari  haereticum.  Hos  dictu  mirum  quam  infensos  habeam,  quod  non 
exprimam  Ciceronem,  quern  baud  scio  an  quisquam  eorum  exprimat.  Ego  certe 
nee  affecto,  et  si  affectarem  tractans  rem  christianam,  ridiculus  essem. 

'^  Herm.  Hnmehnann  (Superintendent  in  Oldenburg)  relatio  hist,  quomodo 
hominibus  Westphalis  potissimum  debeatur,  quod  lingua  latina  et  politiores  artes 
per  Germaniam  sint  restitute  priori  nitori.  Lemgov.  15S0  (in  his  0pp.  genealogico- 
historica.  Lemgov.  1711.  4to.  p.  321)  relates:  cum  Thomas  a  Kempis  —  suscepisset 
curam  scholae  Daventriensis,  ecce  in  ea  erant  discipuli  Rodulphus  Agricola, 
Mauritius  Comes  Spiegelbergicas,  Rodolpluis  Langius,  Antouius  Liber  Susa- 
tensis,  Ludovicus  Driugenhergius  Padertornensis,  Alexander  Hegius  et  similes, 
lllos  prasceptor,  postquam  audiret  reflorescere  studia  in  Italia,  —  plerosque  horta- 
tur,  ut  se  in  Italiam  recipei-ent,  imo  fuit  suasor  ditioribus  tiibus,  ut  Comiti  Mauritio 
et  utrique  Rodolpho.  He  then  states  tliat  the  study  of  the  languages  was  thus 
introduced  into  Germany.  —  It  is  tiue  that  this  account  places  Thomas  a  Kempis 
in  a  position  which  he  never  occupied  (Delprat  over  de  Broederschap  van  G. 
Groote,  p.  280),  still  there  is  little  doubt  of  the  general  correctness  of  the  tradition. 
Compare  Meiners  Bd.  2.  S.  308  ff. 


398  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

Humanists.i3  Not  led,  like  the  Italians,  to  indifference  by  their 
new  insight  into  the  corruptions  of  the  church,  as  set  forth  by  the 
earliest  of  their  teachers,  Rudolph  Agricola  of  Heidelberg,  t  1485, i-* 
they  preferred  to  speak  out  honestly  and  boldly  their  more  correct 
notions,  in  order,  if  possible,  to  bring  about  a  reformation.  In  this, 
as  well  as  in  advancing  the  progress  of  the  sciences  generally,  the 
newly  invented  art  of  printing  (Mayence,  A.  D.  1440)  ^^  was  a  most 
opportune  assistance.  One  of  the  earliest  to  distinguish  himself  was 
John  Reurhlin,  from  150-2  Judge  of  the  Suabian  circle,  1520  Pro- 
fessor in  Ingolstadt,  t  1521, i^  who,  though  misled  in  part  by  his 
philosophic  notions, ^^  yet  was  of  use  in  showing  how  little  the  Scrip- 
tures were  studied  as  they  should  be,  and  pointing  out  the  means  of 
improvement,!"  as  well  as  showing  the  defects  of  the  usual  mode  of 

"  This  is  evident  also  from  the  censures  which  Trithemius  de  laudibuss.  Annee, 
c.  3,  passed  on  them:  Cointnoneo  vos,  o  viri  erudilione  et  scienfi.i  literarum  in- 
signes,  devotionem  simplicium  non  spernere,  cultum  sanctissims  matris  Anns 
quasi  novum  reprehendere,  sod  potius  pro  posse  imitari.  —  Sunt  namque  inter  vos, 
quod  pace  bonorum  dixerim,  qui  typho  superbiai  intlati  omnia  devolionis  simpli- 
cium exercitia  despiciunt,  Sanctorum  miracula  et  exempla  velut  deliramenta 
contemnunt,  nihilque  sanctum  admittendum  existimant,  quod  Philosophorum 
argumentis  non  probant,  revelationes  omnes  a  Deo  devotis  hominihus  ostensas 
mendacia  vel  somnia  mulierum  reputant,  legendas  Sanctorum  fabulas  appellant, 
et  dum  eruditionem  suam  teraere  prasdicant,  magna  Dei  opera  impudenter  oppug- 
nant.  Tractatus  quoque  sanctorum  patrum  et  devotorum  hominum,  qui  Tullianam 
prae  se  non  ferunt  eloquentiam,  tanquam  erudilione  carentes  abjiciunt,  et  cffilestis 
eruditionis  verba  propter  eruditionem  simplicium  contemnunt.  —  Rara  est  in 
eruditis  devotio,  quia,  dum  in  profunditate  suai  conquisitffi  doctrina;  confidunt,  a 
simplici  devotione  longius  recedunt.  —  Temeraria  igitin-  ora  obstruite,  male  disertas 
linguas  cohibete,  et  nolite  contra  Dominum  loqui  mendacium,  devotionem  nolite 
lacerare  simplicium,  ne  vobis  grave  reputetur  in  scandalum. 

'••  Jo.  Saxo  Holsat.  orat.  de  vita  Rud.  Agricola;  (in  Melanchthonis  Declara. 
T.  I.  p.  602)  gives  various  passages  from  the  letters  of  Gosvvin  von  Halen,  a 
servant  of  Joh.  Wessel  (see  §  152,  note  17),  showing  his  intimacy  with  Rudolph 
Agricola;  e.  g.  he  relates:  Se  familiaribus  item  et  apertis  eorum  sermonibus 
sa'pius  interfuisse,  in  quibus  deplorarent  Ecclesia;  tenebras,  reprehenderent  pro- 
fanationem  in  Missis,  et  coelibatum ;  etiam  de  justitia  fidei  disputarent,  quid  sit, 
quod  Paulus  toties  inculcat,  homines  fide  justos  esse,  non  operibus  ;  illos  aperte 
rejecisse  Monachorum  opinionem,  quse  contrarium  fingeret ;  item  sensisse  de 
humanis  traditionibus,  errare  eos,  qui  affingunt  illis  opinionem  cultus,  et  non  posse 
violari  judicant. 

'5  See  especially  C.  A.  S  ch  aab's  Gesch.  der  Erfindung  der  Buchdrucker- 
kunst  durch  Joh.  Gensfleisch  gen.  Guttenberg  zu  Mainz,  pragmatisch  aus  den 
Quellen  gearbeitet.  3  Bde.  Mainz,  1830-31.  8vo. 

18  Ph.  Melanchthonis  Oratio  continens  historiam  Jo.  Capnionis  Phorcensis  (in 
ej.  Declamat.  T.  111.).  Vita  Jo.  Reuchlini  descripta  a  J.  H.  Majo.  Franco!',  et 
Spirae  1687.  8vo.  C.  F.  Schnurrer's  Nachrichten  von  ehemal.  Lehrern  der 
hebr.  Literatur  in  Tobingen.  Ulm.  1792.  8vo.  S.  6  ff.  M  e  in  e  rs  Bd.  1.  S.  44  if. 
Erhard  Bd.  2.  S.  147  ff.  Joh.  Neuchlin  u.  s.  Zeit  von  D.  E.  Th.  Mayerhoff. 
Berlin  1830.  8vo.  (comp.  Fo  r  s  t  e  m  an  n's  Rec.  in  d.  Berliner  Jahrb.  f.  wissen- 
schaftl.  Kritik  1832  Juni  S.  923  ff.). 

"■  Comp.  his  works  De  verbo  mirifico  and  De  arte  cabbalistica,  see  Erhard  Bd. 
2.  S.  242  ff.     Mayerhoff.   S.  96  ff. 

18  By  his  work  De  rudimentis  hebraicis  libb.  III.  Phorcs  1506.  fol.  (containing 
a  dictionary  and  grammar)  he  laid  the  foundation  for  the  study  of  the  Hebrew  lan- 
guage amongst  Christians.  Concerning  his  departure  from  received  expositions, 
he  says  Prajf.  in  lib.  III.  p.  548:  At  gravius  insurgent,  credo,  invidi  contra 
dictionarium  nostrum,  in  quo  multorum  frequenter  interpretationes  taxantur.    Proh 


Chap.    V.    Reformers.     §   153.     Desiderius  Erasmus.       399 

preaching.i9  But  it  was  Desiderius  Erasmus,  from  A.  D.  1516  in 
Basil,  t  1536,"'^  wlio  had  the  deepest  insight  into  the  corruptions  of 
the  church,  both  in  government  and  doctrine,  and  was  most  success- 
ful by  his  able  and  attractive  writings,  such  as  the  Enchiridion  militis 
christiani  (1503),  and  Moriaj  encomium  (1508),  in  spreading  his 
views  amongst  the  already  large  circle  of  his  learned  contempo- 
raries;  ~i  whilst  in  his  theological  works  he  sought  to  lay  a  foundation 

scelus,  exclamabunt,  nihil  indignius  patrum  memoria,  nihil  admissum  cnidelius, 
cum  ille  homo  audacissimus  tot  et  tani  sanctos  viros  divino  spiritu  afflatos  labeiac- 
tare  contendat.  llieionymi  beatissimi  scriptuni  Gelasio  Papa  teste  recepta  est  in 
Ecclesia  :  venerabiUs  pater  Nicolaus  de  Lyra  ordiiiari\is  expositor  BibHa?  omnibus 
christifidehbus  vir  integerrimiis  probatur.  Jamjam  exortus  est  abquis  famulus 
qui  plurimus  in  locis  illos  imperite  ti-anstulisse  notat.  Quorum  imminentibus 
ciamoiibus  haec  pauca  respondeo,  mihi  licere  quod  eisdera  illustrissimis  luminibus 
licuit.  Hieronymus,  vir  sanctus,  LXX.  carpit  interpretes  non  semel,  bis,  terye, 
sed  ssepissime  numero  :  — quos  tamen  PtoleiiiKus  Alexandria;  Rex  divina  credidit 
virtute  transtulisse.  —  Nicolaus  item  de  Lyra  divum  Hieronymum  in  translations 
sua  ostendit  reprehensibilem  : — ipsemet  vero  Nicolaus,  ut  a;qualein  niensuram 
pateretur,  simile  a  rev.  Burgensi  Episcopo  frequentibus  cum  notis,  invito  etiam 
nescio  quo  I'ratre  Doringo  ferre  coactus  est.  Sed  quid  pluribus  erit  opus  .'  Ille 
idem  divus  Hieronymus  in  translalione  sua  seipsum  errasse  fatetur  in  commentariis 
super  Isaiam  cap.  XIX.  —  Cur  igitur  in  iis,  quse  ad  interpretandi  modum  artemque 
grammaticam  et  ad  veritatem  idiomatis  spectant,  me  quociue  non  deceret  in  lucem 
producere,  quid  cum  doctissimis  Hebrajorum  sentirem,  quippe  ad  quos  etiam  eodem 
Hieronymo  teste  confugiendum  est,  quoties  in  vetei-e  Testamento  controvei-sia 
movetur.  Quanquam  enim  Hieronymum  sanctum  veneror  ut  Angelum,  et  Lyram 
colo  ut  magistrum ;  tamen  adoro  vei-itatem  ut  Deum. 

*^  Liber  congestorum  de  arte  prsdicandi.    PhorciE,  1504.  4to. 

^^  See  the  Compendium  vitfe  Erasmi,  written  by  himself,  and  sent  to  Conr. 
Goclenius,  and  Erasmi  vita  by  Beatus  Rhenanus,  in  the  dedication  of  Erasn)us' 
works  to  the  emperor  Charles  V.,  both  prefixed  to  Erasmi  opp.  ed.  Cleiic.  T.  I. 
and  in  Batesii  vita?  selectorum  virorum.  p.  1S7  seq.  —  Vie  d'Ei-asme  par  Burigny. 
2  voll.  ii  Paris  1757.  8vo.  Erasmus  v.  Rotterdam  nach  s.  Leben  und  Schriften  von 
S.  Hess.  Zwei  Halften,  Zilrich  1790.  A.  Mailer's  Leben  des  Erasmus  v. 
Rotterdam,  Hamburg  1828.  8vo.  PLrhard  Bd.  2.  S.  461  ff.  Erasmi  opp.  ed.  B. 
Rhenanus.  Basil.  1540.  IX  voll.  fol.  ed.  (Jo.  Clericus).  Lugd.  Bat.  1703  seq. 
XI  voll.  fol. 

21  The  Colloquia  familiaria  date  from  a  period  later  than  the  beginning  of  the 
reformation,  and  bear  marks  of  the  influence  exerted  on  Erasmus  by  that  event. 
The  purjjose  of  the  Enchiridion  he  thus  himself  describes,  Ep.  ad  Jo.  Coletum 
(Opp.  HI.,  I.  p.  95):  Enchiridion  non  ad  ostentationem  ingenii  aut  eloquentias 
conscripsi,  varum  ad  hoc  solum,  ut  mederer  errori  vulgo  religionem  constituentium 
in  ceremoniis,  et  observationibus  pene  plusquam  Judaicis  rerum  corporalium  ;  ea 
quse  ad  pietatem  pertinent  mire  negligentiuni.  How  he  accomplished  this  the 
following  may  serve  for  an  example.  The  fourth  canon  for  a  Christian  life,  which 
he  gives  in  the  Enchiridion  is  (Opp.  T.  V.  p.  25) :  ut  toties  vits  tua;  Christum 
velut  unicum  scopum  pra-figas,  ad  quern  unum  omnia  studia,  omnes  conatus,  omne 
otium  ac  negotium  conferas.  Christum  veio  esse  puta  non  vocem  inanem,  sed 
nihil  aliud,  quam  caritatem,  simplicitatem,  pafientiam,  puritatem,  breviter  quid- 
quid  ille  docuit.  Diabolum  nihil  aliud  intellige,  quam  quidquid  ab  illis  avocat. 
Under  this  head  he  observes  e.  g. :  Sunt  qui  cerfos  Divos  certis  quibusdam  colunt 
cei'emoniis.  Alius  Christophorum  singulis  salutat  diebus,  sed  non  nisi  conspecta 
ejus  imagine  :  quo  tandem  spectans  .'  Ncn)pe  hue,  quod  sibi  persuaserit,  sese  eo 
die  a  mala  morte  tutum  fore.  Alius  Rochum  quendam  adorat :  sed  cur.'  Quod 
ilium  credat  pestem  a  corpore  depellei-e.  Alius  Barbara?,  ant  Georgio  cei-tas  pre- 
culas  admurinurat,  ne  in  manus  hostium  veniat.  Hie  jejunal  Apollonifc,  no 
doleant  denies.  Ille  visit  divi  Job  simulacra,  ul  scabie  careal.  Nonnulli  de  lucro 
certam  portionem  pauperibus  nuncupant,  ne  merces  naufragio  intercidant.   Hieroni 


400  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


cereolus  accenditur,  ut  res  qua;  periit  recipiatnr.  In  summa,  ad  hunc  modum, 
quot  res  sunt  quas  vel  timemus  vel  cupinms,  tolidem  iis  Divos  pra;fecirnus,  qui  et 
ipsi  diversis  nationibus  diversi  sunt,  ut  id  apud  Gallos  valeat  Paulus,  quod  apud 
nostrates  Hieron,  neque  passim  id  valeat  Jacobus  aut  Joannes,  quod  illo 
atque  illo  loco.  Qua;  quidem  pietas,  nisi  a  respectu  coinniodoruni  atque  incom- 
modoium  corporaliuni  ad  Christum  referatur,  a  Deo  Christiana  non  est,  ut  non 
ita  multuiu  absit  a  superstitione  eorum,  qui  quondam  Herculi  decimam  bono- 
rum  partem  vovebant,  ut  ditescerent,  aut  ^sculapio  gallum,  ut  a  morbo  revales- 
cerent,  aut  qui  Neptuno  taurum  caidebant,  ut  feliciter  navigarent.  Nomina 
quidem  commutata  sunt,  sed  titiis  utrisque  communis.  In  the  Encomium  Moriae 
he  says  e.  %.  (Ojip.  T.  IV.  p.  443):  Illud  hominuin  genus  baud  dubie  totum  est 
nostra;  farinae,  (jui  miraculis  ac  prodigiosis  gaudcnt  mendaciis,  vel  audiendis  vel 
narrandis.  —  Atque  ha;c  quidem  non  modo  ad  levandum  horarum  taedium  mire 
couducunt,  vcrum  etiam  ad  quasstum  pertinent,  i)r;ecipue  Sacriticis  et  Conciona- 
toribus.  His  rursum  adiines  sunt  ii,  qui  sibi  stullam  quidem,  sed  tamen  jucundam 
persuasioneui  induerunt,  futurum,ut,  si  ligneum  aut  pictum  aliquem  Polyphemum 
Christophorum  adspexcrint,  eo  die  non  sint  perituri.  —  Nam  quid  dicam  de  iis,  qui 
sibi  fictis  scelerum  condonationibus  suavis<ime  blaiidiuntur,  ac  Purgatorii  spatia 
veluti  clepsydris  metiuntur,  ssecula,  annus,  menses,  dies,  boras  tanquam  e  tabula 
mathematica  cilra  ullum  errorem  dimetientes.  Aut  de  iis,  qui  magicis  quibusdam 
notulis  ac  preculis,  quas  plus  aliquis  impostor,  vel  animi  causa,  vel  ad  qusstum 
excogitavit,  freti  nihil  sibi  non  poUicentur,  opes,  honores,  voluptates,  —  denique 
proxiiiium  Christo  apud  Supero?  consessum,  (juem  tamen  nolint  nisi  admodum  sero 
coufingei'e,  h.  e.  cum  hujus  vitas  voluptates  invilos  eos  ac  mordicus  retinentes 
tamen  deseruerint,  turn  succcdant  illoe  Cceiitum  deliciae.  Hie  ndhi  puta  negotiator 
aliquis,  aut  miles,  aut  judex  aljjecto  ex  tot  rapiuis  unico  nummulo  vitae  Lernam 
semel  expurgatam  putat,  totque  perjuria,  tot  libidines,  tot  ebrietates,  tot  rixas,  tot 
csedes,  tot  impo-ituras,  tot  perlidias,  tot  prodiliones  existimat  velut  ex  pacto  redimi, 
et  ita  redimi,  ut  jam  liceat  ad  novum  scelerum  orbem  de  integro  reverti.  Quid 
autem  stultius  iis,  imo  quid  felicius,  quiseptem  illis  sacrorum  Psalmorum  versicu- 
lis  quotidie  rccitatis  plus  quam  summaui  feliciiatem  sibi  promittunt .''  Atque  hos 
mao;icos  versiculos  Daemon  quispiam,  f'acetus  quidem  ille,  sed  futilis  magis  quam 
calfidus,  divo  Tjcrnardo  creditur  indicasse,  sed  arte  circumventus  miser.  Et  ha;c 
tarn  stulta,  ut  me  ipsam  propemodum  pudeat,  tamen  approbantur,  idque  non  a 
vulgo  modo,  varum  etiam  a  religionis  prol'essoribus.  Quid  jam,  nonne  eodeiu  fere 
pertinet,  cum  singula;  regiones  suum  aliquem  peculiarem  vindicant  Divum, 
cumque  in  singulos  singula  quiedam  parliuntur,  singulis  sues  quosdam  culturae 
ritus  attribuunt,  ut  hie  in  dentium  cruciatu  succurrat,  ille  parturientibus  dexter 
adsit,  alius  rem  furto  sublatam  restituat,  hie  in  nauf'ragio  prosper  adfulgeat,  ille 
gregem  tueatur :  atque  item  de  ca;teris.  Nam  omnia  percensere  longissimura 
fuerit.     Sunt  qui  singuli  pluribus  in  rebus  valeant,  prascipue   Deipara  Virgo,   cui 


vulgus  hominum  plus  prope  tribuit,  quam  Filio.     Verum  ab  his  Divis  quid  tandem 
petunt  homines  nisi   quod  ad   stultitiam  attinet  ? 


iguli  ph 
_  js  prope 
petunt  homines  n'isi  quod  ad  stultitiam  attinet?  Agedum  inter  tot  anathemata, 
quibus  templorum  quorundarn  parietes  omnes,  ac  testudinem  ipsam  refertam  con- 
spicitis,  vidistisne  unquam  qui  stultitiam  effugerit  qui  vel  pilo  sit  factus  sapientior  ? 
Alius  enatavit  incolunds.  Alius  ab  hoste  perfossus  vixit.  —  Alius  a  marito  depre- 
hensus  elu-sit.  Nullus  pro  depulsa  stultitia  gratias  egit.  Adeo  suavis  quidam  res 
est  nihil  sapere,  ut  omnia  potius  deprecentur  mortales,  quam  Moriam.  Sed  quid 
ego  hoc  superstitionum  pelagus  ingredior.'  —  Usque  adeo  omnis  omnium  Christia- 
norum  vita  istiusmodi  deliralionibiis  undique  scatet:  quas  ipsas  tamen  Sacrifici  non 
gravatim  et  adirdttunt  et  alunt,  non  ignari,  quantum  hinc  lucelli  soleat  accrescere. 
Inter  ha;c,  si  quis  odiosus  sapiens  exoiialur,  succinatque  id,  qnod  res  est,  non 
male  peribis,  si  bene  vixeris;  peccata  I'edimes,  si  nummulo  addideris  odium 
malefactorum,  tum  lacrymas,  vigilias,  precationes,  jejnnia,  ac  totam  vitas  rationem 
coiruiiutaris;  Divus  hie  til)i  favebit,  si  vitair.  illius  ;Emulaberis :  hfec,  inquam, 
atque  id  genus  alia,  si  sapiens  ille  obganniat,  vide  a  quanta  felicitate  repente 
mortalium  anirrios,  in  quern  tuuuiltum  reiraxcrit.'  P.  4.50:  Sic  sculptus  est  hoiiunis 
animus,  ut  longo  magis  fiicis,  quam  veris  capiatur. —  Si  quis  sit  Divus  fabulo-ior  et 
posticus,  quoii  si  exeii'.pluin  requiris.  finge  huju-!  generis  Georgium,  aut  Christo- 
phorum, aut  Baibaram  ;  videbilis  hunc  longc  religiosius  coii,  quam  Petrum,  aut 
Paulum,  aut  ipsum  etiam  Christum.  P.  4f)3:  Porro  Theologos  silentio  transire  for- 
tasse  praestiterit,  ku)  t«i/t>jv  xafia^imv  »h  xtH7>,  nee  hanc  anagyrim  tangere,  utpote 


Chap.  V.    Rfformcrs.    §  153.    Desiderius  Erasmus.         401 


genus  homimim  mire  superciliosuin  atqiie  irritabile,  ne  forte  (urmatiin  sexcentis  con- 
clusionibus  adoiiantur,  el  ad  palinoiliam  adisant,  quod  si  recusem,  protinus  hcereticatn 
clainitent.     Nam  illico  sclent  hoc  terrere  I'ulmine,  si  cui  sunt  parum  propitii.    Sane 
quamqiiam  non  alii  sunt,  qui  minus  libentcr  agnoscant  meam  in  so  beneficentiam, 
tamen  lii  quoque  non  mediocribus  nominibus  obstricti  sunt,  dnni  fclices  sua  pbilau- 
tia,  peiinde   quasi  ipsi   teitium  incolant  cuelum,  ita  reliquos  mortaieis  onineis  ut 
hunii  reptantes  pccudes  e  sublimi  despiciunt,  ac  piope  commiserantur,  duni  tanto 
ma°;istralium  definitionuni,  conclusionum,  corollariorum,  piopositionum  explicita- 
runi  et  iraplicitarum  agmine  septi  sunt,  tot  exuberant  x^rKrfuyiTms,  ut  nee  Vulcanus 
vinculis  sic  possint  irretiri,  quin  elabantur  distiuctionibus,  quibus  nodos  omneis  adeo 
facile  secant,  ut  non  Tenedia  bipennis  melius  :  tot  nuper  excogitatis  yocabulis,  ac 
prodigiosis  vocibus  scatent.  —  In  quibus  omnibus  tantum  est  eruditionis,  tantum 
dirticultatis,  ut  existimem  ipsis  Apostolis  alio  spiritu  opus  fore,  si  cogantur  hisce  de 
rebus  cum  hoc  novo  Theologorum  genere  conserere  manus.     Pauhis  fidem  prae- 
stare  potuit :  at  idem  cum  ait:  fides  est  substantia  rerum  sperandarwn,  argu- 
mentum   non    apparentiuin,  parum    magistraliter   definivit.     Item    ut    cantatem 
optima  pra-stitit,  ita  parum  dialectice  vel  dividit,  vel  finit  in  priore  ad  Cor.  epistola, 
c.  xiii,  etc.     Of  the   useless  questions  of  the  Scholastics  compare  his  Annot.   in 
1  Tim.  I.  6.     See  above,   §  143,  note  7.     P.  481:  Principum   quidem  institutuin 
summi    Pontilices,  Cardinales,    et  Episcopi  jam    pridein    gnaviter  a;mulantur,  ac 
pro|)e  superant.    Porro  si  quis  perpendat,  quid  linea  vestis  admoneat,  niveo  candore 
insignis,  nempe  vitam  undiquaque  inculpatam  ;  quid  sibi  velit  niitra  bicornis, 
puta  Novi  pariter  et  Vcteris  Instrumenti  absolutam  scientiam ;  —  haec,  inquam, 
atque  id  genus  multa  si  quis  perpendat,  nonne  tristem  ac  solllcitam  vitam  egeiit? 
Atnunc'belle  faciunt,  cum  sese  pascunt,  ca^erum  ovium  curam  aut  ipsi  Christo 
mandant,  aut  in  Fratres,  quos  vocant,  ac  vicarios  rejiciunt.     Neque  vel  nominis 
sui  recordantur,  quid  sonet  Episcopi  vocabulum,  nempe  laborem,  curam,  sollicitu- 
dinem.     Verum  in  irretiendis  pecuniis  plane  Episcopos  agunt,  oil'  aXaoirxiivin. 
Jam  summi  Pontilices,  qui  Christi  vices  gerunt,  si  concntur  ejusdem  vitam  ttmu- 
lari,   nempe   paupertatem,  labores,  doctrinam,  crucein,  vita;   contemptum,   si   vel 
Papa;,  i.  e.  patris  nomen,  vel   Sanctissimi  cognomen  cogitent :  quid  erit  in  terris 
afflictius  .'  aut  quis  eum  locum  omnibus  emat  facultalibus  ;  emptum  gladi6,  veneno 
omnique  vi  tueatur  ?     Quantum  his  abstulerit  commoditatum,  si  scmel  incessiverit 
sapientia  .'     Sapientia  dixi .'  imo  vel  mica  salis  illius,  cujus  meminit  Christus.  — 
At  nunc  fere,  si  quid  laboris  est,  id  Petro  et  Paulo  retinquitur,  quibus  abunde  satis 
est  otii.     Porro  si  quid  splendoris  aut  voluptalis,  id  sibi  sumunt.     Atque  ita  tit  raea 
quidem  opera,  ut  nullum  pa?ne  hominum  genus  vivat  mollius,  minusque  sollicitum, 
ut  qui  abunde  Christo  satisfactum   existiment,  si  mystico  ac  panie  scenico  ornatu, 
cerimoniis,  Beatitudinum,  Reverentiarum,  Sanctitatum   titulis,  et  benedictionibus 
ac  maledictionibus  Episcopos  agant.     Priscum  et  obsoletum,  nee  horum  omnino 
temporum,    miracula   edere :    docere    populum,    laboriosum  :    sacras   interpretari 
litteras,  scholasticum  :  orare,  otiosum  :  lacrymas  fundere,   miserum  ac  muliebre: 
egere,  sordidum  :  vinci,  turpe  parumque  dignum  eo,  qui  vix  Reges  etiam  summos 
ad  pedum  beatorum  admittit  oscula  :    denique  inori,  inamabile :  tolli  in   crucem, 
infame.     Restant  sola  ha;c  arma  ac  benedictiones  dulces,  quarum  meminit  Paulus 
(Rom.   xvi.    18),   atque   harum   quidem  sunt  sane   quam   benigni,  interdictiones, 
suspensiones,  aggravationes,  anathematizationes,  ultrices  picturs,  ac  fulmen  illud 
territicum,  quo  solo  nutu  mortalium  animas  vel  ultra  tartara  mittunt.     Quod  ipsum 
tamen  sanctissimi  in   Christo  patres,  et  Christi  vicarii  in  nullos  torquent  acrius, 
quam    in   eos,    qui    instigante    Diabolo    patrimonia   Petri  minuere  atque  arrodere 
conantur.     Cujus  cum  ha;c  vox  sit  in  Evangelio :  reliquimus  omnia,  et  sequuti 
sumus  te,  tamen  hujus  patrimonium  appellant  agros,  oppida,  vecligalia,  portitoria, 
ditiones.     Pro  quibus  dum  zelo  Christi  accensi,  ferro  ignique  dimicant,  non  absque 
plurimo  Christiani  sanguinis  dispendio,  tum  demum   Ecclesiam   Cliristi  sponsara 
sese  credunt  apostolice  defendere,  fortiter  profligatis,  ut  vocant,  hostibus.     Quasi 
vero  ulli  sint  hostes  Ecclesia;  perniciosiores,  quam  impii  Pontilices,  qui  et  silentio 
Christum  sinunt  abolescere,  ct  quajstuariis  legibus  alligant,  et  coactis  interpreta- 
tionibus  adulterant,  et  pesiilente  vita  jugulant.  —  P.  485  :  Jam  vero  vulgus  Sacer- 
dotum,  nefas    esse    ducens,   a   Prssulum  suorum   sanctimonia  degenerare,  euge, 
quam  militariter  pro  jure  decimarum  ensibus,  jaculis,  saxis,  omnique  armoruni  vi 
bellio-erantur:  quam  hie  oculati,  si  quid  ex  veterum  litteris  possint  elicere,  quo 
plebeculam  territent,  et  plus  quam  decimas  deberi  convincant.     At  interim  non 
VOL.    III.  51 


402  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

for    a   thorough    reformation.22     Not   less    important  were  the  hints 

venit  in  mcntein,  qiiani  niulta  passim  legantur  de  officio,  quod  ilii  vicissim  prae- 
stare  populo  debeant.  Nee  saltciii  adinonet  eos  vertex  rasus,  Sacerdotein  omnibus 
hujiis  mundi  eupiditatibus  libeium  esse  oportcrc,  neque  quidquam  nisi  coelestia 
meditari.  Sed  homines  suaves  se  suo  officio  probe  peitunctos  ajunt,  si  preculas 
illas  suas  iitcumque  permurmurarint,  quas  n»e  Heicule  demiror  si  qiiis  Deus  vel 
audiat,  vel  intelligat,  cum  ipsi  fere  nee  audiant,  nee  intelligant,  tuni  cum  eas  ore 
perstrepunt. 

"  Here  are  to  be  reckoned  his  hibors  on  the  New  yestament,  his  editions  of 
Cyprian  and  Jerome,  and  iiis  translations  of  the  works  of  Origen,  Athanasius,  and 
Cln-ysostom,  and  especially,  Ratio  vera'  theologiw,  Ecclcsiastes  s.  de  ratione  concio- 
nandi,  and  a  Commentary  on  some  Psalms,  all  contained  in  his  0pp.  ed.  Clerici, 
T.  V.  As  a  specimen  of  the  progress  he  had  made  in  theological  knowledge,  see 
tii-st  his  just  remark  on  the  manner  in  which  the  various  dogmas  and  usages  grew 
up  in  the  Christian  church,  Annot.  on  Matth.  xi.  30,  juguni  meum  suave  :  Que- 
madmodum  apud  Judfeos  legem  per  se  molestam  aggravabant  hominum  constitu- 
tiones,  ita  cavendum  est  etiam  atque  etiam,  ne  Christi  legem,  per  se  blandam  ac 
levem,  gravem  et  asperam  reddant  humanarum  constitutionum  ac  dogmatum  acces- 
siones.  Queb  sic  primum  obrepunt,  ut  vel  tanquam  pusilla  negligantur,  vel  pietatis 
specie  commendata  libenter  amplectantur  etiam  homines  probi  magis  quani  providi. 
Seniel  recepta  paulalim  gliscunt  augescuntque,  donee  in  immensum  aucta  jam 
nolentes  premant  et  obruant,  seu  consuetudinis,  cujus  violcnta  tyrannis  est,  pre- 
sidio, seu  Principum  auctoritate,  quod  temere  receptum  est  in  suum  emolumentum 
abutentium,  mordicustpje  retinentium.  Quam  pura,  quam  simplex  fides  a  Christo 
nobis  tradita,  quam  luiic  simile  symbolum,  sive  ab  Apostolis  ipsis,  sive  a  viris 
apostohcis  prodituni !  Huic  delude  multum  adjunxit  Ecclcsia.  dissidiis  Hsretico- 
rum  dissecta  vexataque  :  quorum  etsi  qusdam  sunt,  qua;  citra  fidei  dispendium 
poterant  omitti,  tamcn  pleraque  videbantur  etiamnum  ad  rem  pertinere.  Tot  jam 
erant  symbola,  quot  homines,  nihilo  melius  bona;  fidei  signum,  quam  cum  in  con- 
tractibus  res  multis  ac  verbosis  syngraphis  agitur,  qua;  cum  ad  excludendas  cap- 
tiones  adhibeantur,  quo  circumspectius  scripts  sunt,  hoc  plus  captionum  solent  fere 
gignere.  Postremo  res  eo  paulatim  deducta  est,  ut  Scholasticorum  aliquot  placita, 
quos  articulos  vocant,  aut  homunculorum  quorundam  nova  quxnlam  ad  fastum 
comminiscentium  vel  opiniones,  vel  souuiia  propcmodum  asquentur  articulis  fidei 
apostolicas.  Atque  in  his  nee  scholae  diversfe,  nee  ejusdem  schola;  niystae  inter  se 
consentiunt :  neque  apud  ipsos  perpetua  sunt,  sed  pro  tempore  mutantur.  Et 
tamen  ita  primum  irrepserunt,  ut  in  scholis  tantuni  haberentur  probabiles  opiniones. 
Mox  scholas  parietes  egresss  in  libros,  ct  in  publicas  adeo  consciones  eruperunt. 
Ac  sa;penumero  fit,  ut  quod  semel  utcunquo  prodidit  definiendi  temeritas,  con- 
firmet  et  augeat  tuendi  pertinacia.  Sunt  autem  pleraque  hujus  generis,  ut  im- 
pium  sit  homini  de  his  definire.  Qualia  fere  sunt,  quae  de  ratione  essentia; 
divinas,  deque  distinctionc  Personarum  phllosophamur. — His  proxima  sunt,  quse 
de  ratione  inysterioruu},  velut  e  coelo  petita,  pronunciamus  :  cum  magis  ad  pietatem 
facial  ex  his  excerpere,  qua;  ad  vita;  sanctimoniam  conducant.  Verum  ha;c  pro- 
nunciandi  temeritas  a  Veteribus  orta  nunc  longius  progressa  est,  quam  ut  ferri 
possit.  He  then  passes  to  the  onus  humanaium  constitutionum,  the  multitude  of 
hierarchs,  qui  reUgionis  imagine  personati,  ventris  agunt  negotium,  the  innumer- 
able regulations  concerning  dress,  fasts,  festivals,  vows,  marriage,  confession, 
serving  only  to  oppress  the  people  and  enrich  the  clergy.  In  templis  vix  vacat 
Evangeliumintcrpretari.  Concionis  bona  pars  ad  Commissariorum  (the  indulgence 
merchants)  arbitrium  consuuienda  est.  Nonnunquam  ct  sacrosancta  Christi  doc- 
trina  aut  supprimenda,  aut  ad  illorum  rem  detorquenda.  Ad  ha;c  qui  modeste  pii 
sunt,  taciti  secum  ingemiscunt.  Qui  populi  mails  aluntur,  et  quorum  interest 
Christi  gregem —  quam  maxime  servum  esse  et  obnoxium,  adeo  non  reclamant,  ut 
modis  omnibus  exaggerent.  Accedunt  lis,  qui  vel  ambiunt  pra;mium  aliquod 
obsequii,  vel  timent  p<rnam  libertatis.  Ita  dum  nemo  succurrit,  res  paulatim  eo 
prolabitur,  ut  pene  nihil  jam  pudeat.  —  Nee  ulla  superest  medendi  spes,  nisi  si 
Christus  ipse  vertat,  aut  ccrtc  excitet  Pontilicum  ac  Principum  animos  ad  ea  que 
veras  sunt  pietatis  :  aut  Theologi  et  Concionatores,  non  sediliosis  clamoribus,  sed 
sobrie  placideque  qua;  Christo  digna  sunt,  magno  consensu  doceant  et  inculcent.  — 
Tumultus  ubique  vitandus :  et  prffistat  ferre  Principes  impios,  quam  novatis  rebus 


Chap.  V.    Reformers.     §  153.     Thomas  More.  403 

given  by  Sir  Thomas  More  in   his  Utopia   (1516),  of  the  points   in 
which  a  reform  was  to  be  wished  for  in  the  church.-"^ 


gravius  malum  accersere  (according  to  which  principle  Erasmus  at  a  later  peiiod 
condemned  Luther's  reformation).  Ann.  ad  1  Cor.  vii.  39,  he  investigated  the 
question:  an  liceat  ut  matrimonia  quajdam  diriinantur,  non  teinerc,  sed  gravibus 
de  causis,  neque  per  quoslibet,  sed  per  Ecclesia;  pra,'fectos,  aut  judices  legitimos, 
et  ita  dirimantur,  ut  liberum  sit  utrique  cui  velit  jungi,  aut  alteri  certe,  qui 
divortio  non  dederit  causain.  Scio  qusdam  esse  ejus  generis,  ut  ncfas  sit  ceu 
dubia  vocare  in  dispulationem.  —  Qusdam  ita  recepta  sunt  auctoritate  Ecclesias, 
ut  pro  re  nata  possint  mutari.  In  illustration  of  this  last  position,  he  gives,  in 
attempting  to  prove  the  lawfulness  of  divorces  from  the  Scriptures,  and  the  usages 
of  the  early  churches,  the  following  instances:  In  Actis  Apostoloi-um  solenni 
celebrique  Concilio  decretum  ac  piomulgatum  est,  ut  qui  ex  Paganisino  coopta- 
j-entur  in  Christianos,  abstinerent  ah  idolothytis,  a  sutTocato  aniinante,  a  sanguine, 
et  a  stiipro.  —  Et  tamen  quod  ibi  decretum  est,  adeo  est  antiquatum,  ut  nunc 
judaizare  crederetur,  qui  abhorreret  a  gallina  sufibcafa,  aut  fartis  sanguine  dis- 
tentis.  —  Paulus  vetat  Episcopum  fieri  qui  neophytus  sit,  aut  percussor,  aut  vino- 
lentus.  At  hodie  Romanus  Pontifex  vel  heri  bapfizatum,  vel  piratam  publicum 
admittet  ad  honorem  episcopalem,  si  videatur,  nihil  deterritus  Paulina  constitu- 
tione.  In  synaxi  transsubstantiationem  sero  definivit  Ecclesia :  diu  satis  erat 
credere,  sive  sub  pane  consecrato,  sive  quocumque  modo  adesse  verum  corpus 
Christi :  ubi  rem  propius  contemplata  est,  ubi  exactius  expendit,  certius  prae- 
scripsit.  Non  erant  ha;retici,  qui  olim  credidissent  Spiritum  Sanctum  a  Patre 
duntaxat  procedere,  et  baud  scio,  an  maxima  pars  Christianoruni  piiniitus  ita 
crediderit :  expensa  re  detiniit  Ecclesia,  quod  liodie  sequiiuur.  Idem  videtur 
accidisse  in  conceptione  b.  Virginis,  si  tamen  hoc  Ecclesia  sic  detiniit,  ut  ha'reti- 
cus  sit  habendus  qui  dubitet.  —  Nemo  priscorum  audebat  clare  pronuntiare,  Spiri- 
tum Sanctum  esse  Patri  Filioque  homousion,  ne  turn  quidem,  quum  quajstio  de 
Filio  tanta  contentione  per  universum  orbem  agitaretur.  —  Nunc  audemus  pro- 
fiteri.  Afterwards  on  the  question,  whether  marriage  is  a  sacrament?  Jam  vero 
quod  de  sacramento  atferunt,  cujusmodi  sit,  videamus,  per  quod  volunt  omne 
niatrimonium  semel  contractu?n  esse  indissolubile.  Neque  enim  hie  Augustinus, 
qui  tria  bona  ponit  in  matrimonio,  quum  tertium  sacramentum  vocat,  sentit  unum 
6  septem  sacramentis  :  quod  ipsum  subnotare  videtur  Petrus  Lombardus  Dist. 
XXXI  :  imo  baud  scio,  an  hoc  sacramentum  septimum  veteribus  fuerit  cognitum. 
Primum  quod  Dionysius  enumerans  nominatim  singula,  et  singulorum  vires,  ritus 
ac  ceremonias  explicans,  de  conjugio  nuUam  facit  mentionem.  —  Delude  quum 
tot  voluminibus  tractatuin  sit  de  matrimonio  vel  a  Graecis  vel  a  Latinis,  nullus 
est  locus  unde  liqueat,  illos  conjugium  inter  septem  sacramenta  commeinorare.  — 
Veruni  cur  hwc  recenseo,  quum  Uurandus  (see  §  113,  note  ])  fateatur,  niatrimo- 
nium a  recentioribus  Theologis  denique  numerari  coeptum  inter  ea,  qune  proprie 
dicuntur  Ecclesiaj  sacramenta  .'  Porro  quod  Paulum  sequuti  veteres  matrimonium 
aliquoties  vocant  sacramentum,  id  sentiunt,  opinor,  in  copula  viri  et  uxoris,  quo- 
niarn  est  arctissima  amicitia,  reprfesentari  typuin  quendam  et  imaginem  Christi, 
sponsam  Ecclesiam  sibi  copulantis.  In  general  with  regard  to  Erasmus'  merits, 
see  John  Turzo,  bishop  of  Breslau,  letter  to  Erasmus,  dd.  1  Dec.  1519  (Erasmi 
0pp.  III.  I.  p.  522):  At  tu  quomodo  tibi  non  injurius  vidcri  possis,  qui  laudes, 
quibus  te  universus  propemodum  orbis  verissime  prosequitur,  —  averseris  ?  De- 
bentur  profecto  tibi  longe  majora,  praesertiin  cum  tui  unius  patiocinio  omnium 
honestissimarum  disciplinarum  nitor,  multo  jam  barbariei  situ  et  squalore  obtene- 
bratus,  resplendescat,  tum  sincere  quoque  illius  theologife  puritas,  et  sanctissima 
studia,  prope  ad  interitum  redacta,  te  parentCj  te  duce,  veluti  renata  toto  orbe 
reflorescant. 

23  De  optimo  reipublicae  statu  deque  nova  insula  Utopia.  In  the  description  of 
this  ideal  republic,  there  is  a  section  lib.  II.  (ed.  Glasgua;,  1750.  8vo.  p.  227)  de 
religionibus  Utopiensium  :  Religiones  sunt  non  per  insulam  modo,  verum  singulas 
etiam  urbes  variaj,  aliis  solem,  lunam  aliis,  aliis  aliud  ei-rantium  siderum  Dei 
vice  venerantibus.  Sunt,  quibus  homo  quispiam,  cujus  olim  aut  virtus  aut  gloria 
enituit,  non  pro  Deo  tantum,  sed  pro  summo  etiam  Deo  suspicitur.  At  multo 
maxima  pars,  eademque  longe  prudentior,  nihil  horum,  sed  unum  quoddam  numen 


404  Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 


pulant,  incoo:nituiiij  feternum,  iinmensiiin,  —  per  luiindum  hunc  universniii  virtute, 
lion  mole,  diffusuni  :  luinc  parentein  vocaiit,  origincs,  auctus,  progressus,  vices, 
finesque  reruin  omniuiii  liuic  acccpto-i  iini  rei'erutif,  nee  divinos  honores  alii  pi-a»- 
terea  ulli  applicant.  Qain  caeteris  quoquc  orniiibiis,  quanquam  diversa  ci-edenti- 
bus,  hoc  tainen  cum  istis  convenit,  quod  esse  quidem  unum  censent  summum, 
cui  et  universitatis  opiticium  et  providentia  debeatur,  eumque  communiter  oinnes 
patria  lingua  Mithrani  appellant.  —  Cajterum  paulatim  cranes  ab  ea  superstitionum 
varietate  desciscunt,  atque  in  unam  illam  coalescunt  religionem,  quce  reliquas 
ratione  videtur  antecellere.  —  At  posteaqiiam  acceperunt  a  nobis  Christi  nomen, 
doctrinam,  mores,  miracula,  —  non  credas  quam  pronis  in  earn  sectam  afflectibus 
etiam  ipsi  concesserint.  —  Haud  pauci  nostrum  in  i-eligionem  coierunt,  lymphaque 
sacra  sunt  abluti.  Verum  quoniam  in  nobis  —  nemo  —  sacerdos  ei-at,  caiteris  ini- 
tiati  ea  tamen  sacramenta  desiderant,  qua?  apud  nos  non  nisi  sacerdotes  confei-unt: 
intelligunt  tamen  optanttjuc  ita  ut  nihil  vehemenlius.  Quin  hoc  quoque  sedulo 
jam  inter  se  disputant,  an  sine  christiani  Pontiticis  niissu  quisquam  e  suo  numero 
delectus  sacerdotii  coiiscquatur  charactcrem  :  et  electuri  sane  videbantur,  veruni 
quum  ego  discederem,  nondum  elegerant.  Quin  hi  quoque,  religioni  christianai 
qui  non  assentiunt,  nemincm  tamen  abstei-rent,  nullum  oppugnant  imbutuin,  nisi 
quod  unus  e  nostro  cuctu  me  prajsente  coiircilus  est.  Is  quum  recens  ablutus, 
nobis  contra  suadentibus,  de  Christi  cultu  publico  majore  studio  quam  prudentia 
dissereret,  usque  adco  ccepit  incalescere,  ut  jam  non  nostra  modo  sacra  ceteris 
antel'erret,  sed  reliqua  protinus  universa  damnaret,  profiina  ipsa,  cultores  impios 
ac  sacrilegos,  ffiterno  plectendos  igni  vociferaretur.  Talia  diu  concionantem  com- 
prehendunt,  ac  reum  non  sprets  religionis,  sed  excitali  in  populo  tumultus,  agunt, 
peraguntque,  damnatum  exilio  mulclant.  Siquidem  hoc  inter  antiquissima  insti- 
tuta  numerant,  ne  sua  cuiquam  religio  fraudi  sit.  Utopus  enim  jam  inde  ab 
initio  —  in  priniis  sanxit,  uti,  quam  cuique  religionem  libeat  sequi  liceat ;  ut  vero 
alios  quoque  in  suam  traducat,  hactenus  niti  possit,  uti  placide  ac  modeste  suam 
rationibus  adstruat,  non  ut  acerbe  caeteras  destruat.  —  Haec  Utopus  instituit  non 
respectu  pacis  modo,  —  sed  quod  arbitratus  est,  uti  sic  decerneretur,  ipsius  etiam 
religionis  interesse,  de  qua  nihil  est  ausus  temere  definire,  velut  incertum  habens, 
an  varium  ac  multiplicem  expetens  cultum  Deus  aliud  inspiret  alii.  Certe  vi  ac 
minis  exigere,  ut  quod  tu  verum  credis  idem  omnibus  videatur,  hoc  vero  et  insolens 
et  ineptum  censuit.  Turn  si  maxime  una  vera  sit,  caetei-ae  omnes  vana-,  facile 
tamen  prKvidit  (modo  cum  ratione  ac  niodestia  res  agatur)  futurum  denique,  ut 
ipsa  per  se  veri  vis  emcrgat  aliquando  atque  emineat:  sin  armis  et  tumultu  certe- 
tur,  ut  sunt  pessimi  quique  maxime  pervicaces,  optimam  et  sanctissimam  religio- 
nem ob  vanissimas  inter  se  superstitiones,  ut  segctcs  inter  spinas  ac  fiutices, 
obrutum  iri.  Itaque  banc  totam  rem  in  medio  posuit,  et  quid  credendum  putaret, 
liberum  cuique  reliqnit :  nisi  quod  sancte  aut  severe  vetuit,  ne  quis  usque  adeo 
ab  humana;  natura;  dignitate  degeneret,  ut  animas  quoque  interire  cum  corpore, 
aut  mundum  temere  ferri  sublata  providentia  putet.  Atque  ideo  post  banc  vitam 
supplicia  vitiis  decreta,  virtuti  prajmia  constituta  credunt:  contra  sentientem  ne  in 
hominum  quidem  ducunt  numero,  ut  qui  subliniem  animas  sua  naturam  ad  pecuini 
corpusculi  vilitatem  dcjecerit:  tantum  abest,  ut  inter  cives  ponant,  quoi-um  insti- 
tuta  moresquai  (si  per  metum  liceat)  omnes  floccifacturus  sit.  —  Quamobrem  sic 
animato  nuUus  communicatur  honos,  nullus  magistratus  committitur,  nulli  publico 
muneri  prfelicitur:  —  caeterum  nuUo  afficiunt  supplicio,  quod  persuasum  habeant, 
nulli  hoc  in  manu  esse,  ut  quicquid  libet  sentiat.  —  Verum,  ne  pro  sua  disputet 
sententia,  probibent,  atque  in  duntaxat  apud  vulgus :  nam  alioquin  apud  sacerdotes 
gravesque  viros  seorsum  non  sinunt  modo,  sed  hortantur  quoque,  coniisi  fore,  ut 
ea  tandem  vesania  rationi  cedat.  —  Gratum  Deo  cultum  putant  naturae  contempla- 
tionem,  laudemque  ab  ea.  Sunt  tamen,  bique  haud  sane  pauci,  qui  religione 
ducti  litei-as  negligunt,  nulli  rerum  cognitioni  student,  neque  otio  prorsus  ulli 
vacant,  negotiis  tantum  bonisque  ca^teris  officiis  statuunt  futuram  post  fata  felicita- 
tem  promereri.  Itaque  alii  a-grotis  inserviunt,  alii  vias  reticiunt,  —  nee  in  publi- 
cum modo,  sed  privatim  quoque  ministros  ac  plus  quam  servos  agunt:  nam 
quicquid  usquam  opei-is  est  asperum,  difficile,  sordidum,  —  hoc  illi  sibi  totum 
libentes  hilaresque  desumunt ;  casteris  otium  procui'ant,  ipsi  perpetuo  in  opere  ac 
labore  versantur:  nee  imputant  tamen,  ncc  aliorum  sugillant  vitam,  nee  suam 
efferunt.  Hi  quo  magis  sese  servos  exhibent,  co  majore  apud  omnes  in  honore 
sunt.     Eorum  tamen  haereses  du»  .sunt:  altera  coelibum,  qui  non   Venere  modo 


Chap.    V.     Reformers.     §  153.     Scholastics  arid  Humanists.    405 

It  was  to  be  expected  that  the  Scholastics,  as  the  guardians  of  the 
existiiio-  order  of  things,  would  becouie  excited  against  the  Human- 
ists, by  whom  they  were  constantly  ridiculed,  and  the  state  of  the 
church  so  constantly  censured.  This  hatred  had  already  shown 
itself  in   various    ways,-^  when    Reuchlin's    controversy    with    John 


in  totum  abstinent,  sed  carnium  esu  quoque ;— altera  laboris  baud  minus  appe- 
tens,  conjugium  praefcrt,  ut  cujiis  nee  aspernantur  solatium,  et  opus  naturne  debere 
se  et   patii'a;   liberos   putant.     Nullam    voluptatem    refugiunt,    qua;   nibil  eos    ab 
labore  demoietur;  carnes  quadnipedum  vel  eo  nomine  diligunt,  quod  tali  cibo  se 
validiores  ad  opus  quodque  censeant.    Hos  Utopiani  prudentiores,  at  illos  sanetiores 
reputant:  quos,  quod  ccelibatum  anleferunt  matrimonio,  asperamque  vitam  placidae 
anteponunt,  si  rationibus  niterentur,  irriderent.nunc  vero,  quum  se  tafeantur  rcligione 
duci,  suspiciunt  ac  reverentur.  —  Sua  lingua  Buthrescas  (i.  e.  Gt>v9-^riirKou;)  vocant, 
quod  veibum  latine  Relisiosos licet  interpretari.  Sacerdotes  babent  exunia  sanctitate, 
eoque  adniodum  paucos.  —  Unus  reliquis  pr*ficitur.     Eliguntur  a  populo,  idque 
Cffiterorum  ritu  magistratuum,  occultis,  ad  studia  vitanda,  sufTragiis  :  electi  a  sue 
coUegio    consecrantur.     Hi    rebus    divinis  prassunt,  religiones   curant,   ac  morum 
veluti  censores  sunt.  —  Caeterum  ut  hortari  atque  admonere  illorum  est,  ita  coCr- 
cere  atque  in  facinorosos  animadvertere  Principis  atque  aliorum  est  magistratuum, 
nisi  quod  sacris  interdicunt    quos  improbe    nialos   comperiunt.      Nee    ullum  fere 
supplicium  est   quod   horreant    magis  :    nam  et  summa   percelluntur   infamia,  et 
occulto  religionis  metu    lacerantur,    ne    corporibus    quidem   diu    futuris  in    tutor 
quippe  ni  pioperara  poenitentiam  sacerdotibus  approbcnt,  comprehensi  impietatis 
poenam  senatui  persolvunt.     Pueritia  juventusque  ab  illis  eruditur,  nee  prior  litte- 
rarum  cura,  quam  morum  ac  virtutis  habetur.  —  Sacerdotibus  (ni   Ibemins  sint : 
nam  neque  ille  sexus  excluditur,  sed  rarius,  et  non  nisi  vidua  natuque  grandis 
eligifur)  uxores  sunt  popularium  sclectissima;.     Neque  enim  ulli  apiui   Utopienses 
magistratui  major  habetur  honos;  usque  adeo,  ut,  si  quid  etiam  flagitii  admiserint, 
nuUi  publicojudicio  subsint.     Deo  tantum  ac  sibi  relinquuntur.  — Religio  quoniam 
non  est  ibi  apud  omnes  eadem,  ut  universa;  tamen  ejus  formJE,  quanquam  variae 
ac  multiplices,  in  divina?  natures  cultum,  velut  in  unijm  tinem  diversa  via  corn- 
migrant ;  idcirco  nibil  in  templis  visitur  auditurve,  quod  non  quadrare  ad  cunctas 
in   commune  videatur.     Si  quod  proprium  sit  cujusquam  secta;  sacrum,  id  intra 
domesticosquisque  parietes  curat.     Publica  tali  peragunt  ordlne,  qui  nulli  prorsus 
ex  privatis  deroget:  itaque  nulla  Decrum  effigies  in  templo  conspicitur,  quo  libe- 
rum  cuique  sit,  qua  forma  Deum  velit  e  sua  religione  concipere  :  nullum  pecu- 
liare  Dei  nomen  invocant,  sed  Mithrae  duntaxat,  quo  vocabulo  cuncti   in    unam 
divinfe    majestatis    naturam,  qua;cunque   sit  ilia,   con«pirant :    nulla;  concipiuntur 
preces,  quas  non  pronunciare  quivis  inoffensa  sua  secta  possit.     All   tbis  cannot 
well  be   mere  sport,  as  is  supposed  by  Rudbardt,  S.  156.     The  Utopians  are  not 
described  as  perfect  men,  but  their  customs  are  supposed  to  be  such  as  are  possi- 
ble amongst  men  as  they  are.     That  the  author  was  in  earnest  is  plain  from  the 
whole  book,  and  equally  so  the  application  to  the  existing  state  of  things:  the 
Utopia  closes  thus :  facile  confiteor  permulta  esse  in  Utopiensium  republica,  quae 
in  nostris  civitatibus  optarim  verius  quam  sperarim. 

^  Compare  what  is  related  by  Reucblin  of  his  appearance  in  Basil,  1478,  in  his 
Dedicat.  libri  de  ace.  et  orth.  ad  Adrianum  Card.  (Vita  Beuchlini  descripta  a  J.  H. 
Majo.  p.  161) :  Extra  ordinem  utriusque  generis  auctores  publice  docui.  Atque 
id  primum  studio,  magis  ut  grammatici  quam  elegantes  habereniur.  Quid  enim 
requireres  amplius  ab  hominibus,  qui  annos  jam  supra  trecentos  aliud  nihil  molie- 
bantur,  quam  ut  barbari  essent.'  Unde  cum  loquendi  vitio  amor  etiam  et  voluptas 
quffidam  balbutiendi  insederat.  Sed  prospere  cessit.  Magnae  rei  non  frustra  ad- 
moliti  manum  sumus,  tametsi  strenue  refragarentur  initio  istius  generis  niagistri, 
quos  hodie  scilicet  hostes  patimur,  quibus  corruptissimo  judicio  et  admirabili 
(tiXauria,  tumentibus  nihil  prater  fa;ces  suas  recte  probatur.  Jam  usu  res  ex- 
splende'scebat,  fiebatque,  ut  purius  et  scriberet  et  diceret  juventus  Germanica, 
idque  me  auspice.  Dein  le  accessit  Gra^carum  literarum  studium,  sine  quibus 
nemo  sat  politus  censeri  potest.  Hisce  ad  philosophiam  revocabamur  Aristoteli- 
cam,  quae  nonnisi  a  Grscis  hominibus  proprie  ac  rite  tradi  solet.     Hue  aspirabant. 


406         Third  Period.     Div.   V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

Pfefferkorn  and  the  Dominicans  in  Cologne,  on  the  question,  whether 
the  writings  of  the  Jews  ought  to  be  burned,  gave  the  signal  for  a 
general  contest  between  the  Scholastics  and  Humanists  in  Germany.^^ 

si  qui  bonis  ingeniis,  non  corrupta  ista  et  peituibata  disciplina  infecti  erant.  Sensim 
pueriles  scholaruin  nu^as  deserebantur.  Ihi  vero  supercilia  tollentes  veternosi 
Sophists,  miium,  ut  lidiculi  ajebant,  literarum  genus  a  nobis  traclari,  alienum  a 
Romana  pietate ;  Gra;cos  schismaticos  esse  ;  interdictas  eoruni  disciplinas  contra 
Ecclesiae  decreto  nobis  magistris  prodi.  Viden',  —  quid  passus  a  Sophistis  effece- 
rim,  ut  resipisceret  Germania  vel  tandem  ?  Sero  enini  Phryges  sapiunt.  Erasmus 
relates  in  reference  to  his  etJilion  of  tlie  New  Testament,  Ep.  ad  Capitonera  ann. 
1516  (0pp.  III.  I.  p.  188) :  Nuper  hie  (Antverpia;)  quidam  apud  plebem,  in  sacra 
scilicet  concione,  lachi-ymabili  voce  deploravit,  actum  esse  de  divinis  Uteris  ac 
theologis,  qui  hactenus  tideni  christianam  suis  humeris  fulsissent,  posteaquam 
extitissent,  qui  sacrosanctum  Evangelium,  atque  adeo  ipsam  precationem  domini- 
cam  emendarent :  perinde  quasi  ego  Maltliajum  aut  Lucain  i-eprehendam,  ac  non 
cos  potius,  (juorum  inscitia  incuriave  depravatum  est,  quod  illi  recta  scripserunt. 
So  too  when  at  work  on  the  edition  of  Jerome's  works,  see  Ji!pist.  apotogetica  ad 
Mart.  Dorpium  (0pp.  T.  IX.  v.  d.  Hiirdt  hist,  refoi-m.  liter.  I.  p.  22)  :  Cum  opus 
esset  institutum,  et  fama  jam  percrebuisset,  accurrere  quidem  graves  ut  haben- 
tur  viri,  et  insignes  ut  sibi  videntur  theologi,  per  omnia  sacra  typographum  ob- 
testantes,  ne  quid  Groecitatis  aut  Hebraismi  pateretur  admisceri :  ingens  in  eis 
Uteris  esse  periculum,  nee  quicquam  esse  fructus :  ad  solam  curiositatem  esse 
paratas.  Of  the  reception  of  his  edition  of  the  New  Testament,  he  says,  Ep.  ad 
Leonem  X.  ann.  1519  (1.  c.  p.  490)  :  Ilanc  mire  cousentientibus  calculis  approbant 
omnes,  exceptis  perpaucis,  quorum  alii  slupidioi-cs  sunt,  quam  ut  possint  rectis 
rationibus  coargui,  alii  superbiores,  quam  ut  velint  meliora  discere,  —  quidam 
ambitiosiores,  quam  ut  sustineant  videri  nescisse  quicquam  antehac,  sed  omnes 
ejusmodi,  ut  non  referat  talium  ambisse  suffragium. — Metuebant  tyrannidi  suae, 
quidam  etiam  quajstui,  si  mundus  resipisceret.  Quid  sibi  persuaserint  nescio, 
certe  rudibus  et  indoctis  persuadere  conantur,  linguarum  cognitionem,  bonasque, 
quas  vocant,  literas  advei'saii  theologia::  stuilio,  cum  nullis  disciplinis  ea  magis  vel 
ornetur,  vel  adjuvetur.  Hi  (ut  sunt  omnibus  Musis  et  Gratiis  iratis  nati)  sine  fine 
belligerantur  adversus  studia,  sese  nostris  temporibus  ad  meliorem  frugem  erigen- 
tia.  Summa  vero  victorias  spes  in  meris  sycophantiis  illis  est  sita.  Si  libris  agant, 
nihil  aliud  quam  suam  traducunt  stultitiam,  simul  atque  inscitiam.  Si  rationibus 
conflictantur,  nimirum  superat  manifesta  Veritas:  tantum  apud  imperitam  plebe- 
culam  stultasque  mulicrculas  vociferantur,  quibus  imponere  facillimum  est,  prse- 
scrtim  religionis  prKtextu,  cujus  simulandaj  miri  sunt  artifices.  Pi-aetexunt 
horrenda  nomina,  hsreses,  antichristos  :  jactitant  periclitari,  nutareque  religionem 
chi-istianam,  quam  ipsi  scilicet  suis  humeris  sustinent,  atque  his  tam  odiosis  ad- 
miscent  mentionem  linguarum,  ac  politioris  literaturce.  Hasc,  inquiunt,  horrenda 
dictu  nascuntur  ex  poetica,  nam  hoc  vocabulo  traducunt  quicquid  est  elegantioris 
doctrinas,  hoc  est  quicquid  ipsi  non  didicerunt.  Hujusmodi  ntenias  non  pudet 
etiam  in  sacris  concionibus  deblaterare,  qui  se  pi-a;cones  evangelica;  doctrinee 
haheri  postulant.  Abutuntur  et  Romani  Pontificis  et  Romana  sedis  nomine,  vide- 
licet apud  nullos,  ut  par  est,  non  sacrosancto.  His  technis,  his  cuniculis  adoriri 
parant  etHorescentes  opiimas  literas,  ac  puriorem  illam  theologiam,  suos  fontes 
resipientem.  Nihil  non  tentatum  est,  nullum  calumnia;  genus  non  excogitatum 
in  eos,  quorum  opera  vident  ha;c  studia  gliscere  :  inter  quos  me  quoque  numerant, 
etc.  How  the  more  learned  monks  were  treated  in  the  convents  may  be  seen 
from  the  account  given  by  John  Butzbach,  Prior  of  the  convent  of  Laach,  A.  D. 
1509,  see  Gieseler  Symbolae  ad  hist,  monasterii  Lacensis  ex  codd.  Bonnensibus 
depromtae.  Bonnae,  1826.  8vo.  p.  37  seq.,  and  p.  38:  Si  quispiam  auctorem  aliquem 
legere  coepit  saecularem,  si  carmen  vel  simile  aliquod  edere  tentaverit,  quasi  jam 
religionem  abnegaverit,  continuo  exclamnnt :  quid  iste  fantasticus  fantisat  ^  quid 
delirus  hie  insanit .'  Num  et  ipse  vult  esse  poCta  .'  Crimen  est  apud  tales  nunc 
legere  poetam  ;  carmen  recitavisse,  scelus;  sacrilegium,  novisse  Mantuanum. 
Compare  Hottingeri  Analecta  diss.  I.  p.  5  seq.  Hottinger's  Helvct.  Kirch- 
engesch.  Th.  3.  S.  125.  285  f. 

'^^  The   history    of   which  see  in   v.   d.  Hardt.  hist,  liter.  Reformat.    P.    II. 
Vita  Jo.  Reuchlini  descr.  a  J.  H.  Majo,  p.  250  seq.     Meiners  Lebensbeschr. 


Chap.   V.     Reformers.     §  153.     Scholastics  and  Humanists.     407 

James  Hochstraten,  Prior  of  a  Dominican  convent  in  Cologne,  came 
to  Mayence,  to  condemn  Reuchlin  in  his  capacity  of  Inquisitor 
(1513).-'^  The  bishop  of  Speyer,  as  papal  commissary,  decided  in 
favor  of  Reuchlin  (1514)  ;-''  but  the  Dominicans  appealed  from  his 
decision,  and  put  forth  all  their  influence  in  Rome  to  have  it  re- 
versed.-s  Leo  X.  would  not  venture  to  decide  against  these  formid- 
able servants  of  the  papal  power.-^  Nor,  on  the  other  hand,  was  he 
willing  to  abandon  the  followers  of  the  learning  he  so  much  cherished, 

beruhiiiter  Manner  Bd.  1.  S.  97  ff.  Erhaid's  Gesch.  des  Wiederaufbluhens 
wissenschaftl.  Bildiing  Bd.  2.  S.  292  ff.  W  a  y  e  r  h  o  f  f '  s  Reuchlin  S.  114  ff.  John 
Plefferkorn,  converted  from  Judaism  to  Christianity  in  1506,  and  a  protege  of  the 
Dominicans  in  Cologne,  after  many  ineffectual  attempts  to  convert  the  Jews  by 
his  writings,  at  length  called  on  the  people  to  petition  the  government  to  expel 
all  Jews  from  the  country,  burn  all  their  writings  excepting  the  Scriptures,  and 
educate  their  children  as  Christians.  With  the  help  of  the  Dominicans,  he  soon 
obtained  an  imperial  rescript  for  the  destruction  of  all  the  Jewish  writings  against 
Christianity.  The  emperor  furthermore  commissioned  the  Elector  of  Mayence, 
A.  D.  1510,  to  consult  the  learned  men,  amongst  others  Reuchlin,  as  to  the  pro- 
priety of  causing  all  their  books  excepting  the  Scriptures  to  be  burned  (see  the 
emperor's  letter  in  the  Augenspigel  in  v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  17.).  Reuchlin  gave  it 
as  his  opinion  (printed  in  the  Augenspiegel  1.  c.  p.  20  ff.),  that  only  their  writings 
against  Christianity  deserved  to  be  destroyed.  Against  this  opinion  Pfefferkorn 
is'sued  an  abusive  work  entitled  Handspiegel,  A.  D.  1511,  to  which  Reuchlin  re- 
turned a  bitter  reply,  Augenspiegel  (reprinted  1.  c.  p.  16  seq.).  In  this  work  the 
Dominicans,  who  then  constituted  the  theological  faculty  at  Cologne,  detected 
heresies.  Reuchlin  at  first  tried  to  appease  them  (Epistolce  Reuchlini  lib.  II.  p. 
115.  seq.  in  Mains,  p.  318  seq.),  though  instead  of  suppressing  the  Augenspiegel, 
and  retracting  various  positions  therein,  he  published  a  German  translation  of  it. 
The  Dominicans  immediately  published,  Articuli  sive  propositiones  de  judaico 
favore  nimis  suspects,  ex  libello  theutonico  Domini  Jo.  Reuchlin,  Legum  Doctoris 
(cui  Speculi  ocularis  titulus  inscriptus  est)  extractae,  cum  annotationibus  et  im- 
probationilius  venerabilis  ac  zelosi  viri,  Magistri  nostri  Arnoldi  de  Tungeri, 
Artium  et  sacrse  Theologis  Professoris  profundissimi.  Extracts  from  it  in  Majus, 
p.  .345  seq.).  Reuchlin  defended  himself  with  much  asperity  in  the  Defensio 
contra  calumniatores  snos  Colonienses,  addressed  to  the  Emperor  Tubingae,  1513 
(reprinted  in  v.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  53  seq.).  At  the  same  time  he  called  on  his 
numerous  friends  and  patrons  to  support  him,  and  thus  a  large  party  was  formed 
of  the  Humanists  and  their  protectors  against  the  Dominicans,  see  Meiner's  a.  a. 
O.  S.  143  ff.     These  last  now  resorted  to  the  usual  remedies  of  the  Inquisition. 

■-'^  Concerning  this  process  at  Mayence  see  Reuchlins  Schreiben  an  Wimpheling 
dd.  Stuttgard,  d.  s.  Andrese,  1513,  first  printed  in  Majus,  p.  390  seq.     The  Acta 
in  V.  d.  Hardt  II.  p.  94  seq. 
27  See  t'.  d.  Hardt  II.  114. 

^8  They  made  most  impression  by  inducing  the  theological  faculties  of  Paris, 
Mayence,  Erfurt,  and  Louvain,  to  sanction  the  condemnation  of  the  Augenspiegel 
by  the  faculty  in  Cologne,  Meiners,  S.  187. 

23  How  resolved  the  Dominicans  in  Cologne  were,  see  Buschii  ep.  ad  Reuchlin 
(in  his  Epistt.  lib.  II.  p.  168  seq.) :  Prseterea  audent  aperte  jactare  perversissimi 
homines,  nisi  secundum  se  pronuntiatum  fuerit  in  uibe,  ab  Ecclesia  et  summo 
ejus  Pontifice  se  defecturos,  et  schisma  novum  suscitaturos.  Alii  ad  futurum 
Concilium  provocaturos  se  minantur.  Alii  dicunt,  quicquid  contra  se  statuerit 
Papa  nullius  momenti  esse,  neque  pro  Papa  habendum  eum,  qui  ab  se  suaque 
sententia  dissentiat.  Tam  c«ca,  tam  praeceps  est  arrogantia  eorun),  ut  non  pudeat 
etiam  postulare  obnoxium  sibi  summum  Pontificem  esse  :  se  palam  omnibus  Eccle- 
siam  esse  dictitant,  sine  in  rebus  fidei  Papam  nihil  decernere  nee  posse,  nee  debere 
conclamant.  Nihil  hercle  secius  aut  honoriticentius  de  summo  Pontifice  loquun- 
tur,  quam  de  puero  sub  ferula  adhuc  vivente,  cui  nihil  nisi  ad  peedagogi  sui  nutum 
integrum  sit  aut  liberum  loqui. 


408  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.  1409  —  1517. 

so  that  the  matter  was  left  undecided.^o  This  inspired  the  Humanists 
with  new  courage.  They  poured  forth  a  stream  of  biting  satires,  of 
which  the  Epistokc  obscurorum  virorum  was  one  of  the  most  remark- 
able,^^  upon  tlieir  opponents,  who  were  wholly  unable  to  stand  against 
them  in  such  a  warfare.  Tiie  chivalrous  Ulrich  von  Hutten,-'-  indig- 
nant at  the  treatment  the  Germans  received  at  the  hands  of  the  Pope, 
ventured  to  extend  his  reproaches  even  to  Rome.-^-^     Soon  after,  how- 

■""*  The  Acta  see  in  v.  d.  Hanlt  II.  p.  117  seq. 

•^'  The  first  book  appeared  under  the  title  Epistolre  obscurorum  virorum  ad 
venerabilem  virum  Magistrum  Ortuinum  Gratium  Daventriensem,  Coloiiia;  Agrip- 
pins  bonas  literas  docenteiii,  vai-iis  et  locis  et  temporibus  niissae  (Wolfg.  Angst. 
Hagenau  1516).  4to.  The  second:  Epist.  obsc.  vir.  ad  Mag.  Ort.  Grat.  non  ilia; 
quidem  veteres  et  priiis  viss,  sed  et  novaj  et  illis  prioribus  elegantia,  argutiis, 
lepore  ac  venustate  longe  superiores  (Basel,  Froben.  1517).  4to.  The  third  work 
was  added  much  latrT.  Latest  editions  by  D.  E.  Miinch,  Leipzig,  1827,  and 
recognita  et  piEctatione  a  Dno.  H.  W.  Rotenimndo  aucta,  Hannoverce,  1827.  8vo. 
These  letters  are  addressed  to  Ortuinus,  because  he  was  sup|)osed  to  be  the  real 
author  of  Pfefferkorn's  wiitings.  It  was  allowed  even  by  the  other  party 
(Milncli's  ed.  S.  194)  :  Pf'efferkorn  quidem  composuit  materiam,  sed  Mag.  Ortui- 
nus postea  latinisavit.  Erasmus  and  Reuchlin,  though  suspicion  soon  fell  on  them, 
are  acquitted  of  any  share  in  their  authorship  The  obscurity  which  hangs  over 
them  will  probably  never  be  quite  cleared  up.  The  latest  investigations  of  any 
consequence  are  those  of  C.  G.  Miiller,  Rector  of  the  Fiirstenschule  in  Meissen, 
in  a  lat.  Schulprograiunie,  1801,  Mohnicke  in  Ersch  und  Gruber's  Encyclo- 
piidie,  Th.  4.  S.  105  Art.  VVolfg.  Angst,  and  E.  Mtinch  in  the  introduction  to  his 
edition,  S.  28  ff.  It  is  probable  that  Crotus  Rubianus  and  Uliich  von  Hutten  had 
a  chief  hand  in  it.  But  which  of  them  originated  the  idea,  or  whether  it  came 
from  the  learned  piintcr  Angst,  and  whethei-  Hutten  had  any  share  in  the  first 
part,  on  these  points  there  is  great  variety  of  opinion.  The  second  part  appears  to 
be  the  work  of  a  number  of  Humanists  who  were  together  at  the  Ebernburg,  see 
E.  M  il  nch's  Franz  v.  Sickingens  Thaten  Bd.  1.  S.  348.  How  well  the  manner 
of  the  priests  must  have  been  imitated  is  seen  from  Erasmi  epist.  ad  Mart.  Lipsium 
dd.  5  Sept.  1528  (Oj)p.  HI.  II.  p.  1110)  :  Ubi  primum  exissent  Epistol*  obscuro- 
rum Virorum,  miro  Monachoi'um  applausu  excepts;  sunt  apud  Britannos  a  Fran- 
ciscanis  ac  Dominicanis,  qui  sibi  persuadebant,  eas  in  Reuchlini  contumeliam  et 
Monachorum  favoreni  serio  proditas:  quumque  quidam  egregie  doctus,  sed  nasu- 
tissimus,  fingeret  se  nonnihil  offendi  stylo,  consolali  sunt  hominem.  Ne  spectaris, 
inquiunt,  o  bone,  orationis  cutem,  sed  sententiarum  vim.  Nee  hodie  deprehendis- 
sent,  ni  quidam  addita  epistola  lectorem  admonuisset,  rem  non  esse  seriam.  Post 
in  Biabantia  Prior  quidam  Dominicanus  et  Magister  noster,  volens  innotescere 
patiibus,  coiimit  acervum  corum  libellorum,  ut  dono  mitteret  Ordinis  proceribus, 
nihil  dubitans,  quia  in  Ordinis  honorem  fuissent  scriptae.  Quis  fungus  possit  esse 
stupidior  ?  At  isti  sunt,  ut  sibi  videntur,  Atlantes  Ecclesise  nutantis,  ex  his 
designantur  cognitores  de  dogmatibus  ecclesiasticis,  etc. 

^2  See  M  e  i  n  e  r  s  Lebensbeschreibungen  berilhmter  Manner  aus  den  Zeiten 
der  Wiederherstellung  der  Wissensch.  Bd.  3.  Ulrich  von  Hutten,  nach  s.  Leben, 
s.  Character  u.  s.  Schriften  geschilbert  von  C.  J.  Wagenseil,  NUrnberg,  1823.  8vo. 
Ulrici  ab  Hutten  opera  quas  exstant  omnia  herausgeg.  von  E.  J.  H.  MUnch  5 
Theile,  Berlin,  1821  -  25.  8vo. 

33  >^gg  especially  his  Prasf.  to  his  edition  of  Laur.  Valla  de  false  credita  et 
ementita  Constantini  donatione  1517  (in  the  Fasciculus  rerum  expetend.  et  fugien- 
darum  ed.  Brown,  p.  128,  iii  M  U  n  c  h '  s  Ausgabe,  Th.  2.  S.  401  ff".).  Undoubt- 
edly many  of  the  anonymous  satires  that  appeared  about  this  time  were  fi-om  his 
pen  :  of  tho-e  directed  again-it  the  papal  power,  piobably  Julius  exclusus,  dialogus 
(reprinted  in  M  ti  nch's  Ausg.  der  Kpistola;  oI)<;cur.  virorum,  p.  417  seq.)  Oratio 
ad  Chri<tum  pro  Julio  1 1.  (1.  c.  p  458  seq.)  Philalethis  dialogus  de  facultalibus 
Romanensium  nupor  publicatis  (I.  c.  p.  471  seq.).  See  the  collection  of  these 
Satires,  compiled  probably  bj'  Caslius  Secundus  Curio,  Pasquillorum  Tomi  duo. 


Ckap.    V.     Reformers.     §   153.     Humanists  and  Dominicans.     409 

ever,  this  comparatively  unimportant  skirmish  was  forgotten  in  the 
crreat  struffaje  tliat  ensued. ^^  The  Humanists  for  the  most  part  joined 
the  cause  of  Luther.  The  Dominicans  in  Cologne  were  forced  by 
Francis  von  Sickingen  to  submit  to  the  decision  of  the  bishop  of 
Speyer.-^-^ 

The  Humanists  were  particularly  serviceable  to  the  cause  of  theo- 
logy, by  leading  the  way  to  a  more  correct  understanding  of  the 
Scriptures.  Laurentius  Valla  began  with  his  Annotations;-^^  but 
Erasmus  rendered  more  essential  service  by  his  edition  of  the  original 
text,  his  Annotations  and  Paraphrases.^''  Important  help  was  ren- 
dered too  by  Jacobus  Faber  Stapulensis,^^  and  the  Complutensian 
Polyglot.^'^ 

Eleutheropoli  (Basel)  1544.  8vo.  The  second  part  consists  entirely  of  Satires  by 
Hutten  and  dolus  Rubianus. 

3*  See  Luther's  letter  to  Ueuchlin  of  14th  Dec.  1518  (in  d  e  Wette's  Ausg. 
Th.  1.  S.  196  f.) :  Dominus  tecum,  vir  fortissime.  Gratulor  misericordiae  Dei, 
qua;  in  te  est,  vir  et  eruditissiine  et  humanissinie,  qua  tandem  prajvaluisti  ob- 
struere  os  loquentium  iniqua.  Fuisti  tu  sane  or2;anum  consilii  divini,  sicut  tibi 
ipsi  incognitum,  ita  omnibus  purse  theologias  studio?is  exspectatissimum  :  adeo  longe 
alia  fiebant  a  Deo,  et  alia  videbantur  geri  per  vos.  Eram  ego  unus  eorum,  qui 
tecum  esse  cupiebant,  sed  nulla  dabatur  occasio  :  eram  tamen  oratione  et  voto  tibi 
semper  praesentissimus.  Sed  quod  tunc  negatum  est  socio,  nunc  cumulatissime 
tributum  est  successori.  Invadunt  denies  istius  Behemoth  me,  si  quo  modo  sarcire 
queant  ignominiam,  quam  retulerunt  ex  te.  Occurro  et  ego  ipsis  longe  quidera 
niinoribus  ingenii  et  eruditionis  viribus,  quam  tu  occurristi  ct  prostravisti,  sed  non 
minore  aniiiii  tiducia.  —  Fracta  sunt  in  tua  lirmitate  non  parum  quidem  cornua 
horum  taurorum.  Hoc  enim  in  te  egit  Dominus,  ut  tyrannus  sophistarum  aliquando 
et  tardius  et  mitius  disceret  veris  theologice  studii-i  resistere,  ac  respirare  inciperet 
Germania,  scripturarum  doctrina  tot  heu  annorum  centenariis  non  tam  oppressa, 
quam  extincta.  Non  erant  h:ec  initia  danda  pulcherrimorum  studiorum  per  homi- 
nem  parvae  gratias :  sed  sicut  Christum  (sit  venia  comparationi)  omnium  maximum 
montem  Deus  contrivit  usque  in  pulverem  mortis,  "verum  ex  hoc  pulvere  postea 
excreverunt  tot  magni  montes  :  ita  et  tu  parum  attulisses  fructus,  nisi  mortifica- 
tus  in  pulverem  fuisses  redactus,  unde  nunc  tot  surgunt  proceres  literarum 
sacrarum.  Et  exaudita  est  oratio  gementis  Ecclesis  :  salvum  me  fac,  Domine, 
quoniam  defecit  sanctus,  diniinuti  sunt  iideles  de  filiis  hominum,  quoniam  exaltati 
fuerunt  ad  altitudines  Dei  vilissimi  filiorum  hominum. 

3*  See  Franz  v.  Sickingens  Thaten,  Plane,  Freunde  u.  Ausgang.  Durch  E. 
Munch  (3  Bde.  Stuttgart  u.  Tubingen,  1827-29.  8vo.)  Bd.  1.  S.  122  ff.  and  346  ff. 

3^  Concerning  which  see  Rich.  Simon  hist.  crit.  des  principaux  commentateurs 
dn  nouveau  Test.  chap.  34.  Erasmus  republished  the  forgotten  ed.  Paris  1505. 
fol.  and  in  the  dedication  to  the  papal  Pronotarius  Christoph  Fischer,  defended  this 
mode  of  criticism,  which  he  afterwards  extensively  adopted  himself 

^7  Novum  Testamentum  juxta  Graecorum  lectionem  cum  versione  Desiderii 
Erasmi  Roterodami  Basil.  1516.  fol.  (ed.  II.  1519.  III.  1522.  IV.  1527.  V.  1535) 
Annotationes  in  N.  T.  Ba-il.  1516  (many  new  editions  as  above).  Paraphrases  in 
Epistolas  published  singly  from  1517,  collected  with  the  Paraphr.  in  Ev.  Matthaei 
ac  Joannis  in  1522.  To  "the  gospels  of  Mark  and  Luke,  the  Acts,  and  the  Apoca- 
lypse, he  did  not  write  paraphiases. 

^*  Quincuplex  Psalterium,  Gallicum,  Romanum,  Hebraicum,  Vetus,  Concilia- 
turn.  Paris.  1509.  Commentarius  in  Epistolas  Pauli,  1512.  Afterwards  he  wrote 
also  a  Comm.  in  Evangelia,  Meldis,  1522;  in  Epistt.  can.  Basil.  1527,  and  from 
1523  a  French  translation  of  the  Bible,  which  first  appeared  complete,  Antverp, 
1530.  fol. 

33  Biblia  sacra,  vetus  testamentum  multiplici  lingua  nunc  primo  impressum  T. 
I-V.  novum  testamentum  Tom.  Vitus  Compluti  1514-1517.  fol.  It  could  not, 
however,  he  published  till  1523. 

VOL.  III.  52 


410  Third  Ptriud.     Div.    V.     A.   D.   1409  —  1517. 

Thus  by  the  revival  of  ancient  learning  the  most  important  means 
of  reformation  in  the  church  were  prepared  ;  but  learning  alone  could 
not  accomplish  the  work.  The  results  thus  obtained  could  neither 
be  brought  home  to  the  convictions  of  the  people,  nor  were  they 
fitted  to  excite  that  universal  and  all-absorbing  interest  which  was 
necessary  to  enable  men  to  break  through  the  letters  which  had  been 
for  ages  riveted  upon  them,  and  venture  all  for  the  truth.  But  after 
the  Reformation  had  been  begun  on  the  only  sure  foundation,  that  of 
religious  feeling,  an  enlightened  criticism  proved  a  most  useful  guide 
in  saving  men  from  error  and  fanaticism. 


CHAPTER     SIXTH. 

SPREAD   OF   CHRISTIANITY. 
<^    154. 

The  disgrace  of  Christianity  was  rendered  complete  by  the  inhu- 
man means  employed  to  extend  it.  In  A.  D.  1492,  Ferdinand  and 
Isabella  in  Spain  left  the  Jews  no  alternative  but  baptism  or  exile.^ 
A  great  part  of  those  who  continued  obstinate  having  taken  refuge  in 
Portugal,  they  were  driven  to  the  same  alternative  in  that  country, 
and  at  the  same  time  their  children  seized,  and  all  who  delayed  to 
obey  the  royal  mandate,  made  slaves."^  At  the  surrender  of  Granada, 
the  last  city  of  the  Moors  in  Spain,  in  A.  D.  1492,  the  conditions  had 
been  made  that  they  should  retain  their  national  laws  and  religion. 
On  pretence  of  having  discovered  secret  conspiracies  amongst  them, 
the  same  measures  were  adopted  here  (1498),  and  in  1501,  all  who 
adhered  to  the  religion  of  Mohammed  were  forced  to  leave  the  country, 
or  made  slaves.-^  The  result  of  these  measures  was  to  furnish  numer- 
ous victims  to  the  Inquisition  from  such  unwilling  converts.  Not  less 
revolting  were  the  means  employed  to  spread  the  Christian  religion 
in  America,  and  the  regions  discovered  by  the  Portuguese  on  the  west 
coast  of  Africa.  The  Dominicans,  though  little  accustomed  to  plead 
the  cause  of  mercy,  were  the  only  protectors  of  the  poor  Indians, 

1  MarianeB  hist.  Hispan.  lib.  XXVI.  Jost  Gesch.  der  Israeliten  seit  der 
Zeit  der  Maccabaer,  Th.  7.  S.  81  ff. 

*  Hieron.  Osorius  (bisliop  of  Silves  in  Algarbia,  "f  1581))  de  rebus  Emaniielis 
R.  Liisit.  Colon.  1574.  8vo.  lib.  I.  p.  6.  Mariana,  1.  c.  For  the  honor  of  Chris- 
tianity it  ought  to  be  mentioned,  however,  tliat  both  these  authors  protest  against 
such  a  mode  of  conversion.     Jost,  1.  c.  S.  89  seq. 

3  Petri  Martyris  Anglerii  (a  priest  at  the  court  of  Ferdinand  the  Catholic, 
>f  about  1525)  opus  cpistolarum  Conipluti,  15.30,  better  ed.  Anistelod.  1670.  Lib.  V. 
Ep.  92;  XIII.  Ep.  215.  Histoire  du  Cardinal  Ximcncs,  par  Esprit  Flechier 
(seconde  edit,  a  Paris,  1694.  12rao.)  T.  I.  p.  136  seq. 


Appendix.     Greek  and  Latin  Churches.     §155.  411 

who  were  forced  at  once  to  submit  to  slavery  and  Christianity. 
Millions  of  lives  were  sacrificed,  however,  before  the  exertions  of 
Bartholomew  de  las  Casas  were  successful  in  obtaining  from  Charles 
V.  the  freedom  of  the  native  inhabitants  of  South  America,  counter- 
balanced, alas!   by  the  fatal  license  of  the  slave  trade.** 


APPENDIX. 

ATTEMPTS  TO  UNITE  THE  GREEK  CHURCH   WITH  THE  LATIN. 

^    155. 

Deep-rooted  as  was  the  antipathy  of  the  Greeks  to  the  Latins,'  the 
impending  ruin  from  the  power  of  the  Turks  yet  drove  the  emperor, 
John  VI.  Palseologus,  from  the  year  1430,  to  use  every  effort  by  a 
union  of  the  two  churches,  to  secure  their  help.  The  matter  was 
delayed  by  the  disputes  between  the  Pope  and  the  Council  of  Basil, 
till  at  length  the  emperor  threw  himself  into  the  arms  of  the  former, 
coming  in  person  with  a  great  attendance  of  clergy  to  Italy.  At  the 
Synod  which  was  now  held  first  in  Ferrara,  but  in  Feb.  1449,  re- 
moved to  Florence,-  there  seemed  for  a  long  time  no  hope  of  agree- 
ment; but  necessity  made  the  Greeks  more  ready  to  submit  than 
could  otiieruise  have  been  expected,  and  on  the  6th  July,  1439,  they 
signed  the  form  of  union  prescribed   by  the  Pope.-^     But  they  carried 

*  BartholomcBUs  de  las  Casas  brevissima  relacion  de  la  destruicion  de  las  Indias, 
1552.  4to.  (lutein.  Oppenheini  1614.  Heidelberg,  1664.  4to.)  Will.  Robertson's 
Hist,  of  America,  vol.  I. 

'  A  new  opponent  of  the  Latins  (see  §  126,  note  7)  was  Simeon,  archbishop  of 
Thessalonica  (■^  1430,  see  concerning  him  Allacius  de  Simennibus,  lib.  IL  c.  18. 
no.  1.3.  Fubricii  bibl.  o-raeca,  vol.  X.  p.  .326  seq.)  in  his  works  xecra  ai^i<riiuv,  xai 
vri^t  rni  faovns  •«9^>i;  tuv  Xj/ffT/aviJv  7if/.ut  viirrius,  ruvrt  hguv  riXirav  xcci  fiUTTtipiaiv 
Tris  ixtiXtiirias  hakoyos  (printed  in  Jassy  in  der  Moldau,  1683.  Ibl.  Extiacls  in 
Rich.  Siniun  Ciiliijiie  de  la  Eibliotheque  de  Jlr.  Du-Pin,  T.  I.  p.  403  seq.),  the 
19th  chapter  of  which  takes  up  the  dispute  with  the  Latins. 

-  Concerning  which  see  two  sets  of  Acta;  one  in  Greek  and  one  in  Latin,  the 
latter  by  Horatius  Juslinianus,  in  the  collections  of  Acts  of  Councils,  in  that  of 
Labbeus  et  Cossart,  T.  XIII.,  of  Harduin,  T.  VIII  The  Vera  historia  unionis 
non  vers  inter  Grrecos  et  Latinos,  sive  Concilii  Florentini  exactissima  iiarratio 
graece  scripta  per  Sylvestrum  Sguropuhim  (for  Syropulum),  magnum  Ecclesiar- 
cham,  qui  Concilio  interfuit,  transtulit  in  sermonem  latinum  Rob.  Creyghton. 
Haga;  Com.  1660.  fol.  is  partial  to  the  Greeks.  The  work  Leonis  Alatii  in  Rob. 
Creyghtoni  Apparatuni,  Versionem  et  Notas  ad  hist.  Cone.  Florentini,  scriptam  a 
Sylv.  Syropulo  Exercitationnn)  Pars  prior.  Roma?,  1665.  4to.  (no  pars  posterior  has 
ever  been  published)  is  full  of  abuse  of  the  author  and  publisher,  but  has  some 
good  remarks  on  particular  points,  especially  on  the  incorrectness  of  the  Latin 
translation. 

•■'  This  form  written  in  Latin  by  Ambro-iius  Camaldulensis  (see  §  139,  note  10), 
and  put  info  Greek  by  Kessarion,  so  that  both  have  the  character  of  originals,  was 


412  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

division  and  dissension  witli  them  liome.  Many  of  the  bisliops  were 
induced  by  the  general  excitement  to  retract.  Ahnost  ail  that  part 
of  the  nation,  which  was   already   subdued   by  the  Turks,   declared 


in  the  form  of  a  papal  bull,  and  subscribed  by  every  member  of  the  Council.  It 
is  contained  in  Greek  and  Latin,  Cone.  Labbei  et  Cossarlii  Xlll.  p.  .510  seq., 
Lalin  only  in  the  collection  of  Hoiatius  Justinianus,  ibid.  p.  1165  seq.  —  Gia;ci 
quidem  asseruerunt,  (piod  id,  {|uod  dicunt  Spiiitinn  Sanctum  ex  Patre  procedere, 
non  hac  mente  proferunt,  ut  excludaiit  Filiuni,  scd  quia  eis  videbatui-,  ut  ajunt, 
Latinos  asserere,  Spiritum  Sanctum  ex  Patre  ct  Filio  procedere  taiiiqnam  ex 
duobus  principiis  et  duabus  spirationibus,  ideo  ahstinnerinit  a  dicendo,  quod  Spiritus 
Sanctus  ex  Patre  procedatet  Filio.  Latini  vero  affirmarunt,  non  se  hac  mente  (licere, 
Spiritum  Sanctum  ex  Palre  Filioque  pr'ocedere,  ut  excludant  Palrem,  quin  sit  ions 
ac  principium  totius  deitatis,  Filii  scilicet  ac  Spiritus  Sancli ;  aut  quod  id,  quod 
Spiritus  Sanctus  procedit  ex  Filio,  Filius  a  Patre  non  habeat;  sive  quod  duo  ponant 
esse  principia,  sen  duas  si)irationes  :  sed  unum  tantum  asserant  esse  principium, 
unicanique  spirationem  Spiritus  Sancti,  prout  hactenus  asseruei'unt.  Et  cum  ex 
his  omnibus  unus  et  idem  eliciatur  veritatis  sensus,  tandem  infra  scriptam  sanctam 
et  Deo  amabilem  eodem  sensu  eademquc  mente  unionem  unanimiter  concordarunt 
et  consenserunt. 

In  nomine  ioitur  s.  Trinitatis,  Pairis,  et  Filii,  et  Spiritus  Sancti,  hoc  sacro  uni- 
versali  approbante  Florentino  Concilio  diffiniujus,  ut  ha^c  fidci  Veritas  ab  omnibus 
Christianis  credatur  etsuscipiatur,  sicque  omncs  profiteantur,  quod  Spiritus  Sanctus 
ex  Patre  et  Filio  aeternaliter  est,  et  essentiam  suam,  suumque  esse  subsistens  habet 
ex  Patre  siniul  et  Filio,  et  ex  utroque  aternaliter  tamquam  ab  uno  principio  et 
unica  .«piralione  procedit;  declarantes,  quod  id,  quod  sancti  doctores  et  patres 
dicunt,  ex  Patre  per  Filium  procedere  Spiritum  Sanctum,  ad  banc  intelligentiam 
tendit ;  ut  per  hoc  sionificelui-,  Filium  quoque  eise  secundum  Gi'scos  quidem 
causam,  secundum  Latinos  vero  principium  subsistentia;  Spiritus  Sancti,  sicut  et 
Patrem.  Et  quoniani  omnia,  qua;  Pairis  sunt,  Paler  ipse  unijicnito  Filio  suo  gig- 
nendo  dedit,  preeter  esse  Patrem,  hoc  ipsum  quod  Spiritus  Sanctus  procedit  ex 
Filio,  ipse  Filius  a  Patre  asternaliter  habet,  a  quo  etiam  aeternaliter  genitus  est. 
DilHnimus  insuper,  explicationem  verborum  illorum  Filioque  veritatis  declarandas 
gratia,  et  imminente  tunc  necessitate,  licite  ac  ralionabiliter  symbolo  fui~se  apposi- 
tam.  Item,  in  azymo  sive  fermentato  pane  triticeo  corpus  Chiisti  veraciter  contici ; 
sacerdotesque  in  altero  ipsum  Domini  corpus  conticere  debere,  nnuniquemque 
scilicet  juxta  sune  Ecclesia;,  sive  occidentalis,  sive  orientalis,  consuetudinem.  item, 
si  vere  poenitentes  in  Dei  caritate  decesserint,  antequam  dignis  poenitentiffi  fructi- 
bus  de  commissis  satisfecerint  et  omissis,  eorum  animas  puenis  purgatoriis  post 
mortem  purgari;  et  ut  a  poenis  hujusmodi  releventur,  prodesse  eis  fidclium  vivo- 
rum  sutTragia,  missarum  scilicet  saci-ificia,  oi'ationes,  et  eleemosynas,  et  alia  pietatis 
ofFicia,  quae  a  tidelibus  pro  aliis  fidelibus  fieii  consueverunt  secundum  Ecclesiae 
instituta:  illorumque  animas,  qui  post  baptisma  susceptum  nullam  onniino  peccati 
maculam  incurrerunt,  illas  etiam,  quse  post  contractam  peccati  maculam  vel  in  suis 
corporibus,  vel  eisdem  exutee  corporibus,  prout  superius  dictum  est,  sunt  pui-gata;, 
in  CEelum  mox  recipi,  et  intueri  clare  ipsum  Deum  trinum  et  unum,  sicuti  est,  pro 
meritorum  tamen  diversitate  alium  alio  perfectius :  illorum  autern  animas,  qui  in 
actuali  mortali  peccato,  vel  solo  original!  decednnt,  mox  in  infernum  dcscendere, 
posnis  tamen  disparibus  punicndas.  Item  ditHnimus,  sanctam  Apostolicam  sedem, 
et  Romanum  Pontilicen»  in  universum  orbem  tenere  primatum,  et  ip^^um  Pontifi- 
cem  Romanum  successorem  esse  b.  Pe^ri  principi?  Aposlolorum,  et  verum  Christi 
vicarium,  toliusque  Ecclesiaj  caput  et  omnium  Christianorum  patrem  ac  doctorem 
existere  ;  et  ipsi  inb.  Petro  pascendi,  regendi  ac  gubcrnandi  universalem  Eccle^iam 
a  Domino  nostro  Jesu  Christo  plenam  potestatem  traditam  esse,  quemadmodnin  et 
in  geslis  cecumenicorum  Concilinrum  et  in  sacris  Canonihus  conlinctur  (xaS'  ov 
<rpcwov  XXI  iv  Toli  'Trgax.nx.oii  Tat  olxoviiivixaiv  trviiio&iv,  xa)  iv  to7;  'n^o7(  xetvoffi  oiaXa/nfiu- 
nrai.  In  '-be  punted  tojjies  ot  tni.  hull  we  road  (]iUMi,iidii;0Lniui  ctidtn  ui  gi'.-.iis, 
etc..  as  if  this  were  only  a  reference  by  way  of  confirmation;  the  genuine  text, 
which  is  given  in  Launoi  0pp.  V.  1.  p.  308,  fiom  the  historiarum,  lib.  III.  Decad. 
X.,  by  Flavins  Blonders,  secretary  of  Engene  IV.,  and  fiom  the  Greek  text,  has 
the  common  form  of  the  papal  orders).     Renovantes  insuper  ordincm  traditum  in 


Appendix.     Greek  and  Latin  Churches.     §  155.  413 

decisively  against  any  connexion  with  the  Latins.^  The  unhappy 
emperor  strove  by  every  means  in  his  power  to  uphold  the  compact, 
in  the  hope  of  thus  supporting  his  tottering  throne  ;  though  in  the 
end  it  served  only  to  hasten  its  fall. 


canonibiis  ceteroriiin  venerabilium  Patriaroharum,  ut  Patriaicha  Constantinopoli- 
tanus  secundus  sit  post  sanctissimum  Ronianum  Pontificem,  tertius  vero  Alexan- 
drinus,  quartus  autein  Antiochenus,  et  quintus  Hieio-iolymitanus,  salvLs  videlicet 
prlviiegiis  omnibus  et  jiiribus  eorum.  The  light  in  which  this  union  was  regaided 
by  the  emperor's  party,  may  be  seen  from  the  account  given  by  a  Greek  Arch- 
deacon to  an  English  ambassador  who  came  to  meet  tlieiii  on  Ibeir  journey  back. 
Syrnjntlus,  p.  307  :    cvri  rifilis  ^r^OiriXB-nf/AV  tJ?  li^ri   ruv  Aarivuv,  ovB'  e'l  KarTvii  tv  tuv 

ffUf^ifuMoi,  xx)  us  /^iet  x-a)  i>  aiir/i  avKpavn  Vo^a..  5;i)  ko.)  ito-x^i^  '''»«■  t-aTiyf^Yi  ikkti^ov 
f^iocs  7->iv  S«^av,  Hv  KanT^e  f^ixZ'  '"'^  """j  "■<"  u'raj;^ii/^£v  ^cai  hvMf^ivoi.  i  Uus  every 
thing  was  to  remain  ilie  same  in  the  Greek  cUurch,  only  that  a  union  was 
acknowledged. —Five  original  copies  of  the  Decrelum  unionis  were  made  out 
and  signed':  there  have  since  been  ten  exhibited  in  varioi-is  places,  of  which  nine 
are  undoubtedly  only  copies,  see  Memoire  sur  les  exemplaires  originaux  du  dccret 
d'union  de  I'cgiise  Grecque  avec  I'cglise  latine  in  the  Menioires  de  I'Academie  des 
inscriptions,  J.  43.  p.  287  seq. 

^  The  Patriarch  of  Constantinople,  Metrophanes,  having  attempted  to  introduce 
bishops  favorable  to  the  union  into  the  churches  of  Asia  Minor,  the  three  Patri- 
archs of  Alexandria,  Antioch,  and  Jerusalem,  issued  a  letter  1443  (see  Allatius 
de  Ecclesiie  occid.  et  orient,  perpetua  consensione,  p.  939  seq.),  in  which  they  set 
themselves  very  decidedly   against  the   iruvaB^ciirBiTirav  iv  '^ktn^ivrla  /ma^av  avyohoi, 
as  well  as  the  M>]T^o(piivi>s  (instead  of  Mnr^oipavris)  Uttr^ia^x*'!,  (Jeposing  ail  clergy 
who  favor  the  union,  and  excommunicadii-;  all  who  shall  oppose  the  decree.    They 
likewise   commission   the   Metropolitan  of  Ca'sarea  Cappadocia,  ila^^^tv  VMni  a»«- 
raXSj,  to  carry  this  decree  into  effect  in  his  diocese.     At  the  same  iiiue  they  sent 
a  letter  of  admonition  to  the   emperor,  1.  c.   p.  942  seq.,  in  wliich  thev  say  of  the 
synod  of   Floi-ence,  JV;  %■»  ^Xapivria  irvvo^os   oIk  lyinro  Kara  ras  trv//.[itilid<rtis,  as  tiX"' 
TTpos  Paftaiius  (i-  e.  the  (ireeks)  oi  AaTnoi  Ivookuis  S;a  ypajjCf^araiv,  Kavovix'/i  ku)  afiiairref 
xa)  iXiuS-'i^a  '  —  aXXa   padiDuytias   f^voias    iTivoyiffavrts    oi   'IraXoi    ras    («£»  o'Vfijitifia.rtis 
ti^'lTriirav,  irra^i^Yiffav  Ss  rovs  tyyi>a.<pou;    aiiTav    opxovs,  iBiaffav  oi  tjjv  aXt^^nav,  xai  r'iXos 
ru^avviKM  r^'o-rai  ra,   a^iir/yiaTa  abruiv    "jraXiv   ixv^aiffaii   noy/aaTa,    xai    I'lri   av  aX>.c  Ta^a 
Kavivas  iK^drtjtrav.      ro  ^iT^ov  Sj  f/.aXXov  xa)    ucrifii;,    on  fitra   tuv   uXXmv  xai  tjjv  iv  ru 
xoivM  tTi;  rtaTiuis    iruftfioXu   -T^txr^yixnu   ou   'Trapanriaa^n,  aXXa  xai  iyy^atpus  Va^iOMxav, 
flu,  Ta^a  ■jTaaiv  o/LtoXoyiTirBai.      't'lu-y    tlieu    proce.d,  -r^os  Tti"  (rhv  fiatriXilav  yvcu^iZo//,t>i 
TaSi  ■    oti    ll   fjCii    T^oa-'i'^paf/.'.v,    as    rou    rifjiiA^ou    y'ivov;    •TavriXu;    l^yirBlvytxDros,    xic\   iia 
TovTo  Karavayxat^ofiivos    vatToioT^oyrus,    ovois    X-/i\}^'/i  (ioriBiiav,  xai  riva  lonv  aXXnv  olxova- 
fi'iav  vivotixas,  i'i'ti  tyis  xa)  ergo;  to,  twv    Aarncov   iv'ivi^as,    xa)  rh"  '^^ocrS^tixriv  idi^iu  xara, 
uvayxtiv  '   iiB-'  o'urus  a'Tcr^i-^ufttvos  vyv   ra.  txiivuv   ri^aToXi>ynf/.ara    <ri    xai    airi(ln/£ara, 
xai  Tjiv  uyiaivouirav  Iv  tu  S-iiai   /rvf/.fioXij)   Ta^aoixriv   xara  ras  ^iias  Tfaaat  y^xlfias  lif/,oXe- 
yils   ahirraxrus    ri    ar'ipyiis,    xa)    ^siS-jj,   ais   oi   ^fo    irou  aTavrts    luirifiiis   avrox^iropi; 
fiafiXtff,  ^fS>)    xai   ri/^its    »w  (/.ovov   ro   Tr^oafiXis  //.■tnfJioffvMot  rris  P>atriXiias  tTinXuv  '{■;^ofji.ii, 
kXXa,  xa)  S/»vs«)5  xa)    aUaev   ixiiriav   t^os   Biov  Ix'TrXn^nuv  ftiXXi>f/,f»  rou  aov  x^arsus  ivtxa, 
xa)  tfTTip  -^u^YiS  fxaXicrra,  ?/  uv  i^iXiouf/.ivoi  xa&'  Ixdcrri^v  ro  ^siov  crvyy.oivcunai  ri  ffoi,  xa) 
Ta   a/i'^Xax'^fz,ara    iv   ysiunni    xa)   ayvoia   T^a^S-'ara.      Ovru  fnv  ouv  larai  irot  'iXios  ray 
xXniJ,f/.iXyii/.druv,  ovrus    oi    apiiris    ruiy    ay\ioyif/,ar!av,    ii  filv  ra;  9cias  oux  a^iriis  vra^aoi- 
Oli;,       E/  2t  rriPifi'lviis,    xa)  aA^n  ra    ruit    Iri^ooo^av,    oiavi^  aXXor^ia  ovra  ■TTa.irns  xavovi- 
xris  tapa^offias  xa)    ffuvoOixriS)  ou  ftovov  ixxoi^of^tv  ro  rou  ffov  x^arovs  f/.vrifiO(Tvvov,  aXXa  ra, 
rou    Pixoous    'TpoirS-i^irof/.iv    tTTirifiia,    'tva   //■/!  r^    rou    Xj/a-ray   ixxXniria    o;aip£^>)  »  Xvfiti  rou 
aXXerpldu  xa)   jiXafii^ov  ^iyfiaroj.  — "Av   It    rZ    ru^avvixu  r^orrai    -ra^ayofias   (itd^v    xa) 
niS-avoXoyiis    Tm-    't>-tu^i^ov    xa)   a^ouXarov  'K^ierrou  ixx^nflav,  yiyuiffxi  ovreos,  on  —  oiix 
avi^o/^ti^a,  ffiurray  iifi^ns,  aXXa,  xara  t»i»  ivroXhv  uipofias  iXiy^ai  xai  i'Tirif/.tiirai  fiiXXofmi 
Tourov. 


414  Third  Period.     Div.    V.     A.  D.   1409  —  1517. 

The  union  with  the  Greek  church  was  followed  by  the  show  of  a 
renewed  union  with  the  Armenians  at  Florence,  A.  D.  1440,  the 
futility  of  which  was  easy  to  be  foreseen. ^  After  this  ambassadors 
appeared  at  the  Council,  which  had  been  transferred  to  the  Lateran, 
A.  D.  1442,  from  all  tiie  other  churches  of  the  East,  praying  to  be 
united  by  a  papal  decree  with  the  church  of  Rome-t^  The  object  of 
this  was  no  doubt  by  the  appearance  of  the  union  of  all  Christendom 
under  the  Pope,  to  give  him  new  power,  and  overawe  the  obstinate 
adherents  of  the  Council  of  Basil. 

*  Compare  §  128.     Acta  in  Labbei  et  Cossart  Cone.  XIII.  p.  1197  seq. 

*  Decretuni  pro  Jacobinis  dd.  Florent.  4  Febr.  1441,  1.  c.  p.  1204  seq.,  sanction- 
ing tbe  union  of  the  Egyptian  Jacobites,  whicb,  liowever,  Renmidot  hist.  Patri- 
archaruin  Alexandi'inonuii  Jacobitaruni,  p.  611,  does  not  ventui'e  to  mention. 
Decretuni  pro  Syris  dd.  Laterani,  30  Sept.  1444,  1.  c.  p.  1222  seq.  Decretum  pro 
Chaldaeis  et  Maronitis,  dd.  3  Aug.  1445,  1.  c.  p.  1225  seq. 


END    OF    VOLUME    III.    OF    TRANSLATION. 


GENERAL    INDEX. 


INDEX. 


Abdas,  i.  311. 

Abdias,  i.  46,  note  1 . 

Abelard,  ii.  313,  327. 

Abgarus,  supposed  correspondence  with 
Christ,  i   44. 

Manu,  i.  88,  note  2. 

Abraxas,  i.  84. 

Absolution,  universal  right  of,  claimed 
by  the  popes,  ii.  258 

Acacius,  Arian,  i.  198;  patriarch  of  Con- 
stantinople, 318. 

Academy,  middle  and  new,  i.  21. 

Acephali,  i.  319. 

Acta,  martyrum,  i.  8,  note  2  ;  concilio- 
rum,  9,  note  4  ;  Pilati,  44. 

Adalbert,  archbishop  of  Mayence,  ii. 
181. 

Adamites,  iii.  130,  363. 

Adamnan,  i.  380.    , 

Adelbert,  ii.  78. 

Adelwald,  i.  376. 

Adolphus,  of  Nassau,  emperor  of  Gei-- 
niany,  ii.  237  ;  count  of  Schaumberg- 
Holstein,  406. 

Adoptian  controversy,  ii.  42. 

Adrumetum,  monks  of,  i.  226,  note  33. 

^neas  Sylvius,  iii.  199,  note  42 ;  200, 
note  46;  203,  note  51;  281,  note  9 ; 
28  J,  note  14.     See  Pius  II. 

Aerius,  presbyter  of  Sebaste,  i.  309. 

African  chui'ch,  i.  267. 

AgapcB,  i.  59,  note  7 ;  104,  note  11  ;  dis- 
continued, 296,  note  13. 

Agatho,  Pope,  i.  369. 

Agnoefce,  i.  321. 

Agobard,  archb.  of  Lyons,  ii.  32 ;  op- 
poses picture-worship,  40. 

Agonistici,  i.  217. 

Agricola,  Rudolph,  iii.  398. 

Agrippa  II.  i.  26. 

Aistidph,  king  of  the  Lombards,  ii.  15. 

Akesius,  Novatian  bishop,  i.  164,  note 
8. 

Akoemetce,  axoliinoi,  i.  275,  319,  323, 
note  4. 

Aktistatce,  ay.rtmijTa'i,  i.  321. 

Alarms,  of  Lille,  ii.  381. 

VOL.  III.  53 


Albanenses,  ii.  398,  note  17. 

Alberich,  Marozia's    son,  patricius  and 

senator  at  Rome,  ii.  78. 
Albericus,  de  Rosate,  iii.  6,  note  8;  14, 

note  9. 
Albertus    Magnus,    ii,   324;    bishop     of 

Halberstadt,  iii.  107,  note  10;  Argen- 

tinensis,  27,  note  1. 
Albicius,   liarthol.    iii.  96,  note  16. 
Albigenses,   in    13th   century,    ii.    385, 

note  7;  iii.  127. 
Alboiii,  baptized,  ii.  28. 
Albornoz,  cai-dinal,  iii.  40. 
Albrecht  1.,   king  of  Germany,   ii.   241, 

242,  247  ;  bishop  of  Livonia,  310,  407  ; 

the    Bear,     founds    the    bishoprics  of 

Havelburg  and  Brandenburg,  406  ;  II. 

emperor,  in.  199,  368  ;  of  Austria,  291, 

note  12. 
Alcibiades,  martyr,  i.  106,  note  27. 
Alcuin,  invited  to  the   court  of  Charle- 
magne, ii.  30 ;  opposes  Adoptianism, 

44.' 
Alexander,  Severus,  i.   115;  bishop   of 

Alexandria,  194  ;  II.  Pope,  ii.  89;  III. 

191,    267,    372,   408;    IV.    226,   301, 

note   9  ;   Hales,  324,  358  ;  V.  iii.  190, 

note  3;  162;   VI.  237  seq. 
Alexandria,   a   Jewish    colony    founded 

there,  i.  30;  influence  of  philosophy, 

31  ;  Christian  philosophy,   137  ;  Cate- 
chetical school,  134 ;  council   of,  201; 

Easter  Sunday  tixed  by  the  patriarch, 

292. 
Alexiani,  iii.  99. 
Alexiopolis,  ii.  414. 
Alexius,  Greek  prince,    ii.    209 ;  Com- 

nenus,  411,  414. 
Alfred,  the  Great,  ii.  102. 
Allemand,  Lewis,  archb.   of  Aries,  iii. 

201,  note  46. 
Allemanni,  their  conversion,  i.  354. 
Alliaco,  Peter  de,  iii.  67,  note  1  ;  117, 

note  8;   162,171,  note   4;  301,  note 

2. 
Almainus,  Jac.  iii.  257,  note  3. 
Almsgiving,  i.  296,  note  2. 


418 


Alogi,  i.  91 ;  opposed  by  Hippolytus, 
146,  note  8. 

Jlphonso  IX.,  kins;  of  Leon,  ii.  206;  the 
Wise,  kinii  of  Casiile,  227  ;  resists  the 
papal  ursmpalions,  iii.  54  ;  duke  of 
Ferrara,  245;  king  of  Anigon,  212, 
note  16 ;  king  of  Castile,  "54,  note 
20. 

Mvanis,  Pelagins,  iii.  18. 

Amalarich,  son  of  Simon  de  Montfort,  ii. 
3S7. 

Amalric,  of  Bena,  ii.  322. 

Ambrose,  bishop  of  Milan,!,  208;  his 
opinion  concerning  the  taxes  of  the 
clero y>  242,  note  2 ;  recommends 
the  worship  of  angels,  288;  introduces 
singing  in  responses  into  the  Western 
church,  294  ;  general  of  the  order  of 
Camaldulenses,  iii.  289,  note  10. 

Ainmon,  founded  a  convent  on  the  Nit- 
rian  mountains,  i.  270. 

Ammonius,  Saccas,  i.  111. 

America,  bestowed  by  the  Pope  on  the 
discoverers,  iii.  369 ;  converted  to 
Christianity,  410. 

Amiliiis,  de  Buren,  iii.  101. 

Anacletiis  II.  ii.  183. 

Anastasius,  emperor,  i.  320,  353 ;  II. 
372;  bishop  of  Rome,  214;  patriarch  of 
Antioch,  327;  Bibliothecarius,  373; 
patriarch  of  Constantinople,  ii.  2  ;  IV. 
pope,  182. 

Anathema,  distinguished  from  Excom- 
munication in  the  9th  century,  ii.  63. 

Anatolius,  his  cycle  for  determining 
Easter,  i.  292,  note  10. 

Anaxilaus,  a  Pythagorean,  i.  25. 

Ancharano,  de,  see  Peter. 

Anchorites,  i.  271. 

Ancient  literature,  iii.  393. 

Ancyra,  synod  of,  1.  199. 

AndrecB,  Jo.  iii.  44,  note  1. 

Andreas,  Ep.  Megarensis,  iii.  192,  note 
19. 

Andrew,  king  of  Naples,  ni.  34;  archb. 
376. 

Andronicus  HI.  Palaologus,  iii.  152. 

Angeli,  Jo.  iii.  268,  note  23. 

Angels,  worship  of,  i.  288. 

Ano-elus,  de  Cingulo,  iii.  95,  note  14. 

An'glo- Saxons,  converted,  i.  355,  361, 
379. 

Anicetus,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  107. 

Annates,  iii.  54,  note  25 ;  62,  note  3. 

Anomoioi,  i.  198, 

Anschar,  ii,  29. 

Ansegisus,  archb.  of  Sens,  ii.  76. 

Anselm,  bishop  of  Lucca,  ii.  96,  114; 
archb.  of  Canterbury,  175,  311  ;  bish- 
op of  Havelburg,  410. 

Anthimus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 
i.  323. 


Anthropomorphites,   i.  214;    especially 

monks,  275  ;  in  Vicenza,  ii.  99. 
Aritidnkomarianites,  i.  237. 
Antioch,   lir<t    Christians   there,  i.    5"  ; 

first    council    of,    195;    second,    197; 

canons  of,  206  ;  conquered  by  the  Sar- 

aci-ns,  365. 
Antiochian    school,  i.  145;    the  source 

of  Nesforianism,  228. 
Antipas,  Herod,  i.  26. 
Antitactes,  i.  87. 
Antiininiis  Pius,  i.  78. 
Antony,  tirst  monk,  i.  172,  270 ;  found- 
er of  a  convent  in  Kiev,  ii.  150;  order 

of  St.,  280. 
Apelles,  Maicionite,  i.  89. 
AphthartodocetcE,  i.  327. 
Apiareus,  i.  207. 
Apocryphal  writings,  i.  44,  note  3  ;   46, 

note  1. 
ApoUinaris,  bishop  of  Hierapolis,  i.  95. 
Apollonius,  of  Tyaiia,  i.    25;  his  life  by 

Philostratus,    114;    martyr,    80,    note 

11  ;  Antimontanist,  96. 
Apollos,  i.  60. 

Apologies  for  Christianity,  i.  94. 
Apostacy,  prohibited  by  Theodoras,  i. 

186;  iapsi,  116. 
Apostles  at  Jerusalem,  i.  46;  assembled 

there,  50  ;  considered  equal  in  dignity, 

262;  traditions  concerning  them,  52; 

opinion  of    them    entertained  by    the 

Ncw-Platonists,    113;  by  the    Mani- 

chaeans,  132. 
Apostle-brethren    a    sect  in   the    13th 

century,  ii.  403. 
Apostolic-fathers,  i.  67;  churches,  96; 

not  set  above  the  rest,  97  ;  rank  in  4th 

century,    256;    title    given  to    every 

bishopric,   339.    note    17 ;    constituti- 

ones  et  canones,  152;  number  of  the 

canones,  370. 
Appeal   from   the   Pope    to    a    general 

council,  iii   260. 
Apideiiis  of  Medaura,  i.  72. 
Aquileia,  bishopric  of,  revolts  from  the 

Pope,  i.  341. 
Arabs,  revival  of  learning  amongst  them, 

ii.  101. 
Arausio,  council  of,  i.  330. 
ArchcEology,  ecclesiastical,  i.  4. 
Archbishops,  see  Patriarchs. 
Archdeacons,  i.  246 ;  see  Dioceses. 
Archelaus,   bishop  of    Cascar,   writings 

against  Manes,  i.  130,  131,  note  4. 
Arcimboldus,  Jo.  Aug.  iii.  326. 
Arelate,  council  of,  i.  167,  198  ;  bishop 

of,  made  the  Pope's  vicar,  265. 
Aretinus,  Leonard,  iii.  162. 
Aristides''  defence  of  Christianity,  i.  94. 
Aristobulus,  a  Jewish  philosopher,!.  32. 
Ariston  of  Pella,  i.  95. 


419 


Aristotle,  his  philosophy,  i.  20  ;  revised 
by  Boethius  in  the  West,  "31 ;  i)y  Jo. 
Philoponus  in  the  East,  321 ;  his  logic 
revived  in  the  West,  ii.  102,  note  6  ; 
his  works  brought  forward  in  the  12tii 
century,  321. 

^rius,i.  193,195;  Arian  controversy, 192. 

Armagh,  bishopric  of",  i.  313 

Armenia,  converted,  i.  311;  history  of 
the  Armenian  church,  iii.  157,  414. 

Arnobins,  i.  148  ;  junior,  328.  ^ 

Ariiold  of  Brescia,  ii.  183,  188  ;  abbot 
of  Citeaux,  384. 

Arnulf,  bishop  of  Rheims  ii.  80. 

Artabasdus  ii.  3. 

Arttmon,  i.  128. 

Ascetic  life  of  the  New-Platonists,  i, 
112  ;  of  the  Manicha'ans,  133  ;  vol- 
untary in  the  primitive  church,  60  ; 
in  second  century,  106  ;  in  third  cen- 
tury, 169;  forbidden  to  the  clergy, 
172 ;  in  high  estimation,  173 ;  for- 
bidden, 371,  note  5. 

Aschaffenburg,  diet  of,  iii.  207,  note  3. 

Asses"  feast,  ii.  347,  note  2. 

Asterius,  Arian,  i.  194. 

Astesaniis,  iii.  111. 

Asylum,  rigbt  of,  in  Christian  churches, 
1.  244. 

Athanasius,  i.  194,  208  ;  de  incarna- 
tione  verbi,  229;  introduces  IVlona- 
chism  in  the  West,  276. 

Athenagoras,  defence  of  Christianity,  i. 
94;  teacher  in  the  catechetical  school 
at  Alexandria,  135,  note  2. 

Audius,  Audiani,  i.  275. 

Augustine,  De  civitate  Dei,  i.  190, 
note  9 ;  against  the  Manicha;ans,  216  ; 
Donatists,  217;  Pelagians,  219;  in- 
trod!ices  monastic  life,  280  ;  advocates 
the  adoration  of  martyrs,  284,  note  10  ; 
converts  the  Anglo-Saxons,  355,  361. 

Augustin-eremites,  ii.  291. 

Augustinus,  see  Triumphus. 

Aurelian,  i.  117,  130,  note  11. 

Avari,  Avars,  ii.  29. 

Averrhoes,  ii.  322. 

Avicenua,  ii.   321. 

Avignon,  papal  residence,  ii.  1  seq. 

B. 

Baanes,  ii.  8. 

Baffometus,  iii.  6,  note  8. 

Bagnnlenses,  ii.  397,  note  15. 

Bajessid,  Sultan,  iii.  236. 

Baldwin,  bishop  of  Paderborn,  iii   116, 

note  5  ;  archb.  of  Triers,  9,    note  16  ; 

25,  note  34  ;   29,  note  6. 
Balthasar,  see  Cossa. 
Bahie,  Jean,  iii.  229,  note  45. 
Ban,   papal,    disregarded,  iii.  125,  note 

16.     See  Interdict. 


Bandelus,  Vincent,  iii.  315,  note  14. 
Baptism,  the  rite,  i.  105;  amongst  the 
Manicha-ans,  133  ;  first  traces  of  the 
bapfi-^m  of  infants,  105  ;  becomes  com- 
mon, 159,  note  3;  of  heretics,  165;  in 
the  second  Period,  294. 
Baptista,   Mantuanus,  iii.  279,  note?; 

284,  note  14. 
Barbatian,  a  monk,  i.  310. 
Bar-Cochba,i.  72,81. 
Bardesanes,  Gnostic,  i.  88. 
Bari,  synod  of,  ii.  411. 
Barlaam,  a  Greek  abbot,  iii,  152,  note  2  ; 

155. 
jBar?e«a,  Gabriel,  iii.  320. 
Barnabas,  St.   Paul's  companion,  i.  49  ; 

epistle  of,  67. 
Barreria,  Peter  de,  iii.  59,  note  6. 
Barsumas,  bishop  of  Nisibis,  i.  236. 
Bartholemaus  de  St.  Concordia,  iii.  111. 

See  Pisis. 
Bartholemei,  Jo.  iii.  277,  note  2. 
Bartholemew,  Apostle,  i.  47,  54. 
Bartolus  de  Saxoferrato,  iii.  13,  note  9; 
Basil,    bishop    of  Ancyra,    i.    198 ;  the 
Great,  200,  note  7  ;  208  ;  favors  Mon- 
achism,  272;  his  monastic  rules,  274, 
note    16;    the    Macedonian,    ii.    140, 
148  ;  leader  of  the  Bogomiles,  415. 
Basilides,  Gnostic,  i.  84  ;  Spanish  bishop, 

156,  note  11. 
^asj/iscus,  emperor,  i,  318. 
Battle  of  Muhldorf,  iii.  11. 
Baurus,  Bavarus,  iii.  33,  note  22. 
Bavaria  converted,  i.  381. 
Bee,  convent  school  at,  ii,  102. 
Becket,Thoims,  archb.  of   Canterbury, 

ii.  192. 
Beda,  Venerabilis,  i.  380 
Beghards,  ii.  306,  403,  note  25  ;    iii.  92, 
98  seq  ;    128,  133,  300,  306  ;  in  Bohe 
niia,  360. 
Beguines,  ii.  305 ;  iii.  93,  note   3  ;  98 

seq. 
Bellannine,  iii.  184,  note  1. 
Benedict   of  Nursia,  i.    346 ;    abbot   of 
Aniane,  ii.   24  ;  Levita,  67  ;  his  Ca- 
pitularies,   23,  note    10  ;   67,  note    6  ; 
Popes,  I.  i.  336  ;  II.  374  ;  III.  ii.    13  ; 
IV.    78;  V.    80;  VI.    and    VII.    80, 
note  16  ;  VIII.  and  IX.  83  ;  XI.  250  ; 
St.  Benedict,   126;  XII.  iii.  27    seq.; 
51;  XIII.  58,  60,  note  11;  62,67,162, 
note  4  ;  165,  176  ;  XIV.  ibid,  note  12. 
Benedictines,  in   the   12th   century,  ii. 
218;  chapter  convened,  A.  D.  1417, 
iii.  286. 
Benefices,  often  bestowed  by  the  kings 

on  their  courtiers,  ii:  93. 
Berengariiis,  of  Friuli,ii.  77  ;  Scholasti- 

cus  at  Tours,  102. 
Bernardinus   de  Bustis,  iii.  314,   note 


420 


INDEX. 


11;  315,  note  14;  Senensis,  293,  note 

18. 

Bernhard,  abbot  of  Clairvaux,  ii.  183, 
1S5,  186,  283,  314,  343;  of  Saisset, 
bishop  of  Pariiicrs,  242;  abbot  of  Font- 
caiule,  381  ;  a  Dominican  supposed  to 
have  poisoned  king  Henry  VIII.  of 
Germany  at  the  communion-table,  iii. 
9,  note  16. 

Berno,  abbot  of  Chigny,  ii.  121. 

Berthold  of  Calabria,  founder  of  the  Car- 
melite order,  ii.  281;  a  Franciscan, 
distinguished  forhis  success  as  a  preach- 
er in  Ralisbonne  in  the  12th  century, 
348. 

Bertrand  d'  Agoust  (Clement  V.)  ii. 
251  ;  Peter,  iii.  77,  note  7. 

Bei-yllus  of  Bostra,  i.  129. 

Besai'1^071,  diet  of,  ii.  189. 

Bessarion,  Cardinal,  iii.  218. 

Bianchi,  iii.  134. 

Bible,  see  N.  T.  ;  Latin  translations  of,  i. 
93,  note  4  ;  prohibited,  ii.  302;  trans- 
lations of,  iii.  143,  (Wiclirte's)  149, 
321. 

Bid,  Gabriel,  iii.  308,320. 

Billius,  Andr.  iii.  186,  note  4. 

BirgHta,  St.,  iii.  43,  note  16;  97,  115  ; 
order  of,  97. 

Bishops, lit  first  the  same  with  presbyters, 
i.  56  ;  first  traces  of  a  distinction  be- 
tween them,  65;  increased  dignity  of, 
151,  152  seq.  ;  from  the  time  of  Con- 
stantine,  242,  246;  under  Justinian, 
334 ;  their  position  in  the  German 
church,  355  ;  in  the  Gallican,  376  ;  in 
the  Spanish,  377  ;  country  bishops, 152, 
246  ;  mostly  nominated  by  the  kings, 
ii.  22;  relations  to  their  clergy,  97; 
to  the  secular  power,  91  ;  to  the  Pope, 
94  ;  election  contirmed  by  the  Pope, 
255 ;  even  nominated  by  him,  259, 
note  9 ;  considered  only  his  vicars, 
253;  power  of,  in  third  Period,  iii.  76 
seq.  ;  276;  abuse  of  the  liberty  to  re- 
ceive inheritances,  i.  245.  See  Metro- 
politans, Patriarchs,  Rome. 

Bizochi,  or  Beguini,  iii.  92,  note  3. 

Blastus,  i.  126,  note  12. 

Blondus,  Flav.  iii.  314,  note  12. 

Bobium,  convent  of,  i.  362. 

Boethius,  a  follower  of  Aristotle,  i.  331. 

Bugomiles,  ii.  415. 

Bogoris,  king  of  Bulgaria,  ii.  138. 
Bohemia  converted,  ii.  132  ;  attempts  at 

reform,  iii.  135. 
Boleslaus  Ii!.,  ii.  405  ;  the  Good,  1.32. 
Bonacursus,  ii.  375. 
Bonagratia,  de   Bergamo,  iii.  24,  note 

28  ;  94,  note  9. 
Bonuventura,  ii.  294,  324. 
Boniface  I-,   bishop   of  Rome,   i.   267; 


IV.  863,  note  12  ;  (Winfried)  converts 

Germany,  ii.  10  ;  brings  the  Gallican 

chuicb    into    connexion    with     Rome, 

14;    VIII.   Pope,   237,  .305,3.57;    iii. 

5,   88,  note   3;   IX.   58,  60,  64  seq. 
Bonosus,  bishop  of  Sardica,  i.  287. 
Borgia,  Caesar,  iii.  239  seq.;  Giufiredi, 

238,  note  19  ;  John,  note  18  ;  Roderic, 

note  17. 
Boiziwoi,  duke  of  Moravia,  ii.  132. 
Boutzbach,  Jo.,   iii.   290,  note  11  ;  406, 

note  24. 
Bradwnrdine,  Thorn.,  iii.  107. 
Brandenburg,     bishopric    of,    ii.    134 ; 

mark  of,  founded,  406. 
Brandt,  Sebastian,  iii.  279,  note  7. 
Breitenbach,  Jo.  v.,  iii.  32S,  note  23. 
Brethren  of  the  Free  Spirit,  ii.  403  ;  of 

the   law  of  Christ,  (Brethren,  United 

brethren,)  iii.  374. 
Breviscoxa,  Jo.,  iii.  259,  note  6. 
Britain,    Christianized,     i.    123,    313  ; 

church  of,  361,379. 
Brixen,  Synod  of,  ii.  167. 
Bruno,    archbishop  of  Cologne,    ii.   91, 

280;    bishop    of    Angus, '  frienlly   to 

Berengar,  105;  abbot  of  Clugny,  121. 
Bryzezyna,  iii.  355,  note  4. 
Bulla  Sabbalhina,  iii.  299,  note  11. 
Bullarium  Romanum,  i.  9,  note  5. 
Bulgarians,   partially   Christianized,  ii. 

149.     See  Albigenses. 
Burchardus,  Jo.,  iii.  229. 
Burgundy,  i.  312,  354. 
Buridan,  Jo.,  iii.  106,  note  6. 
/?»rs/(L'W,  congregation  of,  iii.   291,   note 

13;   292. 
Busch,  Jo.,  iii.  280,  note  8  ;  286,  note  4; 

291,  note  12. 

C. 
Ccccilianus,  bishop  of  Carthage,  i.  168. 
Calestius,  a  friend  of  Pelagius,  i.  218. 
Casarius,  bishop  of  Aries,  i.  344,  note 

35. 
Caietan,  Thomas  de  Vio,  iii.  257. 
Cuius,  i.   125,   128,  note  5 ;  a   work  of 

Hippolytus  against  him,  146,  note  8. 
Calbe,  Jo.,  iii.  313,  note  8. 
Caleca,  see  Manuel. 
Calixtines,  iii.  360,  365  seq. 
Calixtus  II.,  ii.  180;  iii.  191,  note  21. 
Camaldolensians,  order  of,   founded  by 

Romnaldus,  ii.  122. 
Cambalu  (Pekin),   a   Christian   society 

there,  1307,  ii.  409. 
Canon  of  the  N.  T.,  i.  98;  views  of  the 

Manicha!ans  concerning,  133. 
Cannnesses,  ii.  306. 

Canonica  vita,  introduced,  ii.  24;  dis- 
continued, 97  ;  from  the  11th  century, 

274. 


421 


Canonization,  right  of,  claimed  by  the 

popes,  ii.  258. 
Cantacuzenus,  emperor,  iii.  155,  note  1. 
Canterhiiri/,  archbishopric  of,  i.  361. 
Canute,  the  Great,  ii.  128;  last  king  of 

tlie  Wends,  406. 
Capistrano   Jo.    de,   iii.   210,    note   11; 

293,  note  18  ;  369,  note  4. 
Caracalla,  i.  115. 
Cardinal,    meaning   of  the   title,  ii.  89, 

note  10. 
Carhnan,  ii.  14. 

Carlovingian  dynasty,  diffusion  of  Chris- 
tianity  under,  ii.    28  seq. ;  ettbrts  for 
the  instruction  of  the  people,  33. 
Cannelitts,  founded  1098,  ii.  281,  295  ; 

iii.  294,  note  19. 
Carolini  libri,  ii.  35. 
Carpocrates,  i.  87. 

Carthage,  chief  seat  of  Christianity  in 

Africa,  i.   73;  power  of  the   bishops, 

153,  note  3 ;  synod  of,  held  to  try  Ce- 

lestius,  219. 

Carthusians,  ii.  280;  iii.  286,  note  1. 

Carvajal,   iii.    267,    note   IS ;  John    de, 

207,  note  3. 
Casas,  Barthol.  de  las,  iii.  411. 
Cassianus,  John,  a  pupil  of  Chrysostom, 
i.   226,    231,  note   10;    236,  note   21; 
278. 
Cassiodorus,  i.  331,  347. 
Castor  A«:rippa,  i.  96. 
Ca.sf/-(c/i,  Ludolph,  iii.  332,  note  30. 
Casuistry,  ii.  328  ;  iii.  110. 
Catacombs,  i.  169. 

Catechetical  school  at  Alexandria,  i.  134. 
Catechumens,  i.  159. 
Catenisfs,  i.  330. 

Cathari,  in    12th    century,  ii.    368;  in 
13th  century,  see  Aibigenses  ,  divis- 
ions amongst  them,  398. 
Catharine,  St.,  of  Sweden,  iii.  59,  note 

5 ;  of  Siena,  43,  note  16  ;  59,  note  5. 
Catholic,  see  Church. 
Cecilianus,  see  Coecilianus. 
Cele,  John,  iii.  303,  note  6. 
Celestinus,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  231  ;  II. 
ii.   182;  III.  195,  268,    note    16;  IV. 
220,  305  ;  V.  232. 
Celestius,  see  Ca-lestius. 
Celibacy,  held  in  high  esteem  in  first 
Period,  i.  106;  in  second   Period  pre- 
.scribed  by  law   for  the   clergy,  279; 
not  in  the  British  church,  361 ;  Greek 
church,  371  ;  of  the  clergy  in  the  11th 
century,  ii.  112,  160  seq. ;  in  12th  and 
13th  centuries,  275. 
Celsus,  opposer  of  Christianity,  i.  77. 
Cerdo,  i.  S9. 
Cerinthus,  i.  70. 

Chalcedon,   council   of,   i.  240 ;    deter- 
mines the  rank  of  the  bishops  of  Con- 


the 


266. 
i.  67, 


stantinople,  253 ;  its  decrees  revived, 
336,  note  1  ;  Pope's  legate  presided, 
260;  Leo  protests  against  its  decrees, 
269. 
Chalons,  synod  of,  ii.  123,  note  4  ;  meet- 
ing there  between  Henry  V.'s  ambas- 
sadors and  Pope  Paschal  II.,  176. 
Chapters,   controversy    concerning 

three,  i.  324;  cathech'ai,  ii.  272. 
Charles  Martel,  i.  377. 
Charta,  Masna,  ii.  208. 
Chartier,  Alain,  iii.  283,  note  14. 
Chazari,  ii.  149. 

Cheiidonius,  bishop  of  Vesontio,  i. 
Chiliasm,  in  the  ep.  of  Barnabas, 
note  1 ;  in  that  of  Papias,  68,  note  8 ; 
in  2d  century,  100;  opposed  by  Ori- 
gen,  141 ;  put  down  by  Dionysius  in 
the  East,    142 ;  retained  in  the  West, 
149. 
China,  Nestorians  there,  i.  353  ;  Chris- 
tian church  there,  iii.  151. 
Chonoe,  see  Connovius. 
Chorasmins,  ii.  225. 
Chozil,  a  Moravian  prince,  ii.  130. 
Christ,  see  Jesus  and  Logos  ;  opinions  of 
the    philosophers    concerning   him,   i. 
113;  of  Manes,  131;  his   return  ex- 
pected, 189,  note  6. 
Christianity,   spread  of,  ii.  28 ;  in  the 
north    of  Europe,   127;    in   the   East, 
149;  — continued,   407,  40S ;    iii.  1.50 
sei). ;  410. 
Christians,   the    name,   i.   56,   no'e   2 ; 
claimed    by    the    clergy    exclusively, 
102,  note  2  ;  their  customs  at  tirst,  59 ; 
passed   at  first  for  a  Jewish  sect,  55, 
62 ;  hated  by  the  people  as  atheists,  77 ; 
forced  to  withdraw  from  society,  74; 
Milites  Chiisti,  105  ;  misunderstanding 
of  this  expression,  117,  note  15  ;  ridi- 
culed, 181;  swayed  by  external  mo- 
tives, 182. 
Christmas,  i.  291. 

Chrodegang,  bishop  of  Metz,  ii.  24. 
Chrysoloras,  Emanuel,  iii.  393. 
Chrysostom,  i.  211  ;  takes  part  with  the 
followers  of  Origen,  214;  canonized, 
230,  note  6 ;  on  the  Lord's  Supper, 
294,  note  9. 
Church,  explanation  of  the  word,  i.  1 ; 
what  in  the  earliest  time,  103,  167; 
pictures  common  in  tlie  churches, 
350;  called  basilicT,  291;  magnificent 
churches  built  by  Justinian,  351  ; 
Catholic  church,  idea  of,  97,  151; 
unity  of,  153,  note  6 ;  importance  of 
reception  into,  173 ;  alone  to  be  toler- 
rated,  247 ;  influence  of,  on  the  people, 
301. 

advocates,  i.  27. 

assemblies,  see  Svnods. 


422 


INDEX. 


Church  discipline,  of  the  Montanists,  i. 
90,  10();  in  the  Western  chmcli,  108, 
152,  note  1  ;  in  the  church  of  Rome, 
125;  towards  the  end  of  tirst  Period, 
ISy;  in  third  Period,  ii.  362. 

fathers,  collections  of,  i.  9,  note  3. 

history,  object  and  duly  of,  i.  2; 

importance  of,  12. 

hnvs,  digests  of,  333. 

ojficers,  advocates,  i.  27,  157. 

,  oppressions  in,  iii.  48,  61. 

■penance,  i.  107,  161;  in  Africa, 


162;  degrees  therein,  160.    See  Pen- 
ance. 

yards,  i.  168. 

Churches,  national,  their  relation  to  the 
stale,  ii.  266;  internal  relations,  272. 

Cibossa,  ii.  8,  note  3. 

Circumcelliones,  i.  217. 

Citeaux,  convent  and  order  of  (Ci^ter- 
tiuni,  ordo  Cisterciensis),  ii.  281 ;  mode 
of  government  made  a  model  for  other 
orders,  286. 

Clara,  St.,  order  of,  ii.  289. 

Clarendon,  council  of,  ii.  193. 

Clarenes,  congregation  of  the,  iii.  95, 
note  14. 

Claudius,  his  alleged  persecution  of  the 
Christians,  i.  56. 

Clement,  Fabius,  a  martyr,  i.  63,  note  3 
of  Rome,  i.  67;   Alexandrinus,   135 
V.Pope,  iii.  2  seq.,  44,  48,  88,  note  3 
92,    note    1;    VI.    32  seq.,    52    seq.  ; 
VIII.  176,  note  12. 

Clementines,  iii.  44. 

Clergy,  morals  of,  in  third  Period,  iii. 
81  seq.  ;  277,  seq.  ;  restrictions  on,  in 
third  Pei'iod,  274. 

Clericis  laicos,  bull  distinguished  by 
that  title,  ii,  238. 

Clermont,  Synod  of,  ii.  171. 

Clinici,  what,  i.  159. 

Clevis,  i.  354. 

Clugny,  convent  of,  ii.  121 ;  exemption 
of,  123  ;  order  of  (Cluniacensians)  281. 

Cobades,  a  Pei-sian  king,  i.  87. 

Cohham,  Lord,  iii.  149,  note  19. 

CoclicolcB,  i.  183. 

Collegia,  illicita,  i.  20;  the  Christian 
societies  at,  first  regarded  as  coll.  licita, 
55  ;  not  afterwaids,  78  ;  forbidden 
anew  by  Sept.  Sevei'us,  114,  note  3. 

Colomhino,  John,  iii.  97. 

Colonncp,  iii.  186,  note  4. 

Columban,  successful  in  converting  the 
Picts,  i.  361. 

Commentaries,  biblical,  in  14th  century, 
iii.  114. 

Conimodianus,  i.  148. 

Commodus,  1,  80. 

Communion,  of  children  no  longer  per- 
mitted, ii.  332. 


Concordat  of  Aschaffenburg,  iii.  207 ; 
Concordats  at  Constance,  179 ;  with 
France,  250.     See  Worms. 

Cone  rdata  Principum  Francofordensia, 
iii.  203,  note  50. 

Concorezenses,  ii.  398,  note  17. 

Concubinarii,  iii.  83,  279. 

Conecte,  Thomas,  iii.  376. 

Confession,  private,  allowed,  i.  306  ;  ii. 
62,  349. 

Confessors,  i.  108 ;  not  always  men  of 
spotless  lives,  173. 

Congregatio,  Cluniacensis,  ii.  121 ; 
Hirsaugiensis,  ii.  122. 

Congregations,  of  convents,  iii.  292, 
294,  note. 

Connovius  (de  Conway),  a  Franciscan 
monk  in  Oxford,  iii.  46,  note  2. 

Conrad,  duke  of  Masovia,  ii.  407;  of 
Marburg,  inquisitor,  389. 

Conradin,  the  last  of  the  Hohenstaufen, 
put  to  death,  1268,  ii.  232. 

Constance,  of  Sicily,  ii.  196,  202. 

Constans,  emperor,  i.  180;  ii.  368. 

Constantine,  the  Great,  i.  118  seq.; 
mild  treatment  of  the  Novatians,  164, 
note  10;  appealed  to  in  the  Donatian 
schism,  167;  his  measures  against  pa- 
ganism, 179;  f/i ('(TZ0/70C  T(~))'  iy.ro:, 
250,  note  16;  the  II.,  180;  Pogoiia- 
tus,  368 ;  Pope,  375  ;  investiture,  iii. 
261. 

Co7tstanfinus,  Copronymus,  ii.  3 ;  Mo- 
noinachus,  144;  Porphyrogenitus,149; 
Paulician,  8;  a  monk  of  Monte  Cas- 
sino,  100  ;  see  Cyril. 

Co7istantinople,i.  179;  general  council 
of,  205 ;  rank  of  the  bishop  of,  252, 
336;  as  fixed  by  the  council,  quine- 
sextum,  370;  fifth  cecumen.  council 
of,  325;  sixth,  368;  other  councils,  ii. 
3,  140,  141  ;  synod  of,  411 ;  taken  pos- 
session of  by  the  Crusaders,  209  ;  other 
synods  there,  iii.  1.56;  fall  of,  208. 

Constantius,  Chlorus,  i.  116;  emperor, 
180. 

Co7ivents, oi'i^in  of, i.  270;  first  union  of, 
347  ;  earlist  instances  of  exemption 
from  the  jurisdiction  of  the  bishop  of 
the  diocese,  348;  Irish  distinguished 
for  discipline  and  learnins;,  361 ;  first 
founded  in  Germany  by  Boniface,  ii. 
1 1  ;  decline  of,  in  tenth  century,  120  ; 
independence  of,  123 ;  see  Mona- 
chism  ;  corruption  of,  iii.  286  seq. 

Conversions,  iii.  150,  410. 

Capiat^,  odicers  of  the  church  in  second 
Period,  i.  245. 

Copts,  Christianity  among  fhem,  iii.  160, 
note  4. 

Corbinian,  i.  381. 

Corduba,  synod  of,  ii.  55. 


423 


Cornelius,  bishop  of  Rome,  ii.  163. 

Correspondence,  of  the  cluiiches  facili- 
tated l)y  tiie  appointment  of  metropoli- 
tans, i.  153. 

Corsellis,  Thomas  de,  iii.  261,  note  11. 

Cortesius,  Paul,  iii.  397. 

Cosmos.,  Indicopleiisles,  i.  331. 

Cossa,  Balthasar,  iii.  121,  note  8. 

Councils,  see  Synods. 

Courlanders,  baptized,  ii.  407. 

Courtney,  aichbishop  of  Canterbury,  iii. 
144. 

Courts,  ecclesiastical  and  lay,  collision 
between  them,  iii.  75  seq  ;  the  eccle- 
siastical courts  i-estricted,  274  seq. 

Cramaud,  Simon,  patriaich  of  Alexan- 
diia,  iii.  69,  note  11. 

Cremona,  diet  of,  ii.  211. 

Crescens,  an  opposer  of  Christianity,  i. 
77. 

Cross,  an  object  of  adoration,  i.  289 ; 
Festum  exaltationis,  364  ;  brethren  of 
(Cruciferi,)  iii.  132,  note  3. 

Cruciferi,  see  Flagellants. 

Crusades,  first,  ii.  171 ;  second,  185 ; 
third,  198;  fourth,  209;  fifth,  212; 
sixth,  225;  proposed  by  the  emperoi- 
Frederick  III.,  iii.  209. 

Cubricus,  JManes,  i.  131. 

Cugneriis,  Peter  de,  iii.  77,  note  7. 

Cup,  withiheld  from  the  laity,  ii.  332. 

Cusanus,  see  Nicholas. 

Cynics,  without  influence,  i.  26. 

Cynus,  papal  jurist,  iii.  13,  note  9. 

Cyprian,  maviyv,  i.  117,  note  13;  church 
father,  148;  de  unitate  ecclesis,  151, 
note  1. 

Cyril,  of  Jerusalem,  i  209;  of  Alex- 
andria, 230;  controversy  with  Orestes, 
244,  note  6  ;  or  Constanline,  converts 
the  Bulgarians,  ii.  149 ;  the  Sclavo- 
iiiaiis,  129. 

Cyrus,  Monotheletic,  bishop,  i.  366. 

D. 

DcBmons,  of  the  New-Platonist«,  i.  112. 
Damasus,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  255. 
Damian,  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  i.  321. 
Dancers,  iii.  134. 
Dandolo,   Henry,  Doge  of  Venice,    ii. 

209. 
Daniel,  a  Stylite,  i.  345. 
Dante,  Alighieri,  iii.  11,  note  4. 
David,  oi  Dinant,  ii   322. 
Deacons  and  Deaconesses,  i.  58. 
Decius,  i.  115. 
Decretals,  i.  258 ;  first  forgeries  of,  339  ; 

Isidore's  collection    of,  333  ;   Pseudo- 

isidorian,  ii.  65  ;  Gregorii,  P.  IX.,  252  ; 

collections  of,  iii.  44. 
Demetrius,  bishop  of  Alexandria,  i.  135 ; 

CydoniuSj  iii.  155,  note  8. 


Demiurgus,  i.  85. 

Desiderius,  king  of  the  Lombards,  ii.  16  ; 
abhot  of  Cassino,  fc3,  note  27. 

Deventer,  school  at,  iii.  101,  note  6; 
303,  note  6. 

Dialectics,  applied  to  the  study  of  theo- 
logy, ii.  102;  in  the  controversy  be- 
tween Berengarius  and  Lanfranc,  107 
.seq. 

Dianius,  Semiarian,  i.  200,  note  7. 

Didymus,  head  of  the  catechetical 
school  at  Alexandria,  i.  208,  211. 

Diego,  bishop  ot  Osma,  ii   383. 

Diet.her,  of  Mayence,  iii.  220,  222. 

Dioceses,  division  of  the,  ii.  24;  internal 
relalions  of,  272. 

Diocletian,  i.  117;  his  edict  against  the 
Manichaans,  133,  note  12. 

Diodurus,  of  Tarsus,  i.  210,  228  ;  a  monk 
of  Antioch,  293,  note  3. 

Diognetian,  epistle  to,  i.  95. 

Dionysius,  of  Corinth,  i.  93  ;  bishop  of 
Alexandria,  129,  135,142,166;  Exi- 
guus,  333;  the  Areopagiie,  ii.  60; 
Bar.  Salibi,  bishop  of  Amida,  418; 
Carlhusianus,  iii.  259,  279,  note  7. 

Dioscurus,  bi-^hop  ot  Alexandria,  i.  238. 

Diospolis,  synod  of,  i.  220. 

Diptycha,  i.  169,  note  12. 

Dispensation,  univeisal  right  of,  claim- 
ed by  the  popes  in  12th  century,  ii. 
258. 

Divorce,  freedom  of,  amongst  the  Ger- 
man nations  continues  after  their  con- 
version to  Christianity,  i.  360. 

DocetcE,  i.  69  ;  their  doctrine  adopted  by 
the  Gnostics,  85;  by  the  Manichas- 
ans,  132;  in  the  Alexandrian  theo- 
logy, 141,  note  16;  145,  note  12. 

Dominicans,  their  influence  at  the  uni- 
versity of  Paris,  ii.  294;  appointed 
perpetual  inqui.sitors,  388;  iii.  91.  See 
Thomists. 

Dominicus,  ii.  290 ;  a  Cistercensian 
monk,  384. 

Domitian,  emperor,  i.  63 ;  bishop  of 
Ancyra,  324,  note  9. 

Domitilla,  suffered  banishment,  i.  63, 
note  3. 

Domnus,  i.  130. 

Donatio,  Conslantini,  ii.  69;  spurious 
donation  of  Lewis  the  Good,  17,  note 
14 ;  of  Henry,  83,  note  25 ;  of  Otho,  79, 
note  12. 

Donatus,  Donatists,  i.  166;  after  fate, 
217. 

Dorpat,  bishopric  established  there  in 
16th  century,  ii.  407. 

Dositheus,  i.  34. 

Dress,  peculiar,  assumed  by  the  clergy 
in  second  Period,  i.  293. 

Dschem,  iii.  236,  239. 


424 


INDEX, 


Dungal,  ii.  38. 

Buns  Scotus,  ii.  325. 

Dunstan,  archbishop  of  Canterbury,  ii. 

112. 
Burand,  de  Osca,  ii.  398 ;  of  St.  Pour- 

cain,  iii.  104. 

E. 

Easter,  how  reckoned,  i.  292;  in  the 
British  church,  362  seq. 

Eberhard,  Betunensis,  ii.  381. 

Ebiunites,  i.  62;  unite  with  the  Elkc- 
sailes,  81. 

Ebrardus,  Flandrensis,  ii.  373. 

Ecthesis,  i.  367. 

Edelinus,  William,  iii.  338,  note  16. 

Edebsa,  theological  school  at,  i.  236. 

Edmund,  English  prince,  ii.  224,  229. 

Edward  I.  of  Enghnul,  ii.  237,  242  ;  iii. 
3,  note;  III.  29,  52,  141. 

Egbert,  i.  380. 

Egyjit,  Christians  in,  iii.  160. 

Elagabulus,  i.  115. 

Elders,  i.  56  ;  not  teachers,  58,  note  5 ; 
152. 

Electors,  (Churfursten,)  their  complaint 
against  Pius  II.,  iii.  218;  convention 
of,  see  Frankfort. 

Elijah,  the  model  of  the  monks,  i.  292. 

Eligius,  bishop  of  Noyon,  i.  3-58,  note  1. 

Elkesaites,  i.  62. 

Emanuel,  kings  of  Portugal,  iii.  410; 
note  2. 

Emmeram,  i.  381. 

Emperors,  worshipped  as  gods,  i.  23; 
shaie  in  the  prevailing  superstition, 
111  ;  subject  to  the  supervision  of  the 
church,  244;  despotic,  247;  highest 
ecclesiastical  authority,  249  ;  influence 
with  the  clergy,  301  ;  give  laws  to  the 
church,  335;  univei-sal  monarchy  of, 
iii.  13,  note  4. 

Encyclica,  of  Photius,  ii.  139,  142. 

EncycliuH,  i.  318. 

England,  i.  123,  379. 

Ennodius,  bishop  of  Ticinum,  i.  339. 

Enzius,  ii.  215. 

Ephesus,  lobber  synod  at,  i.  239. 

Ephraim,  the  Syrian,  i.  210. 

Epicurus,  i.  17,  note  5  ;  his  philosophy, 
21,  25. 

Epiphanes,  son  of  Carpocrates,  i.  87. 

Epiphany,  celebrated  by  the  followers 
of  Basilides,  i.  85  ;  by  the  church,  168, 
291. 

EpistoleB,  obscur.  viror.  iii.  408. 

Eras,  various,  i.  7,  note  7. 

Erasmus,  Desid.,  iii.  309  seq. 

Eremites,  i.  172  ;  of  St.  Fiancis,  iii.  306  ; 
by  the  church,  168,  291 ;  of  St.  Je- 
rome, 97. 

Erfurth,  synod  of,  ii.  161. 


Erich  IX.,  king  of  Sweden,  ii.  407. 
Ermengarde,   against    the  Cathari,    ii. 

373. 
Essenes,  see  Jews. 
Este,  house  of,  in  Ferrara,  iii.  233. 
Eslhonians,  converted,  ii.  407. 
Ethiopia,  Christianized,  i.  312  ;  Mono- 
physite,  i.  327  ;  Ethiopian  church,  iii. 
160. 
Eucharius,   bishop  of  Triers,    ii.    126, 

note  9. 
Euchites,  i.  182,  275. 
Eudo,  de  Stella,  ii.  365. 
Eugenius  II.  Pope,  ii.  18,  note  8;  III. 
182,  185  ;  iii.  184  seq.,  295,  note  ;  305. 
Eulogius,  ii.  55,  note  5. 
Eunomius,   of  Cappadocia,  i.   198;  op- 
poses   the   worship   of    martyrs,    308, 
note  1. 
Eusebius,  of  Csesarea,  his  ecclesiastical 
histoi-y,  i.  13  ;  his  defence  of  Origen, 
144,    207;    of    Nicomedia,    195;    his 
paity,  196  ;  of  Emesa,  209 ;  of  Vercel- 
Ik,  280. 
Euphemites,  see  Euchites. 
Eustathius,  h\A\o\i  oi  Antioch,   i.    195; 
bisimp  of  Sebaste,  203,  note  19  ;  271  ; 
forbids  wedlock,  275. 
Euthymius,  Zigabenus,  ii.  418. 
Eutyches,  and  Eutychian   controversy, 

i.  237. 
Eutychius,  bishop   of  Constantinople,  i. 

327;  patriarch  of  Alexandria,  ii.  149. 
Evangelica,  infiintia;  Jesu,  i.39,  note  1  : 

Nicodemi,  44  ;  evangelists,  59. 
Evangelium,  a;ternum,  ii.  301. 
Evagrius,  sdiolasticus,  i.  330. 
Evervin,  provost  of  Steinfeld,  ii.  368. 
Ewald,  i.  381. 
Exarchs,  i.  253. 
Exaltationis,  festum,  i.  364. 
Excommunication,  i.   160,   161  ;  in   the 
German    church,   357;    iii.    125;    see 
Anathema. 
Exemption,  of  the  clergy,  i.  121,  242  ; 
ii.  27;  iii.  80;  of  the  convents,  i.  348; 
ii.  12.3. 
Exorcism,  i.  105,  159. 
Exoucontivi,  i.  198. 
Extravagantes,  iii.  44. 


Faber,  Jac,  iii.  409. 

Fabius,  bishop  of  Antioch,  i.  164,  note 
6. 

Facundus,  bishop  of  Hermiane,  i.  326; 
on  the  Loid's  Supper,  352,  note. 

Falckenberg,  Jo.  de,  iii.  113,  191. 

Fasts,  left  to  choice,  i.  161,  170; 
amongst  the  Montanists,  90;  on  estab- 
lished days,  106,  170  ;  prescribed,  291  ; 
supposed  efficacy,  296. 


INDEX. 


425 


Fathers,  see  Apostolic.    _ 

Faustus:  bishop  of  Ren,  i.  328. 

i^ees    of  consecration    demanded  ol  me 

clergy  by  the  Popes,  iii.  54. 
Felicissi>nus,\.  \G'i-  . 

J'e/i.r,  bishop    of  Aptnnsa,    i-    ^"^  "'   ^'• 

Pope,  319  ;  V.  iii.  200  seq. ;  208. 
Fer(i/«a«i/,  of  Naples,  iii.  229  seq.;  ol 

Spain,  410. 
Ferrandus,  Ferrand,  i.  326. 
Festivals,  m  first  Period,  ilf;  of'^'t 
cond  Period,  291 ;  nniUiphed,  3ol ;  ot 
the  triumph  of  the  worship  ot  pictures, 
ii.  6;  still  farther  nniltiphed,  o8,  U7, 
346.  See  Mary,  new  festivals,  iii.  Uo, 
118.  .    .. 

Festiim  corporis  Christi,  ii.  3o8. 
Ficinns,  Mar.,  iii.  394,  note  4. 
Filioque,  controversy  concerning,  u.  41, 

139,  note  ;  344,  note. 
Fins,  ii.  407.  ■     iqr 

FinniUati,  a   friend  of  Origen,  i.  13b, 

16o.  ..     nan 

Flagellants,  iii.  131  seq.,  340  ;  ii.  ^bu 
Flas:e!lation,  ii.  117. 
Flavian,  bishop  ofConstantinople,  i.  2.iS  , 
a  monk,  said  to   have  introduced  sing- 
ing in  responses,  293,  note. 
Florentius,  in.  101,  note. 
Florinns,  i.  126,  note  12. 
Fontevraml,  order  of,  ii.  2S0. 
Fools-feast,  ii.  346. 
Fonnosus,  Pope,  ii.  77. 

Fortunatus,  i.  163. 

Francis,  St.,  ii.  288  ;  of  Paula,  in.  306  ;  1 

king  of  France,  250.  ^  „    •     ! 

Franciscans,  at  the  university  ot  1  aris, 
ii  294  seq.  ;  internal  history  ol,  297 
seq.;  iii.  91,293.  ,.    ,     <    • 

Frankfurt,  synod  of,  ii.  36;  died  at,  in 
third  Period,  iii.  29  ;  convention  ot  the 
electors  at,  202,  211,  note  14. 
Franks,  converted,  i.  354;  state  of  their 

church,  376. 
Fratres,  (observantes)  in.  92  seq. ;  V  ita; 
Communis,    100;    assailed  by    Grabo, 
300  seq. ;  their  schools,  303  ;  coUati- 
ones,  303. 
Fratricelli,  iii.  92. 

Frederic  I.  (Barbarossa)  ii.  187, 188, 190, 
191    198  ;  II.  205  ;  king  ot  Sicily,  247  ; 
III' iii.   202,   209,211;    Von  Lands- 
kron,  282,  note  14;  of  Austria,  10. 
Friesland,  converted,  i.  381. 
Fronto,  opposes  Christianity,  i.  77. 
Frumentius,  introduced  Christianity  into 

Ethiopia  in  second  Period,  i.  312. 
Fulco,  a  distinguished   preacher  in  13th 

century,  ii-  348. 
Fulgenthis,  bishop  of  Raspe,i.  329;  con- 
cerning the  sacrament,  352,  note. 


G. 

Galeriits,  i.  117. 
Gallienus,  i.  117. 
001110'$  treatment  of  Paul,  1.  51. 
Gallus,  emperor,  i.  117. 
Gambacorti,  Petr.,  iii.  98,  note  3. 
Gaston,  ii.  281. 
Ganl,  i.  123.  .. 

Gcgnasius,  a  Pauhcian,  ii.  8. 
Geiler,  see  Kaisersberg. 
Geisa,  ii.  135. 

Gelasivs,  Pope,  maintains  the  suprema- 
cy of  the  papal  see,  i.  338,  note  ; 
acknowledges  the  authority  of  the 
synods,  340,  note;  Cyzicenus,  194, 
note;  II.  Pope,  ii.  ISO 
Gennadius,  presbyter  at  Massilia,i.  328, 

653.  .. 

Gentiliacum,  synod  of,  u.  3o. 
George,  Von  Podiebrad,  111.  220,  note  29 ; 
308  seq.  ..     „, 

Gerbert,  archbishop   of  Rheims,  u.  81 

seq. 
Gereon,  martyr,  i.  116,  note. 
Germano,  St.,  treaty  of,  ii.  211. 
Germany,    tirst   traces   of    Christianity 
there, "i.  123;  conversion  01,  3o4,  dSi; 
hierarchy,  355  ;    conversion  by  Boni- 
face, ii.  9  ;  first  council,  11  ;  first  con- 
vents, 11  ;  reforntation  of,  122. 
Germanus,  patriarch  of  Constantinople, 

ii.  2,  4,  12. 
Gerlach,  of  Nassau,  111.  36. 
Gerson,  John,  iii.   108  seq. ;  162  seq. ; 

282,  321,  note. 
Ghibelines,  see  Hohenstaufen. 
Ghost,  Holy,  created  by  the  Son,  1.  140; 

controversies  concerning,  203. 
Glaucias,  i.  85,  note  4. 
Glossa,  ordinaria,  ii.  32,  note  10  ;  inter- 

linearis,  329. 
Gnosis,  of  the  church,  i.  137  seq. ;   con- 
founded with  .-riarig,  191. 
Gnostics,  i.  82  seq. 
Goch,  De,  iii.  386. 
Gorello,  John  de,  iii.  89,  note. 
Gospel,   harmonies,    German,   in    ninth 

century,  i.  34. 
Goths,  Christianity  introduced   amongst 

them,i.  123,312. 
Gottschalk,  controversies  of,  11.  50,  l.i4. 
Government  of  the  churches,  1.  56,  156 

seq. 
Grabo,  Matthew,  iii.  300. 
Grace,  controversy  concerning,  see  Pe- 

lagius  and  Semipelagianism. 
Grammont,  order  of,  ii.  280. 
Grassis,  Paris  de,  iii.  244. 
Gratian,    emperor,  i.    186 ;  favors    the 

bishop  of  Rome,  257  ;  iii.  254. 
Greek,  language  universally  spoken,  1. 


VOL.    III. 


54 


426 


INDEX. 


16;  almost  exclusively  the  language 
of  the  church,  93  ;  church,  ii  6,  136; 
internal  lehilions,  148;  in  twelfth  cen- 
tury, 410  ;  in  thiitt'cnih,  iii.  152. 

Greenland,  converted,  ii.  ]2S. 

Gregoras,  see  Ivicephorus. 

Gregory,  Thaiiniaturgus,  i.  143  ;  illumi- 
nator, 311 ;  of  Naziiinzuni,  201 ;  on  in- 
fant baptism,  294  ;  of  Nyssa,  201  seq. ; 
the  Great,  despises  the  li!)eralists,  232  ; 
his  submission  to  the  emperor,  335, 
note  2  ;  his  letter  to  tulogius,  339,  note 
18;  protects  the  convents,  349;  his 
influence  on  public  worship,  350;  his 
library, 351  ;  Popes,  11.  ii.  10;  HI.  11; 
IV.  13, note  1;  18;  V.83;  VI.  84;  VII. 
91,  157  seq.;  VIII.  197;  IX.  211,  252, 
388  ;X.  233;  XI.  iii.  39  seq.;  XII.  162; 
Abulpharagius,  ii.  418;  of  Heimburg, 
iii.  203,  note;  219  seq.;  Palamas, 
154. 

Grimoahl,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  i. 
376. 

Groot,  Gerhard,  iii.  100  seq. 

Guelphs,  ii.  182. 

Guibert,  ii.  167. 

Gxiy,  duke  of  Spoleto,  ii.  77;  archbishop 
of  Milan,  97,  note  10 ;  Berne,  iii.  2, 
note. 

Gidiehnun,  archbishop  of  Vienne,  180  ; 
Peraldus,  ii.  328 ;  de  Sancto  Amore, 
294. 

Gunthar,  archbishop  of  Cologne,  ii.  71 ; 
of  Schvvarzburg,  iii.  38. 

H. 

Hadrian,  his  persecution  of  the  Jews,  i. 
72  ;  of  the  Christians,  78  ;  abbot,  380  ; 
Popes  I.  ii.  16;  II.  73;  IV.  138;  V.232. 

Hager,  Fiancis,  iii.  136,  note  2. 

Hall,  sect  there  in  thirteenth  century, 
ii.  402. 

Hanno,  ii.  90. 

Hangenor,  Ulrich,  iii.  15,  note. 

Harold,  Klak,  a  Jutland  prince,  ii.  29. 

Hatto,  archbishop  of  Mayence,  ii.  95, 
note. 

Havelberg,  bishopric  of,  ii.  134. 

Hegius,  Alexander,  iii.  303,  note  6. 

Helvidius,  i.  287. 

Hemmerlin,  Felix,  iii.  271,  note. 

Henry,  I.  king  of  Germany,  ii.  127  seq. ; 
III. emperor,84 ;  IV.  163 seq.  ;  V.  176  ; 
II.  of  England,  difficulties  with  Beck- 
et,  192;  abbot  of  Clairvaux  and  legate, 
373  ;  Dandolo,  209  ;  Raspe,  222  ;  foun- 
der of  the  Henricians,  366;  VII.  em- 
peror of  Germany,  iii.  5,  note  5,  8; 
archbishop  of  Canterbury,  183,  note 
28  ;  Suso,  109  ;  of  Virnelmrg,  29  ;  Os- 
tiensis,  14,  note  ;  Wintoniensis,  183, 
note. 


Henotikon,  i.  319. 

Heraclas,  i.  134. 

Heraclius,  i.  334,  364. 

Heresy,  deiinition  of,  i.  2,   note   3;   Ori- 

gen's    abboi-rence  of,   173 ;  treatment 

of,  303. 
Heretics,  ha])lism  of,  i.  165  ;  iii.  127,  340. 
Herman,  ii.  169. 

Januensis,  iii.  14,  note. 


Hernias,  shepherd  of,  spurious  work,  i. 
99. 

Hermias,  i.  95. 

Herod,  Agrippa,  i.  50. 

Hesychhts,  i.  146. 

Hexenhiimmer,  iii.  338. 

Hierarchy,  i.  152,  242;  dependent  on 
the  slate,  247,  255;  under  Justinian, 
334  ;  in  the  German  church,  354. 

Hierax,  a  follower  of  t)rigen,i.  144. 

Hierocles,  against  Christianity,  i.  114. 

Hilarion,  i.  271. 

Hilarius,  bishop  of  Pictarium,  i.  198, 
208 ;  Antepelagian,  227 ;  bishop  of 
Arelate,  266. 

Hildebrand,  see  Gregory  VII. 

Hildebert,  of  Sevardino,  ii.  312. 

Hilten,  John,  iii.  392,  note. 

Hincmar,  archljishop  of  Rheims,  ii.  51. 

Hippnlytus,  i.  146  ;  Monophysites,  353. 

Hocsemius,  John,  iii.  99,  note  3. 

Holstenius,  Lucas,  iii.  185,  note. 

Hoogstraten,  James,  iii.  407. 

Hohenstaufen,  ii.  182.  ' 

Honierites,  i.  30. 

Honionsiastni,  i.  198. 

Honorius,  i.  221  ;  Pope,  367;  II.  anti- 
pope,  h.  90,  182;  III.  210;  IV.  232. 

Hospitallers,  knights  of  St.  John,  ii.  308  ; 
iii.  6,  note  7. 

Hugh  Capet,  ii.  80;  de  Payens,  307;  of 
St.  Victor,  319. 

Humanists,  iii.  406  seq. 

Humbert,  ii.  107,  note. 

Hunerich,  king  of  the  Vandals,  Arian,  i. 
313. 

Hungary,  converted,  ii.  135. 

Hunyades,  John,  iii.  212,  note. 

Huss,  John,  iii.  313,  note  ;  341  seq. 

Hussites,  iii.  355  seq. 

Hutten,  see  Uhich. 

HymencBus,  i.  61. 

Hypatia,  i.  189. 

Hypsistarii,  i.  183. 

Hyrcanus,  i.  26. 

Hystaspes,  books  of,  i.  99. 

I. 

Ibas,  bishop  of  Edessa,  i.  237,  238,  note 

4  ;  324. 
Iceland,  converted,  ii.  128. 
Idacius,  i.  216. 
Ignatius,  martyr,  i.  64;  his  letters,  68. 


INDEX. 


427 


lllyria.  East,  added  to  the  Patriarchate 
of  Rome,  i.  264. 

Incense,  used  in  churches,  i.  293. 

Indulgences,  ofigin  oi,  in  11th  century, 
ii.  116  seq.,  356  seq. ;  iii.  117  seq.,  322 
seq. 

Infessura,  Steph.,  iii.  229. 

Innocent,  bishop  of  Rome,  allows  pagan 
sacrifices,  i.  190,  note  8 ;  condemns 
the  Pelagians,  220;  11.  ii.  182;  III. 
220  seq. ;  IV.  220  seq. 

Inquisition,  ii.  388  seq. 

Institoris,  Henry,  iii.  377  note. 

Instrumentnm  acceptationis,  by  which 
the  reforms  of  the  council  of  Basil 
were  accepted  at  Mayence,  26th 
March,  1489,  iii.  199. 

Intercession  of  the  bishops  in  criminal 
cases,  i.  244,  249,  note  10. 

Interdict,  viYien^vsi  used,  ii.  117;  how 
regarded  from  the  time  of  Gregory 
VII.  362. 

Interpretation,  biblical  in  9th  century, 
ii.  32,  827;    iii.  114. 

Investiture  of  (he  bishops  by  the  kings, 
ii.  92  ;  resigned  by  the  emperors,  177. 

Ireland,  church  in,  i.  361. 

IrencBus,  bisliop  of  Lyons,  opposes 
Gnosticism,  i.  96;  opposed  to  all  phi- 
losophy, 101 ;  bishop  of  Tyre,  228  ; 
deposed,  238,  note  4. 

Irene,  empress,  ii.  6. 

Isaac  Angelus,  Greek  emperor,  ii.  209. 

Isabella  ot  Spain,  iii.  411. 

Isidore,  abbot  of  Pelusium,  i.  234;  His- 
palensis,  330  ;  his  collection  of  decre- 
tals, 333. 

Ithacius,  i.  216. 

Izates,  i.  30. 

.1. 

Jacobites,  i.  327;  ii.  418,  419;  iii.  160, 
414,  note  6. 

Jacobus,  see  James. 

Jacobellus,  see  James  von  Misa. 

Jagello,  iii.  1.50. 

Jaldabaoth,  i.  86. 

Jamblicus,  i.  112. 

James,  the  brother  of  Jesus,  i.  47 ;  the 
elder  put  to  death  at  Jerusalem,  50  ; 
the  younger,  53;  head  of  the  church 
in  Jerusalem,  58,  note  2  ;  263  ;  Bara- 
dai,  or  Zangalus,  327  ;  James  of  Sicily, 
ii.  236 ;  de  Voragine,  ii.  78  ;  von 
Misa,  iii.  351  ;  of  Erfurth,  381. 

Jerome,  his  translations  of  Origen,  i. 
136,  213;  his  translation  of  the  Bible, 
214;  against  Pelagius,  219;  of  Prague, 
iii.  342  seq. 

Jeromites,  iii.   97,  300. 

Jerusalem,  church  there  the  model  for 
others,  i.  56 ;  flight  of,  to  Pella,   61  ; 


temple  rebuilt,  185 ;  Patriarch  of,  254  ; 
his  claims  to  superior  dignity,  263 ; 
taken  by  (he  Arabs,  364;  by  the  cru- 
saders, ii.  174 ;  by  Saladin,  198. 

Jesuates,  iii.  97. 

Jesus,  life  of,  i.  36  ;  ministry,  41  ;  sup- 
posed contempt;  notices  of,  43  ;  in  the 
Koran,  39,  note ;  likenesses  of,  45, 
note  4. 

Jews,  in  Palestine,  i.  26  ;  sects  amongst 
them,    27 ;    fables    concerning    them, 

29  ;  out  of  Palestine,  30  seq.  ;  taxed, 
63  ;  insurrections  under  Hadrian,  72  ; 
Constantino  forbids  their  making  con- 
verts, 122,  note  31 ;  Constantius^  181, 
note  15;  favored  by  Julian,  185;  their 
reception  of  Christianity,  55,  seq.  ; 
Jewish  Christians,  81  ;  how  legarded 
by  the  Heathen,  28,  seq.  ;  later  his- 
tory, 303  ;  iii.  151,336,  410. 

Joachim  abbot  of  Flore,  ii.  300. 

Joanna,  of  Naples,  iii.  34. 

John,  (he  Baptist,  i.  39;  Johannites,  40, 
note  ;  the  apostle,  65  ;  bishop  ol  An- 
tioch,  233  ;  bishop  of  Jerusalem,  213  ; 
Scholasticus,  333;  Jejunator,  333; 
John  VIII.  Pope,  ii.  75,  141;  IX. 
77,  note  1  ;  X.  XI.  78,  note  6;  XII. 
79;  XIII.  80,  no(el5;  XIV.  80,  note 
6;  XV.  81;  XVII.  XVIII.  XIX. 
82,  note  24;  XXI.  232;  of  England, 
206;  Damascenus,  7;  Gualbert,'^  122; 
bishop  of  Izani,  143  ;  Izimisces,  150  ; 
Scotus,  53,  325  ;  Piince  of  Bulgaria, 
206  ;  Zonaras,  411  ;  bishop  of  Orleans, 
39;  Emperor  John,  V.  Palueol.  iii.  154  ; 
XXII.  Pope,  10  seq.;  XXIII.  161 
seq ;  see  also  Cossa  of  Bohemia,  9  ; 
Goch,  iii.  386;  of  Hungary,  195,  note 

30  ;  of  Jandun,  15  ;  major,  258,  no(e  3  ; 
of  Minden,  287,  note  5;  Monachus, 
2,  note  2 ;  Ostiensis,  178,  note  17 ; 
of  Ravenna,  393  ;  of  Rupescissa,  96  ; 
Segoria,  184;  de  Valihus,  95,  note  14; 
Wesel,  382,  note  9  ;  383 ;  Wcssel,  388. 

Jonas,  bishop  of  Oi-leans;  see  John. 
Josephus,     his     testimony     concerning 

Jesus,    i.    43;    concerning    John    the 

Baptist,  40,  note  3. 
Jovian,  empei-or,  i.  185. 
Jovinian,  a  monk  at  Rome,  i.  309. 
Jubilee,  year,  instituted,  ii.  357 ;  iii.  121 

seq.,    .323. 
Julia,  Mamm,  i.  115,  note  5. 
Julian,  emperor,  i.  184;  bishop  of  Ecla- 

num,    221  ;    bishop    of  Halicarnassus, 

320;  Cesarini;  cardinal,  184,  note  34  ; 

364. 
Julin,  bishopric  of,  ii.  406. 
Julius,    Africanus,    i.    145 ;    bishop    of 

Rome,  259;   II.  iii.  244. 
Junterburg,  Jac.  iii.  272,  note  31. 


428 


INDEX. 


Justificatio,  Augustine's  doctrine,  i.  224, 
note  25. 

Jus  regaliae,  spolii,  ii.  267. 

Justinger,  Coni-aii,  iii.  165,  note. 

Justin  Martyr,  i.  79  ;  his  apologies,  94, 
96;    I.  emperor,  320. 

Justinian  I.  einpeioi-,  abolishes  Pagan- 
ism, i.  314  ;  attempts  to  reconcile  the 
controversies  in  the  church,  322  seq.; 
his  treatment  of  the  various  patriarchs, 
341. 

Jusiinianus  Laurentius,  iii.  279,  note  7. 

K. 

Kaisersherg    v.    (Jo.    Geiler,)   iii.  279, 

note  7 ;  320. 
Kaiserswerth,  convent  of,  i.  382. 
Kaltenmarkter,  Jo.,  iii.   26:^,   note  24 ; 

277,  note  4. 
Kempis,   Thomas   k,   iii.    100,   note   6 ; 

320. 
Kerling,  Walter,  iii.  130,  note  10. 
Kesra,  (Chosroes,)  II.  i.  364. 
Kiew,  convent  of,  founded  by  Antony, 

ii.  150. 
Kilian,  an  Irish  monk,  i.  381. 
Knyghton,  Henry  de,  iii.  141, 
Koran,  i.  365. 

Krafft,  Ulrich,  iii.  332,  note  30. 
Kramer,  Henry,  inquisitor,  iii.  338. 
Kranz,  Albrecht,  iii.  161. 
Kiichner,  Herman,  iii.  136,  note  2. 

L. 

Lactantius,  i.  148. 

Ladislaus,  king  of  Bohemia,  iii.  369  ; 
king  of  Naples,  166. 

Lalius,  Theod.,  iii.  19. 

Laillier,  John,  iii.  381. 

Laity,  see  clergy;  instruct  publicly  in 
the  church,  i.  159  ;  their  interference 
in  the  affairs  of  the  church  forbidden, 
336 ;  lay  abbots,  ii.  22 ;  no  more 
known  after  the  10th  century,  121. 

Lambert,  emperor,  ii.  77. 

Lanfranc,  ii.  102. 

Lang,  Matthew,  bishop  of  Gurk,  iii.  248, 
note  9. 

Langenstein,  Henry  de,  iii.  67,  note  i. 

Laplanders,  conversion  of,  iii.  151. 

Lapsi,  i.  116. 

Lateran,  first  synod  of,  i.  368 ;  first 
cecum,  council,  ii.  131;  second,  184; 
third,  195;  fourth,  .388. 

Latin  empire,  founded  1204,  under  Bald- 
win, ii.  209;  ended  A.  D.   1261,  232. 

League  of  Cambray,  iii.  244. 

Learning,  decline  of,  in  10th  century,  ii. 
98  ;  revival  of,  in  11th  century,  101. 

Legends,  ii.  125,  341 ;  see  Saints. 

Legio,  Melitina  (fulminatrix,)  i.  80 ; 
Thebeas,  117,  note  15. 


Legnano,  battle  of,  ii.  191. 

Legislation,  iiiHuence  of  the  church  on, 
i.  307;  in  favor  of  tiit  church,  334. 

Lentulus,  description  of  Christ,  i,  46. 

Leo,  bishop  of  Rome,  his  epistle  to  Flavi- 
an, i.  239 ;  the  great,  268 ;  Greek 
empire,  317;  III.  Isauricus,  ii.  2;  IV. 
Chazarus.  4;  V.  Armenus,  5 ;  pljilos- 
ophus,  148;  III.  Pope,  17;  IV.  20; 
VIII.  79;  IX.  144;  X.  iii.  244. 

Leonardus  de  Utino,  iii.  320. 

LeonistcB,  (pauperes  de  Lugduna,)  ii. 
377. 

Leontius,  bishop  of  Tripoli,  his  arro- 
gance, i.  247,  note  19  ;  of  Byzantium, 
330. 

Leopold  V.  Bebenburg,  iii.  30. 

Leporius,  i.  229. 

Levi,  Matthew,  i.  47  ;  compare  53,  note 
4. 

Libanius^  appeal  in  behalf  of  the  tem- 
ples, i.  187. 

Liberatus  Diaconus  at  Carthage,  i, 
326. 

Liberius,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  198,  199, 
note  4. 

Libraries,  how  neglected  in  the  14th 
century,  iii.  86,  note  2. 

Libri  pa'iiitentiales  ;  see  Penance. 

Licinius,  emperor,  i.  119. 

Lignano,  Joh.  de.,  iii.  59. 

Lithuania,  conversion  of,  iii.  150. 

Liturgies,  i.  8;  Damascene,  33,  note  3; 
of  Basil  and  Chrysostom,  295,  note  12; 
of  Gregory,  350. 

Livonia  converted,  ii.  407. 

Lollhards,  iii.  99,  seq.  128. 

Logos,  i.  101  ;  doctrine  of  the  Monar- 
chians,  127 ;  of  the  Alexandrians, 
139  ;  of  Arnobius,  148,  note  8 ;  of 
Lactantius,  149;  of  Tertullian,  150, 
note  13. 

Lombards,  Arians,  i.  355;  threaten 
Rome,  ii.  15;  struggle  of  the  Lombard 
states  for  independence,  183;  league 
of  Lombards,  191  ;  Gregory's  treaty 
with  them,  215. 

Lombers,  council  of,  ii.  372. 

Lord's  Supper,  institution,  i.  43 ;  mode 
of  celebration,  103;  chiklien  ad- 
mitted, 159 ;  views  of,  in  4th  cen- 
tury, 294 ;  in  6th  century,  352 ; 
Gregory's  Sacramentarium,  351  ; 
doctrines  concei-ning  it,  ii.  46 ;  Beren- 
garius'  controversy,  103,  330. 

Lorenzi  de  Medici,  iii.  230,  note  3. 

Loretto,  shrine  of,  iii.  314. 

Lothaire  I.  empeior,  ii.  18;  II.  king,  70; 
II.  emperor,  182. 

Louis,  the  Debonnaire,  ii.  18,  29;  II. 
emperor,  73;  king  of  Provence,  77; 
VII.  king,    185 ;  IX.  St.  225,   seq. ; 


INDEX. 


429 


pragmatic  sanction,  265  ;  VIII.  387  ; 
XI  of  France,  iii.  224,232,  245;  XII. 
240;  of  Anjou,  60;  of  Bavaria,  10; 
Margrave  of  Brandenburg,  32;  ol 
Helmstadt,  281,  note;  of  Branden- 
burg, 38,  note  40  ;  of  Hungary,  34. 
Lucian,  of  Samosata,  i.  77;  martyr,  118, 

note  19;  145. 
Lucidus,   a  follower   of   Augustine,   i. 
328. 

Lucifer,  bishop  of  Calaris,  i.  198 ;  in  the 
Arian  controversy,  202. 

Luciferiani,  iii.  131. 

Lucius   II.  Pope,  ii.  182;  iii.  195,  378. 

Ludovicus,  Card.  Arelatensis,  iii.  276. 

Luitprand,  ii.  14. 

Luire,  lii-ihop  of  Tuy,  ii.  395. 

Luna,  Petnis  de,  iii.  67,  note  3. 

Lupus,  Olivetus,  iii.  98,  note  3. 

Luticians,  or  Wiltzians,  ii.  406. 

Luxueil,  i.  362. 

Lyons,  council  at,  ii.  233,  414. 

Lyra,  de.     See  Nicholas. 

M. 


Macedonius,  bishop  of  Constantinople, 

i.  202  seq. ;  Nestorian,  320,  note  11. 
Magdeburg,  archbishopric  of,  founded, 

ii.  134. 
Magic,  iii.  337. 
Magister  Parisiensis.  See  Matth.  v.  Ja- 

now. 
Magorensis  Episc.  See  Andreas. 
Magusceans,  a  Persian  sect,  i.  131. 
Maillard,  Olivier,  iii.  321. 
Maire,  le,  iii.  385,  note. 
Majorinus,  a  Donatian  bishop,  i.  167. 
Malleus  maleficarum.    See  Hexenham- 

mer. 
'Mamelukes,   persecute    the    Christians, 

iii-  160-  .    o-i 

Mamertus,  bishop  of  Vienna,  i.  Sol. 

Manasseh,  gives  the  law  to  the  Samari- 
tans, i.  32'. 

Manes,  i.  131. 

Manfred,  n.  22A  seq. 

ManichcBans,  i.  131 ;  in  the  \\est,  215; 
ii.  151  ;  iii.  340.    See  Cathari. 

Mantua,  assembly  of  princes  at,  iii.  217. 

Manuel,  Caleca,  iii.  155,  note  8. 

Marcellus,  bishop  of  Ancyra,  i.  194; 
Sabellian,  197;  Christophe,  iii.  267, 
note. 

Marcia,  the  concubine  of  Commodus,  i. 

80,  note. 
Marcianus,  a  follower  of  Novatian,  i. 

156,  note. 
Marcion,  i.  88,  172,  note  10. 
Marius,  Mercator,  i.  225 ;  Jo.     See  Le 

Maire. 
Mark,  the  Evangelist,  i.  54 ;  Aurelius, 

emp.,  79;  a  follower  of  Valentinian, 

86. 


Marriage,  Paul's  opinion  of,  i.  60 ;  Cle- 
ment of  Alexaiidri.i,  170;  in  the  early 
church,  106;  second  marriages  forbid- 
den by  the   Montaiiists,  f)0  ;  reckoned 
as   a  crime,   297;  imperial  laws  con- 
cerning, 308. 
Marsilius,  of  Padua,  iii.  15. 
Maro,  Maronites,  i.  173. 
Maronites,  ii.  419. 
Martial,  i.  156 ;  St.,  supposed  Apostle, 

ii.  126. 
Martin,   bishop  of  Tours,  i.   278;    IV. 

Pope,  ii.  235,  414;  V.  iii.  167. 
Martyrs,  histories  of,  i.  8,  note  2;  14; 
constancy  of,  76;  held  in  high   esteem, 
108  seq.;   173,  109  seq. ;  282;    intlu- 
ence  of  their    intercessions   with   the 
church,  109,  162  ;  with  God,  163,  note 
13  ;  283 ;  in  Spain,  ii.  54 ;  in  Prussia, 
135. 
Mary,  traditions  concerning,   i.  39,  note 
1  ;  portrait  of,  by  St.  Luke,  45,  note; 
■diuToyog,    229,   note   5;     /ninTuruaog, 
232,  note  1 ;  monkish  legends  concern- 
ing her,  273,  note  ;  an  object  of  wor- 
sh?p,  207;  festivals  in  her  honor,  351 ; 
controversy  concerning   her  delivery, 
ii.   40;   immaculate    conception,  343; 
iii.  115  seq.;  315;    worshipped,   126; 
festivals  in  her  honor,  of  her  birth,  58  ; 
her  ascension,  59  ;  presentation,  visi- 
tation, 115. 
Mass,  i  294.     See  Lord's  Supper.    Pri- 
vate  masses,   ii.    58 ;    multiplied,   iii. 
118. 
Massalians,  i.  182,  275. 
Massiliensis,  a  sect  in  second  Period,  i. 

182. 
Maternus,  supposed  apostolic  father,  ii. 

126,  note  9. 
Matthew  de  Cracovia,  iii.  66,  note  8. 
Matthias  von  Janow,  iii.  137  seq. ;  king 

of  Hungary,  371. 
Matilda,  countess  of  Tuscany,  ii.  169. 
Muuburnus,  Jo.,  iii.  287,  note  4. 
MauUasch,  Margaret,  iii.  32. 
Mauritius,  martyr,  i.  117,  note  15. 
Maxentius,  emperor,  i.  118. 
'  Maxim  ilia,  a   Montanist   prophetess,  i. 
90,  91,  note. 
Maximilian,  emperor,  iii.  249,  note  13. 
Maximinian,  emperor,  supposed  perse- 
cution under,  i.  117,  118. 
Maximinus,  the  Thracian,  i.  115;  Cse- 

sar,  118. 
Maximus,  of  Tyre,  i.  72  ;  rejected  bish- 
op of  Constantinople,  259  ;  opponent  of 
the  Monotheletics,  367  ;  Planudes,  iii. 
155,  note. 
Mayence,  synod  of,  ii.  161,  167. 
Mazdak,  i.  87,  note  15. 
Mecklenburg,  bishopric  of,  ii.  406. 


430 


INDEX. 


Medici,  conspiracy  against,  iii.  230, 
Mediolaaum  (Milan)  synod  of,  i.  198 ; 
bishop  of,  264 ;  Cathari  tliere  in  third 
Period,  ii.  379;  church  of,  96; 
married  clergy  there  in  lOlh  century, 
113. 
Meffreth,  iii.  320. 

Meinhard,  ii.  407. 

Melchisedecians,  i.  128,  note  4. 

Melchites,  i.  373. 

Meletius,  bishop  of  Lycopolis,  i.  166;  of 
Antioch,  201,  205,  note. 

Melito,  apologist,  i.  94  ;  defends  the 
Asiatic  celebration  of  Easter,  107. 

Memnon,  i.  235. 

Menander,  founder  of  a  sect,  i.  34. 

Mendicant  orders,  their  origin,  ii.  287; 
influence,  291  ;  iii.  46,  87,  268,  note 
23  ;  reformation  of,  293. 

Mennas,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  i. 
324. 

Menot,  Michael,  iii.  320. 

Merseburg,  bishopric  of,  ii.  134, 

Messiah,  expectations  of  the  Jews  con- 
cerning hill),  i.  27  seq.  ;  prove  an  ob- 
stacle to  the  progress  of  Christianity, 
55  ;  no  ions  of,  among  the  eaily  Chris- 
tians, 47  secj. 

Methodius,  an  opponent  of  Origen,  i. 
144 ;  missionary  to  the  Moravians,  ii. 
129. 

Metropolitans,  i.  153  ;  .see  Patriarchs, 
ii.  94;  oath  of  obedience  to  the  Pope 
in  9th  century,  73  ;  after  Gregory  Vll. 
255. 

Meyer,  Martin,  iii.  213,  note  17. 

Michael  Rhangabc,  emperor,  ii.  5;  II. 
Balbus,  6;  111.  136;  Cerularius, 
bishop  of  Constantinople,  142 ;  Pa- 
Iffologus,  232,  413  ;  Psellus,  the 
Younger,  410;  Anchialus,  411;  Dc 
Caussis,  iii.  352,  note  26  ;  Michael 
de  Cesena,  24,  note  28. 

Micislaus,  duke  of  Poland,  ii.  135. 

Miesrob,  i.  311. 

Miliez,  John,  iii.  1.36. 

Mile,  papal  legate,  ii.  385. 

Minifnorvm,  iii.  306. 

Minucius,  Felix,  i.  95,  note  8. 

Mistewoi,  prince  of  the  Wends,  ii.  134. 

Miracles.    See  Relics. 

Moguls,  ii.  219,  409;  iii.  151. 

Malay,  James  de,  grand  master  of  the 
Templars,  iii.  3,  note  4. 

Molitoris,  Ulrich,  iii.  339,  note. 

Monachism,  in  9th  and  10th  centuries, 
ii.  120  seq.;  from  the  11th,  280;  iii. 
87  seq  ;  286  seq. 

Monarchians,  i.  127. 

Monks,  origin  of,  i.  172;  zeal  in  the 
destruction  of  the  heathen  temples, 
87 ;  side  with  Athana.sius,  201 ;    op- 


posed to  learning,  212  ;  Monachism  in 
the  East,  270 ;  in  the  West,  276  ;  re- 
lations of  the  monks  to  the  clergy, 
278  ;  influence  on  morals,  304  ;  con- 
tinualion,  345  ;  monastic  orders,  347. 

Moneta,  ii.  395. 

Mono'physites,  i.  315  seq. 

Muntanus,  i.  90  seq. ;  Montanists  in  the 
West,  124,  148. 

Monte  Cassino,  convent  of,  i.  346. 

Monte  Granelli,  Charles  de,  iii.  98,  note 
3. 

Monte  Lauduno,  William  de,  iii.  44, 
note  4. 

Montesa-,  order  of,  iii.  6,  note  7. 

Montesono,  John  de,  condemned  by  the 
university  of  Paris  for  rejecting  the 
doctrine  of  the  immaculate  concep- 
tion, iii.  116. 

Montesecco,  John  Bapt.,  iii.  230,  note  3. 

Montpellier,  council  of,  ii.  3S6. 

Moors,  driven  from  Spain,  iii.  336. 

Morals,  pernicious  influence  of  pagan- 
ism upon,  i.  16;  Christian  morals  in 
first  Period,  173;  superintendence  of, 
intrusted  to  the  clergy,  244  ;  in  second 
Period,  296  seq. ;  amongst  the  Scholas- 
tics, ii.  327 ;  science  of,  neglected  in 
14th  century,  iii.  111. 

Moravia  converted,  ii.  130  seq. 

More,  Sir  Thomas,  his  Utopia,  iii.  403. 

Morung,  Dietrich,  iii.  327,  note  19. 

Moses  ben  Maen^.on,  ii.  328. 

Moulins,  Gujars  de,  translated  the  S.  S., 
iii.  321. 

Mozarabes,  ii.  123. 

Muhamined,  i.  365. 

Munsinger,  John,  iii.  136,  note  1. 

Murner,  Thom.,  iii.  339,  note. 

Mvssattis,  Albeit,  iii.  1. 

Mysteries,  i.  18;  in  the  church,  71; 
cairied  to  peifeclion,  294. 

Mystics,  ii.  315;  iii.  109  seq. ;  135. 

N. 
A''aples,  whether  belonging  to  the  Patri- 

monium  St.  Petri,  i.  342,  note  27. 
A'^aso,  William,  ii.  14,  note  9. 
JVazarcBuns,  i.  62. 
JVepos,  an  Egyptian  bishop,  i.  142. 
JVero,  his  persecution  of  the  Christians, 

i.  56. 
A'^estor,    i.   2.30   seq.;  his    liturgy,   286, 

note  16  ;  spread  of  his  followers,  353  ; 

Russian   annalist,   ii.   150;  Nestorians 

in  the  East,  ii.  408,  419. 
JVctterus,  Thomas,  ii.  259,  note  6. 
JYew  Platonism,  i.  111. 
JSTice,  council  of,  i.   127,  note  15 ;  194, 

250,  279  seq.  ;  292. 
JVicephoi-us,  Greek  emperor,  ii.  5 ;  Gre- 

goras,  iii.  156,  note  4. 


INDEX. 


431 


J\,''icetas,  Pectoratus,  ii.  144  ;  Aconiina- 

tus,  410. 
Alcholas  I.,  Pope,  ii.  70,  136 ;  II. 

III.   233  seq.;    IV.   232;    V.   iii, 

207  seq. 
•  Ep.  Botrontinensis,  iii.  2, 


SS; 


note 


15. 


de  ClaiTicn2:e,  iii.  lOS. 
Cusanus  iii.  189,219,237,313. 
of  Hu.s*inecz,  iii.  359. 
de  Lyra,  iii.  114. 
■  See  Panorniitanus. 


Alcolaifes,  i.  69. 

JVV(Zerws,  Jo.,  iii.  176,  note  11. 

A^iem,  Theod.  de,  iii.  1. 

J\''ilus,  Cahasilas,   iii.   155,  note  7 ;  Da- 

niyhi,  155. 
JS^imbus,  borrowed  from  the  heatiien,  i 

290,  note  41. 
JMobes,  Stephen,  i.  321. 
JVoetus,  i.  128. 
JSTogaret,  iii.  3,  note  3. 
A''otmnalists,  ii.  312. 
J\'omocanon,   of   John    Scholasticus,   i. 

333. 
JVorbert,  founder  of  the  Premonstraten- 

sians,  ii.  281. 
JVorway,  converted,  ii.  128. 
JVotker,  Labeo,  abbot  of  St.  Gollen,  ii. 

101. 
JVovatian  de  Trinitate,  i.  148;  his  fol- 
lowers,   163 ;    reject    the    worship    of 

martyrs,  308,  note  1. 
JVubians,  Monophysites,  i.  354. 
J\^unneries  for  noble  ladies,  ii.  306. 
J\uns,  i.  276. 
JWiremberg,  diet  of,  1456,  iii.  211,  note 

14 ;  218,'  note  27. 

O. 

Oaths,  the   clere;y  excused  from  them, 

i.  296;  oath  of  allegiance   required  of 

them,  218  seq.;  ii.  92,  266. 
Obotrites,  converted,  ii.  406. 
Occam,  Wm.,  iii.  24,  note  28 ;  30,  note 

12;   104. 
Occamists,  iii.  105. 
Odilo,  abbot  of  Clugny,  ii.  121. 
(Ecumenius,  bishop  of  Tricca,  ii.  149. 
Officiales,  ii.  273. 
OJficium  S.  Maria;,  ii.  126. 
Oldcastle,  Lord  Cobham,  iii.  149,  note 

19. 
Oldenburg,  bishopric  of,  ii.  406. 
Olivetans,  iii.  97. 
Olivetits  ;  see  Lupus. 
Onias,  his  temple  at  Leontopolis,  i.  30. 
Ononochytes,  i.  75,  note  10. 
Ophites,\.  86. 
Ordeal,  i.  360;  ii.  118. 
Ordination,  i.  156. 


Orders,    reformation   of,    ii.   121,   280; 

military,  307. 
Oresmius,  Nicholas,  iii.  81,  note  5. 
Oriental  churches,  ii.  418. 
Original  sin,  i.  218  seq. 
Origen,  i.    134   seq.,  207  seq.;   contro- 

vei-sy  concerning  him,  323. 
Orosius,  iii.  190. 
Ortuin,  iii.  408,  note  31. 
Otho  I.  crowned   emperor  at  Rome,  ii. 
79;  converts  the  Wends,    134;   Ii.  iii. 
80  ;  duke  of  Saxony,  202  ;  of  Wiltels- 
back,2l)4;   lY.  emperor,  204;  bishop 
of  Bamberg,  405  ;  the  one-eyed  duke 
of  Brunswick-Lunenburg,    291,  note 
12  ;  duke  of  Austria,  25,  note  34. 
Osma,  Petrus  de,  iii   368,  note  24. 
Oswin,  king  of  Northumberland,  i.  379. 
I  Ostrogoths,   see    Goths;  destruction  of 

their  kingdont,  i.  355. 
I  Otfried,  his  harmony  of  the  gospels,  ii. 
34. 
Otranto,  taken  by  the  Turks,  iii.  233. 
Otta  de  Colonna,  iii.  178. 
Oxford,  scholastic  theology  there  in  13th 
century,  ii.  313. 


Pachomius,  i.  270  ;  founds  the  first  nun- 
neries, 276,  note  33. 
Paganism  in  first  century,  i.  24 ;  in 
second  century,  71 ;  in  third  century, 
111;  pagan  virtue,  what ;  laws  against 
it  in  second  Period,  what ;  final  extinc- 
tion of,  in  Roman  empire,  314;  amongst 
the  Franks,  359. 

Pagans,  i.  180,  189  seq. 

Palceologus  John,  emperor,  iii.  411. 

Palamas,  see  Gregory. 

Palestine,  pilgrimages  thither,  i.  289 ; 
papal  vicar  there  in  7th  centui-y,  374. 

Pallium,  bestowed  by  the  popes,  i.  344  ; 
conditions  annexed  to  the  investiture 
with,  ii.  73  ;  importance  attached  to 
it,  94. 

Palmachius,  a  monk;  praises  of,  by 
Jerome,  i.  277,  note  1. 

Pahnaris,  synod  of,  i.  338. 

Paltz,  John  de,  iii.  326,  note. 

Paludanus,  Petrus,  iii.  46,  note  2. 

Pamphilus,  martyr,  i.  118,  note  19 ; 
friend  of  Origen,  144.' 

Panodorus,  his  date  of  the  birth  of 
Christ,  i.  37,  note  3. 

Panorniitanus,  iii.  198,  note  37;  259, 
note  6. 

Pantcsnus  i.  135. 

Paolucci  of  Foliani,  iii.  96,  note  14. 

Papact/,  history  of,  ii.  13,  64  seq.;  pro- 
gress of  the  political  power  of,  156 
seq. ;  Ecclesiastical,  253. 


432 


INDEX. 


Papal  court,  licentiousness  of,  iii.  47, 
64  seq  ;  270,  47  seq. 

Paphntitius,  oppo-ed  to  the  celibacy' of 
the  clergy,  i.  279. 

Papias,  bishop  of  Hierapolis,  i.  68. 

Papisciis,  i.  95. 

Parabolani,  i.  245. 

Paraclete,  abbey  of,  ii.  315. 

Pa;a</(so,  Jacobus  ile,  iii.  208,  note  6 ; 
262,  note  11;  272,  note  31. 

Paris,  synods  of,  i.  3-57  ;  ii.  36,  161,  322  ; 
university  of,  313  seq.  ;  iii.  66  ;  resis- 
tance to  the  encroachments  of  the 
mendicant  orders,  295. 

Parishes,  i.  103. 

Parliament  of  France,  iii.  78  seq. 

Parvus  (Petit)  John,  iii.  111. 

Pasagini,  ii.  375. 

Passover,  i.  107,  126,  292, 

Pascal  II.  Pope,  ii.  174  seq. ;  411;  iii. 
191,  note. 

Paschasius,  Radbertus,  ii.  45. 

Pater  seiaphicus,  ii.  297. 

Paterini,  ii.  368. 

Patriarchs,  i.  250 ;  origin  of  the  title, 
253  ;  their  other  titles,  269,  335. 

Patriciate,  meaning  of,  ii.  84,  note  29. 

Patricius,  introduces  Christianity  into 
Ireland,  i.  313  ;  Augustine,  iii.  184. 

Patrimony  of  St.  Peter,  i.  342,  note  26; 
fortresses  in,  374,  note  4. 

Patripassiani,  i.  130,  note  12. 

Paul,  the  Apostle,  i.  49  seq. ;  how  re- 
garded in  the  church,  262,  note  27  ; 
of  Samosata,  129;  of  Thebes,  270; 
Warnefridi,  ii.  31  ;  II.,  iii.  206,  seq. 

PauUcians,  ii.  7,  150,  414. 

Paulinus,  presbyter  at  Antioch,  i.  201  ; 
bishop  of  Nola,  290. 

patriarch  of  Aquileia,  ii.  31 ; 

a  friend  of  Berengarius,  105,  note  8. 

Paulucius,  see  Paolucci. 

Pauperes,  de  Lugduiio,  ii.  377,  398. 

Pavia,  council  at,  ii.  163. 

Pazzi,  conspiracy  of,  iii.  230. 

Pacha,  Pet.  Ferd.,  iii.  97,  note  3. 

Pelagius,  i.  218  seq.;  I.  Pope,  326, 
357,  note  16  ;  see  Alvarus. 

Pella,  i.  61. 

Penance,  church,  i.  305;  John  Jejuna- 
tors  liber  penitentiales,  333 ;  Theo- 
dore's, archbishop  of  Canterbury,  381, 
ii.  62,115;  private  penance,  i.  306. 
See  Presbyter  and  Church. 

Perpetua,  i.  125,  note  9. 

Persecutions,  of  the  Christians  under 
Herod  Agrippa,  i.  50;  by  the  empe- 
rors; partial,  63,  78,  116,  note  9;  gen- 
eral, 116  seq.;  general  view  of,  122, 
note  35. 

Persona,  i.  202,  note  13  ;  Gobelinus,  iii. 
1,  182,  note. 


Peter,  the  apostle,  i.  53 ;  neQioSoi  Jli- 
Tooi;,  82,  note  5  ;  not  set  above  the 
other  apostles  in  first  Period,  154; 
Priniatus  Honoris  claimed  for  him  in 
second  Period,  262  ;  still  more  exagge- 
rated claims,  268  ;  confirmed,  337  ; 
bishop  of  Alexandria,  118,  note  19; 
145  ;  Mongus,  316,  seq. ;  -Fullo,  318  ; 
Peter  the  cruel,  king  of  Castile,  iii. 
39;  Peter  de  Ancharano,  162,  note  3  ; 
of  Arragon,  39,  note  2  ;  of  Dresden, 
355.    See  AUiaco  and  Pisis. 

Petrarch,  Francesco,  iii.  47,  note  5. 

Pfeffcrcorn,  John,  iii    406,  seq. 

Pfennig,  John  iii.  332,  note  30. 

Pharenis,  Synodus,  i.  379. 

Pharisees,  i.  28 ;  many  of  them  converts 
to  Christianity,  48, 

Philasterius,  Gulielm.,  iii.  171,  note. 

Philip,  Ethnarch,  i.  27;  Apostle,  47; 
married,  52,  note  3;  54,  65;  Monta- 
nists  appealed  to  him,  90,  note  1  ;  the 
Arabian,  115;  the  Fair,  king  of  France, 
iii.  3  seq. ;  VI.,  25,  seq. ;  of  Majorca, 
94,  note  9. 

Philippicus,  i.  372. 

Philippolis,  synod  of,  i.  197. 

Philo,  i.  32. 

Philoponus,  John,  i.  321. 

Philosophy,  heathen,  i.  20;  introduc- 
tion of,  into  Christianity,  60,  137  ;  not 
absolutely  proscribed  by  Paul,  60  ;  in 
high  esteem  in  the  Alexandrian  school, 
137;  quite  the  contiary  in  the  Western 
church,  147,  82,  note"l  ;  opposition  to 
Christianity,  112 ;  Christian  philoso- 
phers, 100. 

Philosopher's  mantle,  i.  101,  note  1. 

Philostratus,  i.  114. 

Philoxenus,  bishop  of  Mabag,  i.  320. 

Phocas,  ii.  343. 

Photinus,  liishop  of  Sirmium,  i.  197. 

Photius,  controversy  with  the  popes,  ii. 
736. 

Picards,  iii.  360. 

Piccolomineus,  Jac,  iii.  227,  note  40. 

Picts,  converted,  i.  361. 

Pictures,  of  Jesus,  i.  45,  289,  note  37  ; 
common  in  the  churches,  350;  pictni-es 
of  the  lamb,  371  ;  in  use  amongst  the 
early  Christians,  i.  168,  note  4. 

Picus,  iii.  394,  note  4  and  5. 

Pilati,  Acta,  i.  44. 

Pilgrimages,  i.  289  ;  ii.  116. 

Pisa.     See  Councils. 

Pisis,  Barthol.  de,  iii.  96,  note  16;  Petr. 
de,  98,  note  3. 

Pipin,  ii.  15. 

Pius  II.  iii.  206  seq.  See  -iEneas  Syl- 
vius, iii.  244. 

Placcti,  regii  jus,  iii.  275,  note  5. 

Platina,  Barthol.,  iii.  161. 


INDEX. 


433 


Plato,  i.  20 ;  Eclecticism,  71 ;  how  es- 
teemed by  the  church-fathers,  82,  note 
1  ;  his  influence  on  the  Gnostics,  82 
seq.  ;  100  seq. 

Plenary  indulgences  bestowed  by  the 
popes,  iii.  116,  note  4. 

Plessis,  du,  iii.  2,  note  3. 

Pliny,  the  elder,  i.  23,  note  1. 

the  younger,  63. 

Plotinus,  i.  111. 

Plutarch,  i.  72. 

Pneunintomachi,  i.  203. 

Podicbrad,  see  George. 

Poitiers,  synod  of,  ii.  174. 

Poland,  converted,  ii.  135;  iii.  181  seq. 

Polemar,  John  de,  iii.  198,  note  37. 

Poliaco,  John  de,  iii.  88,  note  3. 

Polycarp,  ii.  68  ;  martyr,  79 ;  in  contro- 
versy concerning  Easter,  107 ;  of  his 
grave,  109,  note  37. 

Polyglot,  Complutensian,iii.  409. 

Polytheism,  i.  16. 

Pomerania,  converted,  ii.  405. 

Pomponatius,  Petr.,  iii.  395,  note  7. 

Ponte,  Oldradus  de,  iii.  14,  note  9. 

Po7itius,  abbot  of  Clugny,  ii.  283. 

Poor,  contribution  for  them  and  the  cler- 
gy,'i.  104. 

Pope,  (Papa,)  i.  157  ;  origin  of  the  title, 
339,  note  17 ;  Episc.  universal,  ii.  66, 
note  4  ;  253  seq. 

Porphyry,  i.  112  seq. 

Porree,  Martin,  iii.  112,  note  7. 

Portiuncida,  ii.  288  ;  indulgence,  295. 

PrcBtnonstratensians,  ii.  281. 

Profiles,  Raoul  de,  iii.  39,  note  1. 

Pragmatic  sanction  of  Louis  IX.,  ii. 
265;  of  Bourges,  iii.  199,  223  seq.; 
abolished,  2-50. 

Prat,  du,  iii.  250. 

Prayer,  see  Worship ;  to  the  saints,  i. 
286. 

Praxeas,  i.  125  seq. 

Predestination,  Augustine's  view  of,  i. 
224. 

Predestinatiani,  i.  329  ;  iii.  107. 

Prelates,  dependent  on  the  king,  ii.  91. 

Presbyter,  John,  ii,  408. 

Presbyters,  see  Elders;  must  be  con- 
sulted by  the  bishop,  i.  158  ;  ijii  t/J? 
(i(fT«jo(ac,  160;  abolished,  305. 

Priests,  all  Christians  priests,  i.  58 ;  a 
separate  class,  102  seq. ;  see  Clergy. 

Primasius,  bishop  of  Adrumetum,  i.  331. 

Priscilla,  Montanist,  i.  90  seq. 

Priscillian,  put  to  death  for  heresy,  A. 
D.  385,  i.  216 ;  effect  upon  the  people, 
303.  , 

Privileges,  granted  by  the  popes,  iii. 
124  seq. 

Proclus,  a  philosopher,  i.  189. 

Procopius,  of  Gaza,  i.  330  ;  iii.  364. 
VOL.  III.  55 


Prodicians,  i.  87. 

Progress  of  Christianity,  i.  73,  123,311, 
353. 

Proles,  Andreas,  iii.  .392,  note  20. 

Proselytes,  to  Ju&iism,  i.  31;  supposed 
to  be  necessary  before  becoming  Christ- 
ians, 50. 

Prosper,  of  Aquitania,  i.  227 ;  his  epi- 
taph on  Nestor  and  Pelagius,  232,  note 
10 ;  historian,  330. 

Pseudo  Isidore,  decretals,  ii.  65. 

Plokmais,  (Acre,)  ii.  233,  236  ;  fall  of, 
308. 

Ptolemaus,  i.  86. 

Publicani,  ii.  368. 

Piinishment,  capital,  regarded  with  hor- 
ror by  the  early  Christians,  i.  244,  297, 
303;  eccles.  punishment,  ii.  362;  hell 
punishment,  i.  212  seq. ;  according  to 
Augustine,  224  seq. 

Purgatory,  see  Soul ;  general  belief  in, 
i.  352 ;  especially  in  England,  379, 
note  3. 

Pythagoraism,  i.  25. 

Q. 

Quadratus,  his  apology  for  Christianity, 

i.  94,  note  2. 
Quadrigarius,  Nic.  iii.  368,  note  23. 
Quinisextum,  council,  i.  370. 
Quartodecijnani,  i.  292.     See  Passover. 

R. 

Rahanus,  Maurus,  ii.  32;  against  tran- 
substantiation,  46 ;  against  Gottschalk, 
50. 

Rabulus,  bishop  of  Edessa,  i.  235. 

Rainerius,  (Rainert,)  Lacchoni,  ii.  395. 

Raoul,  (Radulphus,)  ii.  384. 

Ratherius,  bishop  of  Verona,  ii.  99. 

Ratramnus,  a  monk  of  Corbey,  ii.  32 ; 
against  transubstantiation,  46  ;  opposes 
the  doctrine  of  the  miraculous  delivery 
of  Mary,  49;  defends  Gottschalk,  51  ; 
opposes  the  Greeks,  140,  note  12. 

Ratzeburg,  bishopric  of,  founded,  ii.  406. 

i?az'e7ma,  exarchate  of,  i.  342;  bishops 
of,  independent,  376. 

Raymund,  Dapennafort,  ii.  252, 328  ;  Du 
Puy,  ii.  308  ;  VI.  count  of  Toulouse, 
384  seq. ;  VII.  387 ;  Roger,  385  ;  Lul- 
lus,  iii.  114. 

Realists,  ii.  312  ;  Realists  and  Nomina- 
lists, iii.  105  seq. 

Reform,  in  the  second  Period,  i.  308;  of 
the  convents,  iii.  286  seq. ;  of  the 
popes,  271  ;  attempts  at,  135,  341  ;  in 
Germany,  382. 

Regalia,  see  Jus  Regaliae. 

RegulcB,  cancelJarias,  iii.  50,  note  9. 

Relationship,  spiritual,  i.  351. 

Regula  fidei,  i.  98. 


434 


INDEX. 


Relics,  i.  285 ;  their  miraculous  power, 
350;  ii.  57,  124,  341;  iii.  118.  See 
Saints. 

i?e//g-ton,  religious  notions  of'the  ancients, 
i.  1()  seq.  ;  Tria  genei'a  tlieologia!,  21, 
note  5  ;  decline  ot,  under  (lie  emperors, 
23  ;  seciet  rites,  25  ;  I'cligious  educa- 
tion of  the  people,  iii.  318  seq. 

Retnbert,  prior  of  Wittenberg,  iii.  287, 
note  5. 

Remigius,  archbishop  of  Lyons,  ii.  52. 

Renatus,  duke  of  Lorraine,  iii.  236. 

Reuse,  diet  of,  iii.  30. 

Reservations,  papal,  iii.  48. 

Restriction  of  the  rights  of  public  in- 
struction, i.  66. 

Reuchlin,  John,  iii.  398,  406,  note  25. 

Rheims,  synods  at,  ii.  80,  82,  181,  318. 

Rhemuhuth,  (monks,)  i.  275. 

Rhodes,  hospitallers  there,  ii.  309. 

Riario,  Tirohimo,  iii.  230. 

Richard,  of  Cornwall,  ii.  227;  Coeur  de 
lion,  198  ;  a  St.  Victor,  319,  323  ;  arch- 
bisliop  of  Armagh,  iii.  89,  note. 

Robert,  Guiscard,  ii.  88,  168  seq. ;  of 
Abriscelles,  280;  abbot  of  Citeaux, 
281  ;  Pulleyn,  319  ;  of  Naples,  iii.  9  ; 
of  Sicily,  ii.  11,  note  4. 

Rode,  John,  iii.  287,  note  5. 

Roger,  oi  Sicily,  ii.  174;  Bacon,  325; 
Petr.,  iii.  95,  note  11. 

Rokyczana,  John,  iii.  367  seq. 

Romain,  Jean  de  S.,  iii.  229,  note  45. 

Rome,  church  of,  Potior  principalitas,  i. 
97,  note  2  ;  its  consequence  increased, 
103  ;  metropolitan,  153  ;  no  peculiar 
rights  conceded  to  it,  155,  166,  note 
15  ;  its  riches,  255,  note  2;  list  of  the 
Roman  bishops,  66,  255,  note  1  ;  336, 
note  2  ;  374,  note  3  ;  Episc,  episcopor. 
124,  note  4  ;  153,  note  6  ;  universalis, 
235,  note  17  ;  on  the  other  hand,  Gre- 
gory the  Great,  340,  note  20  ;  espe- 
cially, 343  ;  a  usual  title,  375 ;  y.oo- 
vif.laue  Twr  dvii><<->i,  260, note  18;  sub- 
ject to  no  earthly  tribunal,  339;  influ- 
ence of  the  Ostrogoth  kings  in  choice 
of,  340  ;  claims  denied  in  the  British 
church,  362  ;  their  consequence  in  the 
West,  370;  synods  at,  ii.  137, 139, 110, 
160. 
Roniualdus,  see  Camalducenses. 
Ronkal,  fields  of,  diet  at,  ii.  190. 
Rosary,  ii.  295  ;  brethren  of  the,  iii.  297, 

note  10. 
Roscellinus,  ii.  312. 

Rudolph,  duke  of  Suabia,  ii.  166  seq. ; 
of  Hapsburg,  234;  of  Worms,  iii.  221, 
note  30. 
Rufinus,  translator  of  Origcn,  i.  1-36,  note 
4  ;  history,  209  seq. ;  controversy  with 
Jerome,  214. 


Rugen,  island  of.  Christianized,  ii.  406. 
Rules  of  the  monastic  orders,  i.  9. 
Rupert,  abbot  of  Duytz,  ii.  329. 
Ruprecht,  eaiperoi',  iii.  162. 
Rus,  iNicii.,  iii.  382,  note  9. 
Russians,  convei-ted,  ii.   149. 
Rusticus,  Diaconus  at  Rome,  i.  326. 
Ruysbrceck,  John,  iii.  109. 
Ryd  de  Reen,  Herman,  iii.  279,  note  7. 


Sabatati,  ii.  377, 

Sabbath,  i.  107. 

Sabcllicus,  M.  A.,  iii.  233,  note  10. 

Sabellius,  i.  129. 

Saccas,  Anuuonius,  i.  111. 

Sachsenspiegel,  ii.  214. 

Sacra,  Peregiina,  forbidden,  i.  19 ;  ten- 
dency to,  55. 

Sacraments,  history  of,  ii.  330. 

Sacrifices,  human,  i.  17;  offerings  of 
the  Christians  at  the  Lord's  Supper, 
104  ;  at  the  graves  of  the  martyrs,  109  ; 
heathen  forbidden,  180,  186  seq. 

Sadducees,  i.  28  ;  averse  to  Christianity, 
48. 

Saints,  worship  of,  i.  283;  see  Martyrs, 
350  ;  ii.  57,  124,  340  ;  legends  of,  341  ; 
iii.  118. 

Samaritans,  i.  32  seq. ;  Christians  free 
from  the  prejudice  against  them,  48  ; 
confounded  with  them,  55. 

Samogitco,  iii.  151,  note  2. 

Samosatenes,  see  Paul. 

Sanij)sa;ans,  i.  62. 

Sancho,  first  king  of  Portugal,  ii.  206. 

Sancius,  Roderick,  iii.  263. 

Sanction,  see  Pragmatic  Sanction. 

Surabaites,  i.  275. 

Saracens,  iii.  8,  note  8. 

Sardica,  council  of,  i.  96;  sanctions  ap- 
peals to  the  bishop  of  Rome,  256. 

Sarmatio,  a  monk,  i.  310. 

Sarrazin,  John,  iii.  268,  note  23. 

Saturninus,  i.  88. 

Savonarola,  Jerome,  iii.  377. 

Saxons,  converted,  ii.  28. 

Sbynko,  archbishop  of  Prague,  iii.  345. 

Scara,  Colonua,  ii.  241,  249. 

Schistn,  definition  of,  i.  2;  papal  iii.  58. 

Scholastic  theology,  ii.  31 1 ;  iii.  104, 
307. 

Scholastics,  their  ethics,  ii.  327. 

Schools,  theological,  want  of,  in  second 
Period,  i.  331  ;  founded  by  Charle- 
magne, ii.  30 ;  triviura  quadrivium, 
31 ;  for  the  people,  34  ;  of  the  Arabs, 
101. 

Sclavonians,  converted,  ii.  128. 

Sclavonian,  translation  of  the  Bible,  130  ; 
opposition  to  their  ritual,  132  ;  permit- 
ted, 133,  note  17. 


INDEI. 


435 


Sr.otists,  ii.  326. 

Scythianus,  i.  133,  note  11. 

Sebastian,  canon  in  Erfurt,  iii.  332,  note 

30. 
Secunda  Secimdcc,  of  Thomas  Aquinas, 

ii.  328. 
Secundus,  an  Arian  bishop,  i.  194. 
Seldschucks,  ii.  171. 
Semgallen,  ii.  407. 
Semiarians,  i.  198. 
Semipehtgiatiism,  i.    227 ;    controversy 

renewed,  328. 
Sena,  Jac.  de,  iii.  59,  note  5. 
Sens,  synod  of,  ii.  315. 
Sarapis,  worship  of,  i.  186,  note  3  seq. 
Sergius,   patriarch  of  Constantinople,  i. 

366  ;  pope,  371 ;  Paulician,  ii.  8  ;  pope 

II.  19;  III.  78. 
Sermons,  ii.  348  ;  iii.  318. 
Severus,  bishop  of  Anlioch,  i.  320  ;  Sep- 

timius,  114;  Alexander,  115. 
Sextus,  Einpiricus,  i.  72. 
Shetland- Islands,  Christianity  introduc- 
ed there,  ii.  128. 
Shrines,  iii.  324. 
Sibylline  Siberti,  Jac,  iii.  279. 
Sicilian  code  of  laws,  iii,  214  ;  vespers, 

235. 
Sickingen,  Franz  von,  iii.  409. 
Siegfried,   archbishop   of  Mayence,   ii. 

161. 
Siegmund,  grand   duke  of  Austria,  iii. 

218. 
Sigismund,  emperor,  iii.  178  seq. 
Simeon,  the  Styhte,  i.  276, 290,  note  41 ; 

bishop  of  Jerusalem,  61 ;  Metaphras- 

tes,  ii.  149  ;  archbishop  of  Thessaloni- 

ca,  iii.  411,  note  1. 
Simon  Magus,  i.  34  ;  bishop  of  Seleucia, 

311;  of  Tournay,  ii.   322;  De  Mont- 
fort,     386 ;    Constantinople,    iii.    155, 

note  8. 
Simony,  in   Rome,  in  third  Period,  ii. 

261,  note  15. 
Sitis,  see    Penance ;  forgiveness  of,  ii. 

355. 
Siricius,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  279. 
Sirmium,  first  council  of,  i.  197;  second, 

198  ;  third,  199. 
Sisters  of  the  Free  Spirit,  ii.  403. 
Sixtus  IV.,  iii.  229  seq. 
Slaves,   amongst    the    heathen,    i.   17 ; 

amongst  the  Christians,  307. 
Sodalitia,  i.  20,  note  4. 
Soissons,  synod  of,  ii.  312,  314. 
Sophroniiis,  a  monk  of  Palestine,  i.  367. 
Soreth,  John,  iii.  294,  note. 
Sorores,  (subintroducta?,)  i.  172. 
Soul,    notions  concerning   its   condition 

after  death,  in  the  second  century,  i. 


100  ;  Origen's  views  of,  141 ;  Tertul- 
lian's,^149,  note^lO  ;  purgatory,  352. 

Spain,  persecution  of  the  Christians 
there,  ii.  55. 

Speculum,  Aureum,  by  whom  written, 
iii.  66,  note  8. 

Spirituales,  iii.  91. 

Spoliarum,  see  Jus. 

Spread  of  Christianity,  see  Progress. 

Sprenger,  Jac,  iii.  297,  note  10. 

Spurious  writings,  i.  99.  j 

Stotiones,  i.  107,  note  28. 

Stedinger,  ii.  390. 

Stephen,  first  martyr,  i.  48;  bishop  of 
Koine,  165;  king  of  England,  ii.  192; 
Langton,  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
206;  V.  pope,  77;  VI.  78;  king  of 
Hungary,  135  ;  of  Thiers,  founder  of 
the  order  of  Grammont,  280 ;  De  Bor- 
bone,  395. 

Stiekna,  iii.  136. 

Stoics,  i.  21. 

Strenceshalh,  synod  of,  (synodus  pharen- 
sis,)  i.  379. 

Studius,  i.  275. 

Stylites,  i.  345. 

Suburbicarian,  provinces,  i.  256. 

Sudarium,  Christi,  i.  45,  note  4. 

Suevi,  i.  312,  355. 

Suffragans,  ii.  274. 

Suidbert,  i.  382. 

Suidger,  afterwards  Clement,  ii.  84. 

Sumnia,  Astesana,  iii.  Ill  ;  Bartholina, 
ibid. 

Sunday,  i.  59,  107,  121 ;  bow  observed 
amongst  the  Manichaeans,  133. 

Suso,  iii.  109. 

Sutri,  synod  of,  ii.  84. 

Swedes,  converted,  ii.  29,  128. 

Swiss,  resist  the  papal  encroachments, 
iii.  76. 

Sword,  knights  of  the,  ii.  310,  407. 

Sybilline  oiacles,  i.  99. 

Sylvester,  pope,  ii.  82  ;  iii.  84. 

Sylvius,  see  .^neas. 

Symbolum,  (apostle's  creed,)  i.  52,  98  ; 
Athanaisan,  ii.  42.  See  Filioque. 

Symmachus,  Q.  A.,  i.  186. 

Synagogues,  i.  27  ;  allowed  in  Rome, 
30 ;  taken  by  the  Christians  as  the 
models  of  their  churches,  47. 

Synesius,i.  212;  excommunicates  a  pre- 
fect, 244,  note  6. 

Synods,  i.  102,  152  ;  fficumenical,  192, 
241  ;  first  at  Nice,  194  seq. ;  second  at 
Constantinople,  205  seq.  ;  third  at 
Ephesus,  234 ;  fourth  at  Chalcedon, 
240  ;  fifth  at  Constantinople,  325  seq. ; 
sixth  at  Constantinople,  368  ;  provin- 
cial synods,  250  ;  popes  subject  to  their 
authority,  340  ;  in  the  German  church, 


436 


356 ;  in  Constantinople,  ii.  4 ;  at 
Frankfort,  36,  44;  Aix,  42,  70;  at 
Mayence,  50;  Chiersy,  51 ;  Valence, 
51  ;  at  Metz,  71;  at  Soissons,  72;  at 
Duziacum,  74  ;  general  council  at 
Lyons,  220  ;  episcopal  inquisitorial,  iii. 
126. 
Syrian  theological  school,  i.  145,  note 
1 ;  209,  228. 


Tabenna,  seat  of  the  first  convent,  i. 
270. 

Taborites,  iii.  359  seq. 

Tacke,  Henry,  iii.  313. 

Tanchelm,  ii.  364. 

Tarasius,  patriarch  of  Constantinople,  ii. 
4. 

Tatian,  a  Syrian  Gnostic,'^!.  88 ;  his  apo- 
logy for  Christianity,  95. 

Tauter,  John,  iii.  109. 

Taxes,  paid  by  the  church  in  fourth  cen- 
tui-y,  i.  242  ;  to  the  pope  in  fburieeuth 
century,  iii.  54. 

Templars,  ii.  307  seq. ;  persecuted  by 
Philip  the  Fair,  iii.  3. 

Temples,  heathen,  destroyed,  i.  187; 
used  for  churches  in  Britain,  360,  note 
6. 

Tertiaries,  of  the  Franciscans,  ii.  290. 

Tertullian,  i.  124  seq. ;  on  the  mode  of 
the  being  of  God,  149,  note  10;  150, 
note  13'. 

Tetzel,  Jo.,  iii.  330,  note. 

Theodemir,  ii.  3S. 

Theoderich,  king  of  the  Ostrogoths,  i. 
336. 

Theodora,  empress,  i.  321. 

Theodora,  Greek  empress,  ii.  7. 

Theodoretus,  bishop  of  Cyrus,  i.  234, 
324. 

Theodorus,  bishop  of  Heraclea,  i.  209  ; 
bishop  of  Mopsuestia,  210  ;  his  confes- 
sion of  faith,  228,  note  2  ;  his  writings 
condemned,  324  ;  Ascidas,  320;  Lec- 
tor, 330  ;  archbishop  of  Canterbury, 
379  ;  his  liber  pcenitentialis,  381  ;  stu- 
dita,  ii.  6;  Balsamon,  411. 

TTieodosius  L,  i.  186  seq.  ;  204  seq. ; 
compelled  to  do  penance,  244,  note  6. 

Theodotus,  a  Monarchian,  i.  128. 

Theognis,  bishop  of  Nice,  an  Arian,  i. 
194. 

Theognostus,  a  follower  of  Oiigen,  i. 
143. 

T^eo^og-icaZ  sciences,  i.  191,  207,330; 
in  the  British  church,  380  ;  ii.  311 ;  iii 
105,  307. 

Theonas,  a  follower  of  Arian,  i.  194. 

Theopaschites,  a  sect  in  the  East,  i.  322 

Theophilus,  bishop  of  Antioch,  his  apol- 
ogy for  Christianity,  i.  95. 


Theophylactus,  archbishop  of  Bulgaria, 

ii.  410. 
Therapenfa,  i,  32;  brought  forward  as 

Christians,  273,  note  13. 
Thesaurus,    supererogationis    perfecto- 

rum,  ii.  358. 
Thietgaiid,  archbishop  of  Triei-s,  ii.  71. 
Thomas,  the  Apostle,  amongst  the  Par- 

thians,  i.    55;  in   India,  353,   note  3; 

Thomas  Christians,  237  ;  of  Aquino,  ii. 

294,  324  ;  his  opusc.  cont.  Gra-c.  413; 

see  a  Kenqiis ;   De    Rennes,  iii.    283, 

note  ;   De  Torquenada,   335  ;  Walden- 

sis,  149. 
Tho7nists,  ii.  326. 
Tiberianus,  his  Relatio  ad  Traj.  i.  61, 

note  2. 
Timothy,  Paul's  companion,  i.  50  ;  iElu- 

rus,  317  ;  aa/.o(fuyui?.og  ;  318. 
Tiridates,  king  of  Armenia,  i.  311. 
Tithes,  iii.  55 ;  see  Clergy. 
Tolerance,  religious,  of  the  Romans,  i.  19 

seq. ;  towards  the  Jews,  30  seq.  ;   not 

extended  to  the  Christians,  35  ;  Gallie- 

nus'  toleration  laws,  117,  note  14  ;  uni- 
versal  under  Constant,    and  Licinius, 

119. 
Tolomei,  Jo.,  founder  of  the  Olivetans, 

iii.  97. 
Torquemada,   see  Thomas  and  Turre- 

cremata. 
Tostatus,  Alphonso,  iii.  258. 
Toulouse,  council  of,  ii.  388. 
Tours,  council  of,  iii.  245. 
Tradition,  rejected  by  Tertullian,  i.  147, 

note  3  ;  traditional  theologians,  212. 
Traditores,  i.  118. 
Tradux  peccati,  i.  218. 
Treuga  Dei,  (truce  of  God,)  i.  118. 
Triers,    disputed    choice  of    bishop   of, 

ii.  196  seq. 
Trinity,  i.  323,  note  2 ;  329.  See  Anus. 
Trishagion,  i.  318. 
Trithemius,  iii.  161. 
Triumphus,  Augustinus,  iii.  18. 
Troyes,  synod  of,  ii.  307. 
TruUus,  council  of  the,  i.  370. 
Tschinggischan,  (Gengis  Khan,)  ii.  408. 
Turrecremata,  iii.  262,  note  13. 
Turrianus,  Philip,  iii.  332,  note  30. 
Turlupines,  iii.  131. 
Tuscany,  league  of,  ii.  202. 
Twinger,  Jac,  iii.  1. 
Typiis,  of  Constaus,  11.,  i.  369. 

U. 

Ubertinus,   de   Casali,   ii.   305;  iii.    15, 

note  13. 
Ulfitas,  bishop  of  the  Visigoths,  i.  312. 
Ulrich,   von   Hutten,  iii.  408;  of  Wur- 

temberg,  294,  note  19  ;  Episc.  Verden- 

sis,  162,  note  3. 


INDEX. 


437 


Unam  sanctam,  bull,  ii.  246. 

Unction,  previous  to  baptism,  i.  294. 

Universal  history,  i.  6  ;  of  the  Christian 
church,  4. 

Universities,  first,  ii.  313  ;  their  import- 
ance, iii.  71 ;  resistance  to  the  mendi- 
cant orders,  88. 

Urban,  popes,  II.,  Ii.  170  seq. ;  411 ; 
III.  193;  IV.  226. 

Utraquists,  iii.  360. 

V. 

Vacant  places  filled  by  the  popes,  iii. 

180. 
Valens,   emperor,  i.    105;    opposed    to 

Monachism,  272. 
Vahntinian   I.    i.   184;    II.  186;  III. 

declares  the  bishop  of  Rome  the  head 

of  the  Western  church,  269. 
Valerian,  i.  116. 
Valla,  Laurentiiis,  iii.  261. 
Vallombrosa,  order  of,  ii.  122. 
Vandals,  Arians,  i.  312. 
Vargas,  Martin  de,  iii.  202,  note  16. 
Vercilla,  synod  of,  ii.  103. 
Verdun,  treaty  of,  ii.  19. 
Vergilius,  Polydorus,  iii.  385,  note  14. 
Verona,  league  of,  ii.  191. 
Veronica,  i.  45,  note  4. 
Vespers,  iii.  315. 
Vicelin,  ii.  406. 
Victor,  bishop  of  Rome,  in  controversy 

concerning  the  celebration  of  Easter, 

i.  126 ;  bishop  of  Tunnuna,   326 ;  II. 

88;    III.   170;    IV.    195;    St.    Hugo, 

Richard,  and  Walter,  ii.  319  seq. 
Vienna,  diet  of,  iii.  218,  note  27. 
Vigilantius,  presbyter  of  Barcelona,  i. 

310. 
Vigilius,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  323. 
Vilani,  Giovanni,  Matteo,  and  Filippo, 

iii.  1. 
Vincentius,  Lirinensis,  Semi-Pelagian, 

i.  227. 
Vindelicia,  Christianized  in  first  Period, 

i.  123. 
Virtue,  a  different  kind  required  of  the 

clergy  and  of  the  laity,  i.  298,  305. 
Viscsnte,  iii.  40  seq. 
Visigoths,  Christianized,  i.  312. 
Vitoduranus,  iii.  1. 
Vivarium,  convent  of,  i.  347. 
Vrie,  Theodoric,  iii.  167. 

W. 

Wadstena,  convent  of,  iii.  98. 
Waldenses,  ii.  376  seq.  ;  in    thirteenth 
century,  398  seq. ;  iii.  127. 


Wazon,  bishop  of  Liege,  ii.  154. 

Wenceslaus,  St.,  ii.  132. 

Wends,  converted,  ii.  134,  405. 

Wesel,  John  de,  iii.  383. 

Wessel,  John,  iii.  388. 

Western  church,  ii.  9,64;  controversy 
with  the  Greek  church,  136  ;  final  se- 
paration, 147. 

T\^ite  brethren,  iii.  134. 

Wiching,  bishop  of  Neitra,  ii.  131. 

Wicliffe,  John,  iii.  141  seq. 

Wigelius,  (Weigel,)  iii.  324,  note  15. 

Wigornia,  (Worcester,)  great  synod  at, 
i.  362. 

Willebrord,  bishop  of  Utrecht,  i.  381. 

William,  abbot  of  Hirschau,  ii.  122  ;  de 
Nogaret,  249  ;  de  Champeaux,  313. 

Wilsnack,  miracle  of  the  holy  blood 
there,  iii.  313. 

Winchester,  synod  of,  ii.  169. 

Winfried,  see  Boniface. 

Wiriterthur,  John  de,  iii.  1. 

Wirth,  Wigard,  iii.  318,  note  20. 

Witiza,  king  of  the  Visiijoths,  i.  378. 

Wittekind,  baptized,  ii.  28. 

Wladimir,  converted,  ii.  149. 

Wladislaus,  iii.  371. 

Worship,  o{  the  early  Christians,  i.  59, 
167;  nightly,  103;  in  the  second 
Period,  281  ;  vigils,  293 ;  history  of, 
continued,  349;  ii.  57,  124,  330;  iii. 
115,  311;  of  saints,  i.  282  seq.;  see 
Martyrs,  350  ;  ii.  57,  124,  340  ;  sing- 
ing in  the  churches,  i.  58  ;  sermons,  ii. 
.348 ;  iii.  318. 

Worms,  synods  at,  ii.  163;  Concord, 
Wormet,  181;  iii.  218. 

Wunschelberg,  John,  iii.  313,  note  8. 


Xenajas,  or  Philoxenus,  bishop  of  Ma- 
bag,  i.  320. 


Yvonetus,    against    the    Waldenses,  ii. 
395. 

Z. 

Zacharias,  Rhetor.,  i.  330. 

Zeilsheim,  treaty  of,  iii.  222,  note  31. 

Zeitz,  bishopric  of,  ii.  134. 

Zeno,  Isauricus,  emperor,  i.  318. 

Ziska,  John,  iii.  359  seq. 

Zizi7n,  iii.  236. 

Zosimus,  bishop  of  Rome,  i.  176,  note 2; 

in  the  Pelagian  controversy,  220. 
Zwestriones,  iii.  100,  note  5. 


ERRATA. 


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